[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 64 (Wednesday, May 5, 1999)]
[House]
[Pages H2771-H2772]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SUPPORT A RESOLUTION CONCERNING THE CONFLICT IN THE BALKANS AND HOW
THAT CONFLICT SHOULD BE CONDUCTED
(Mr. BATEMAN asked and was given permission to address the House for
1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. BATEMAN. Madam Speaker, we have stumbled through, I think, inept
decision-making into a conflict in the Balkans. Last Wednesday we
debated that issue. At the end of the day we had declared no policy,
approved no policy, condemned no policy. I think that is an evasion of
our moral, if not constitutional, responsibility.
So today, I will introduce a resolution which seeks to declare a
policy with reference to that conflict and how it should be conducted,
as well as how the cost of it should be borne and shared among our
allies, and how we should deal with the question of indicted war
criminals as a part of any agreement, and termination of that conflict.
I solicit the review and hopefully the co-patronage of this resolution
by my colleagues.
The United States Congress has been debating whether and to what
extent our country should be involved in the conflict between NATO and
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. I cannot find words strong enough
to condemn the miserable performance of the Congress thus far. No
American to date knows whether the Congress of the United States
approves or condemns the policy of the Commander in Chief. Our fellow
citizens will not know, because we as their collective national
leadership have steadfastly refused to either approve or disapprove,
condemn or condone, any policy. We have done this even in the context
of a solemn debate by some about our constitutional responsibility and
the War Powers Act.
Last week we ensured that the House of Representatives would bear no
responsibility
[[Page H2772]]
for the military action against Yugoslavia. We declared no policy, we
disapproved of no policy. We didn't accept the reality that our nation
has led the NATO alliance into a conflict. By a majority vote, we
asserted that our Commander in Chief could not commit ground forces--
whatever that means--without our specific prior approval. We then by a
tie vote failed to approve even the continuation of the ongoing
conflict into which we had been injected by our President.
I cannot tell you how much I have agonized over the sorry, inept, and
clumsy failure of those who determine our national security policy in
this latest phases of the ongoing Balkan crisis. Even the prior
Administration, so confident during the Gulf War, failed to lead when
it could and should have in the Balkans.
Without direction or credible leadership we have become deeply
embroiled in this conflict. We are without any clear delineation of the
reason or importance of our being involved or of what represents a
successful conclusion to the conflict. We are in this conflict with an
announced policy that we will not commit ground forces, a position that
serves our enemy's interest but undermines our objectives, whatever
they are. I submit that it is the height of irresponsibility for the
Congress of the United States to abdicate their responsibility to
either approve or disapprove a Kosovo policy.
If the President and his, to use the most charitable reference,
``national security team'' have produced a national policy disaster, we
should say so. We should not evade the issue. If the administration is
correct in its assertion that the barbarism attributed to the
leadership of Yugoslavia demands a military response, we should endorse
this conclusion.
There are those whose political judgement tells them Congress should
not act on this matter, because if we do, we might have to assume
responsibility. I categorically object to any such notion. Our
President may have failed to call upon the Congress to support his
policy in the Balkans, but the Congress has a duty to speak out anyway.
We have a constitutional duty whether the President ask us for our
approval or not. Perhaps the constitutional duty is higher when the
President seeks to evade us and his policy is muddled.
Last Wednesday, I voted no on all four resolutions regarding the
conflict against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. I seriously
considered voting no even on the Rule regarding our debate, because
under the Rule, we could not make, approve or disapprove any policy. We
trivialized the role of the Congress and that is fraught with dire
consequences for the future.
The Congress of the United States makes policy and our politics ought
to crystallize conflicting views of good or bad policy. Last week we
failed in this. For this reason I am offering a joint resolution
regarding the conflict in the Balkans.
The resolution is critical of how we came to the sorry choices before
us, but recognizes that our country is confronted with certain
realities which it must confront. The choice the resolution makes is to
give congressional authorization to the ongoing military conflict
against the regime of Slobodan Milosevic. It does not presume to give
political guidance to how the conflict is waged and bespeaks a concern
only that it be waged with sound military judgement, consistent with
the earliest victory and least casualties.
Most importantly, it enunciates a policy and identifies goals, which
if correct fully justify our involvement and leadership into this
conflict. If not correct, clearly the resolution should not be
supported and should fail. How dare we, on a matter of such
consequence, stand by and declare neither war nor even any policy. Are
not our armed forces entitled to know that their Congress approves or
disapproves of what they are doing on the orders of our Commander in
Chief? Certainly they must hope that the elected representatives of our
people will not choose to abdicate their responsibility.
The resolution I offer speaks to the financial burden of this
conflict in the bosom of Europe, and asserts a policy that the costs
should be fairly allocated among the entire NATO alliance.
My resolution also asserts that any agreement that concludes this
unhappy chapter in our history should exempt no one from prosecution
who is or may be indicted by the appropriate judicial authority as a
war criminal.
It is not an easy resolution. It is not meant as political
confrontation. It nonetheless confronts all of us with the inescapable
duty to declare a policy and decide whether we should be involved in,
go forward with, or repudiate our involvement in the ongoing conflict
with Yugoslavia.
Oh, yes the choices are not easy, but how dare we not even make a
choice and deign to call ourselves the elected representatives of our
people.
I solicit your advice and would appreciate your cosponsorship of this
resolution.
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