[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 56 (Thursday, April 22, 1999)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4140-S4141]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
KOSOVO
Ms. LANDRIEU. Mr. President, on the eve of the gathering of all of
NATO to celebrate the successful completion of our first 50 years, I
wanted to take this opportunity to comment on the current situation in
Europe.
As you know, we are blessed to live in a country which enjoys a
deeply rooted democracy and a deeply rooted sense of equality. However,
these same characteristics and qualities which make America a model for
the world also present very real challenges in times like these.
It is often said that the most difficult task for any democracy is
deciding to go to war. The reasons are self-evident. When you live in a
nation that believes all people are created equal, how do you ask some
citizens to sacrifice so much so that others may continue to enjoy
their freedom? When you live in a nation where human life is sacred,
where, in fact each individual life has dignity, how do you build a
consensus for the sacrifices that may be necessary to achieve the
victory that we hope for?
The task is even more complex when the challenge to American freedom
is more indirect, as it is in this case. We have confronted this
reality since the beginning of the war in Kosovo. No one in America
believes that Serbia intends to invade the United States. We will never
look out of the window and see Yugoslavian tanks driving down
Pennsylvania Avenue to squelch American liberties. It remains, then,
for those of us in the leadership of this Nation who support NATO
operations in Kosovo to explain why we are prepared to ask American
troops to make the sacrifices that may be necessary, in this seemingly
remote and distant land.
I believe there is one central reason that justifies our actions, and
that is the price, the tremendous price, we have already paid for
freedom in America and in Europe.
[[Page S4141]]
Our parents' generation and their parents were asked to risk their
lives to fundamentally alter the way the world operates. In World War
I, President Wilson asked our grandparents to fight to make the world
``safe for democracy,'' and they did. In World War II, when fascism
threatened to conquer the democracies of Europe, President Roosevelt
asked America to become ``the arsenal of democracy,'' and we were.
During the cold war, President Kennedy called on Americans to ``pay any
price, to bear any burden,'' to meet the threat of communism, and we
have. Finally, President Reagan said insisted that we ``tear down that
wall,'' and it was.
We emerged victorious from World Wars I and II, as well as the cold
war, but not without a price. American blood was spilled in the
trenches of World War I and on the beaches of Normandy during World War
II. Americans fought and died in Korea and Vietnam to contain communism
during the Cold War. So, for more than three generations, Americans
have been making the sacrifices necessary to change the world in which
we live and to maintain democracy in Europe and, yes, indeed, to help
spread it throughout the entire world.
It is important to remember that this sacrifice has not been in vain.
It is easy today to be cynical about human nature and the prospects for
lasting peace in Europe. After all, these feuds in Europe predated
America's existence by many centuries. But to dwell on the worst
instincts of Europe and Western civilization is to ignore the very real
progress and the tremendous victories that have been made possible by
our allied unity and American intervention.
Who would have imagined that in a little over 50 years, since the end
of World War II, bitter enemies like France and Germany, England and
Italy, would be joined by a common currency, a common market, and a
pledge to defend one another against a common enemy? It was the
sacrifice of many, including Americans, that made it possible for
Europe to turn its back on a history of bloody conflict and embrace a
vision for peace and democracy across its great continent.
Ironically, as NATO expands to the east and the European Union
incorporates still more of Europe, we are faced with a war in
Yugoslavia that threatens to undo all of this good work. It is ironic
because that is how this century began, with an act of violence from
Serbia which sparked a world war.
The President is fond of saying that the war in Kosovo will either be
the last war of the 20th century or the first war of the 21st. What I
believe he is trying to say is, that we can defeat Milosevic and give
meaning to nearly 100 years of American struggle and effort to bring
peace to Europe and secure the gains of our parents and grandparents,
or we can turn our backs on their sacrifice, ignore the human tragedy,
ignore the tremendous financial investment that has already been made.
Then we will hope against our experience that the conflict in Kosovo
will simply fade away.
Many have remarked that the 20th century has been the most bloody in
human history. It is hard to verify such claims. Nevertheless, it is
true that we live in an era where the efficiency of industry and
technology has been matched, unfortunately, by our expert ability to
kill one another. We must, however, stay the course and join with our
NATO allies to finish our work and eliminate military aggression and
ethnic cleansing as a legitimate tool of national policy.
There is a sleepy little town in Austria, near the German border
called Branau am Inn. It is not one of those towns at the crossroads of
Europe; it is not the home of kings and emperors. In fact, no one in
Branau, if it were not for a small event, no one in the world would
have ever heard of Branau. But it is the birthplace of Adolf Hitler.
The sad legacy of this town is not marked with any great monument.
Instead, above the home where Hitler was born, two simple words are
written: Never again.
Those two words represent a solemn pledge that this country and all
civilized nations made at the close of World War II: Never again would
we stand idly by while innocent men, women, and children were
massacred. Never again would we allow a nation to invade its neighbors
without consequences.
Some of my colleagues here in the Senate are consistently remind us
that Kosovo is not the Holocaust. I agree. What has occurred in the
last few months, does not yet compare to the crimes the Nazi's
perpetrated. But this is a senseless justification for inaction. Should
we wait for another Holocaust to occur before we act decisively? What,
then, is the point of action? How many children must be traumatized?
How many homes need to be destroyed? How many women need to be victims
of brutality before we can act? I say the words ``never again'' mean
that we should not wait and we will be decisive in our action. That is
why I support using whatever means is necessary to accomplish the goal
set out by NATO. The President and our NATO allies believe we can
achieve this purpose through air attacks. I certainly hope this is
correct. But I also agree with many of my colleagues, led by Senators
McCain and Biden, that we cannot rule out other measures that can
assure our victory and success. I am proud to join them in cosponsoring
an important resolution that they introduced earlier this week, which
seeks to give the President the authority and tools necessary to win
this war. I urge my colleagues to consider joining with us to send this
powerful and much-needed message of resolve during the conflict.
The only way that we can have peace in the Balkans is for people like
Milosevic and the thugs underneath him to understand that there are
real and personal consequences for their barbaric atrocities.
The reports are very disturbing and it is very hard for me to repeat
them. I predict, unfortunately, that more and more horror stories will
be appear in our papers, as more survivors escape to tell their
stories. As NATO spokesman, Jamie Shea, explained, the Serbs are
engaging in a sort of ``human safari" where they methodically flush out
their victims from their homes using tear gas and herd them like
animals out of Kosovo. There have been repeated reports of the
systematic rape of girls and women. Very conservative NATO estimates
indicate that over 100,000 people have simply disappeared, many of them
men who have been separated from their families--probably many to their
early deaths. When we pledged ``never again,'' these were the sorts of
atrocities that we were talking about.
As a result of these reports that, I intend to introduce a resolution
in the Senate calling on the President to ask for war crimes
indictments against the Serbian leadership before the International
Criminal Tribunal for the former republic of Yugoslavia. The chief
prosecutor has already announced that the jurisdiction of the tribunal
extends to Kosovo.
We must ask ourselves what kind of situation will we have
if Milosevic and his allies go unpunished. Will we have another rogue
nation, this time in the heart of Europe, with little else motivating
them besides age-old desires for revenge and an interest in interfering
with the stability and prosperity of the United States and the entire
European continent? We simply cannot allow another Iraq in the middle
of Europe. One of the central tenets of our policy must be that these
individuals will be brought to justice. Only then will these hundreds
of thousands of refugees have any chance of returning to their homes.
Only then will we have peace and democracy in the Former Republic of
Yugoslavia, and only then will we have at least begun to live up to our
solemn promise of ``never again.'' I wish the best of success for the
gathering here in Washington of our NATO allies.
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