Congressional Record, Volume 145 Issue 54 (Tuesday, April 20, 1999)

[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 54 (Tuesday, April 20, 1999)]
[House]
[Pages H2171-H2177]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

RECOGNIZING HISTORIC SIGNIFICANCE OF FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF GOOD FRIDAY
PEACE AGREEMENT

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and
agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 54) recognizing the
historic significance of the first anniversary of the Good Friday Peace
Agreement, as amended.
The Clerk read as follows:

H. Con. Res. 54

Whereas Ireland has a long and tragic history of civil
conflict that has left a deep and profound legacy of
suffering;
Whereas since 1969 more than 3,200 people have died and
thousands more have been injured as a result of political
violence in Northern Ireland;
Whereas a series of efforts by the Governments of the
Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom to facilitate
peace and an announced cessation of hostilities created an
historic opportunity for a negotiated peace;
Whereas in June 1996, for the first time since the
partition of Ireland in 1922, representatives elected from
political parties in Northern Ireland pledged to adhere to
the principles of nonviolence and commenced talks regarding
the future of Northern Ireland;
Whereas the talks greatly intensified in the spring of 1998
under the chairmanship of former United States Senator George
Mitchell;
Whereas the active participation of British Prime Minister
Tony Blair and Irish Taoiseach Bertie Ahern was critical to
the success of the talks;
Whereas on Good Friday, April 10, 1998, the parties to the
negotiations each made honorable compromises to conclude a
peace agreement for Northern Ireland, which has become known
as the Good Friday Peace Agreement;
Whereas on Friday, May 22, 1998, an overwhelming majority
of voters in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of
Ireland approved by referendum the Good Friday Peace
Agreement;
Whereas the United States must remain involved politically
and economically to ensure the long-term success of the peace
agreement; and
Whereas on Good Friday, April 2, 1999, a one-year deadline
passed without agreement among all major parties, putting the
entire peace process in jeopardy: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate
concurring), That the Congress--
(1) recognizes the historic significance of the first
anniversary of the Good Friday Peace Agreement;
(2) salutes British Prime Minister Tony Blair and Irish
Taoiseach Bertie Ahern and the elected representatives of the
political parties in Northern Ireland for creating the
opportunity for a negotiated peace;
(3) commends Senator George Mitchell for his leadership on
behalf of the United States in guiding the parties toward
peace;
(4) congratulates the people of the Republic of Ireland and
of Northern Ireland for their courageous commitment to work
together in peace;
(5) encourages the Governments of the United Kingdom and
the Republic of Ireland with the active involvement of the
United States to continue to work together to ensure the
forward movement of the peace process; and
(6) reaffirms the bonds of friendship and cooperation that
exist between the United States and the Governments of the
Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom, which ensure that
the United States and those Governments will continue as
partners in peace.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Smith) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith).
(Mr. SMITH of New Jersey asked and was given permission to revise and
extend his remarks.)

General Leave

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that
all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and
extend their remarks on the measure now under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New Jersey?
There was no objection.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, next week the British and Irish governments will resume
talks with the major political parties of Northern Ireland in an
attempt to move the promises held in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, to
try to move them from good rhetoric to actual implementation.
This resolution that is being offered by the gentleman from New York
(Mr. Crowley) is really a message of encouragement and hope. It urges
all those who have worked so hard to achieve the Good Friday Agreement
on paper to now rededicate themselves to the actual implementation of
its provisions so that peace and justice will take root in the north of
Ireland.
Last year, by overwhelming majorities, the people of Ireland, both
north and south, embraced the ideals put forth by this peace agreement.
Only

[[Page H2172]]

those who are enemies of peace and justice in Northern Ireland could be
content with the prospect that the agreement may be stalled or parked
as a result of new time lines and deadlines injected into the process.
Instead, as friends of Northern Ireland and sponsors of this
resolution, we call on the leaders of all parties to move beyond the
current impasse, to stick to the agreement as approved, resist
renegotiating or clarifying the promises it holds, and do whatever can
be done to ensure that the guarantee of fundamental human rights for
both communities of Northern Ireland remains the driving force behind
all that is done and worked for.
When the guarantee of fundamental human rights supersedes all other
negotiation considerations, then we will see a just and lasting peace
take hold in the north of Ireland.
This resolution puts us on record as saying go forward, and I want to
commend the gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley) for his sponsorship
of this very timely and important resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Neal).
(Mr. NEAL of Massachusetts asked and was given permission to revise
and extend his remarks.)
Mr. NEAL of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, I want to also thank the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley) and say that in the short period
of time that he has been here he has been able to raise the profile of
these kinds of issues. I think it is a testament to how successful and
effective he has been in this short period of time.
I certainly want to thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith)
as well for the Rosemary Nelson, I think, opportunity where we could
shed some light on that issue for the world to indeed see.
While we celebrate the first anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement
in the north of Ireland, an agreement which people in the north of
Ireland and the Republic of Ireland have now offered their support for,
we nonetheless, I think, have to call attention to the 1-year
anniversary in this sense: The people voted for an agreement which is
historic in nature. This problem, again the longest standing political
dispute in the history of the Western world, begins in geography eight
centuries ago, certainly was reinforced during the Reformation, but
during the last 30 years it has been a battle about civil rights.
What I think is significant about the Good Friday Agreement is that
again both communities in the north of Ireland, both traditions, voted
for the agreement. So we ask ourselves today, why has it not been
implemented as the people voted?
The answer is this: Because once again the unionist community has
said the famous word ``no''. They are now suggesting that because
decommissioning has not taken place from the Irish Republican Army,
that in fact that is the reason not to proceed with the agreement.
Now, let me say this. After both traditions voted for this agreement,
decommissioning was supposed to take place simultaneously to, not in
advance of, the institutions of governance being put in place.
What is striking about this current disagreement is this: All parties
agreed to decommission in the month of May in the year 2000.
So now what we are seeing is, all parties have gotten to the goal
line, and at the goal line David Trimble and the unionist community
have essentially said, no, there was no touchdown scored; we are going
to move the goalpost back.
The signal that that sends to the nationalist community is the
historic reinforcement that no matter what is done, it is not good
enough; that if we are not arguing today about decommissioning we will
be arguing tomorrow about how to fly which flag. We will be arguing
again about what the schools are to be like, and just wait until we get
to that issue of the role that Dublin is going to play in the day-to-
day affairs of the north.

{time} 1630

If we think that we are now at impasse, believe me, that is the next
unionist position that they will reinforce.
David Trimble typically contributes to his own political problems by
reminding everybody how difficult it is. If one wants to be the prime
minister of the north of Ireland, one has to be the leader of all of
the people. Forty-one percent of the people in America voted against
Bill Clinton. He is still President of the United States. That is the
notion of democracy. The greater number decide. That is precisely what
we subscribe to here in our democratic ideals.
So why is it after there has been an agreement and the public has
ratified the agreement, bringing that island closer to peace than they
have been at any time in the last 30 years, does one party once again
have the ability to veto what people have voted for?
I would call upon Prime Minister Blair, who by the way I think
deserves some credit, the Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, and certainly Bill
Clinton who deserves credit as well, to say to the unionist community,
``We are going to proceed with the implementation of this agreement. On
a prescribed date, we hope you are on board, because this is what the
people voted for.'' That is the path that we should be traveling down;
not once again to say, ``Here is an agreement ratified by the public,''
only have to a small number of people say, ``That cannot be,'' after it
has been duly ratified by the voting public.
As those old visions and bad feelings sunset on that tiny island, I
think we have an opportunity here to set an agenda where both
traditions can live in accord. But we cannot do it if one party always
says no. We cannot do it if one party simply says, yes, but. We cannot
do it if one party says that our tradition somehow allows us to lord
over the other tradition. In the end, that only generates bad feeling
and it generates lasting feelings that cannot be overcome.
Let me close on this simple note. John Hume said it best, the Nobel
Prize winning John Hume. He said, at the end of the day, what we all
ought to be able to come to accord on is an agreed upon Ireland, and
that should be the goal of all of us.
I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley) and I thank the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and I thank the gentleman from
New Jersey (Mr. Payne), who have traveled therewith, for their
visionary leadership on this issue. Indeed, there is an opportunity to
make the implementation of this historic accord stick.
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Payne).
(Mr. PAYNE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, let me compliment the gentleman from New York
(Mr. Crowley) for taking this time and handling this very important
bill.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to rise today in support of the
continuation of the peace process in the north of Ireland. I must begin
by complimenting President Clinton, because it was his decision to
allow Jerry Adams and the Sinn Fein organization to visit the United
States after many years of being refused a visa, and that began to get
the other side and the story of the work that was being done by the
political wing of the movement in the north of Ireland.
Also, I have to compliment the skills and the patience and the
deliberation of Senator George Mitchell for his work of for years
forging an agreement between the parties. People who said they would
never sit down together sat down and worked together, and I must
compliment the people of the north of Ireland and Ireland for
overwhelmingly approving the referendum that came to the agreement of
the Good Friday Accords.
The Good Friday Accords were promulgated nearly a year ago this April
with the best intent in mind: To end the authoritative rule and
domination of the Protestant party over minority Catholics. It gave
Catholics a real voice, for once, by ending three decades of conflict
in the north of Ireland.
I became very interested and involved because as a youngster I was
involved in the civil rights movement in this country, and I emulated
and felt very close to the movement in the north of Ireland because of
the same obstacles and the same freedom songs

[[Page H2173]]

that they sang about ``We Shall Overcome.'' So I became very involved
as a young person in the struggle there.
But it will be two years this July since I went and spent time in the
north of Ireland and had the opportunity to see for myself the violence
and the killings associated with the Orange Order march in the village
of Drumcree where I stayed, right there in the center of town. I also
had the opportunity to visit the north of Ireland and Ireland with
President Clinton on his historic trip back to that region.
The celebration of the victory of William of Orange, in which Irish
land was seized and confiscated, is an assault to Catholics everywhere.
Sadly, this parade glorifies a part of history and is provocative in
its nature, and I have seen the walls that they marched down and threw
pennies on both sides of the area, which just provokes people.
I believe that the political prisoner release of paramilitary groups
on both sides was a good issue. I know that Tony Blair is receiving
pressure to overturn this rule. I think it would be a very bad
precedent for all involved if it was overturned.
In the same light, I know that the decommissioning issue was one of
the last things discussed before all parties made the last push toward
peace. We cannot allow decommissioning to be used as a wedge to keep
Jerry Adams and Sinn Fein out of the government. Decommissioning of
paramilitary weapons will take place, but I think we know that
disarming the paramilitaries is going to be a very difficult task. This
was never a precondition of power-sharing.
But let me say this: The peace agreement does not explicitly require
a start on disarmament, but the politics of the accord compel it. I
will hope that this could be worked out soon because we must have
decommissioning, but it should not be a precondition.
If it is not, we are faced with confronting Bloody Sunday all over
again in the future. We have gone too far, we have worked too hard, we
have pushed too long to allow this. So this is the stakes that we all
must make to ensure that peace in the north of Ireland becomes a
reality and irreversible.
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I introduced H. Con. Res. 54 with the intent to honor
and celebrate as a Congress the one-year anniversary of the Good Friday
Peace Accord and the involvement of the United States Senate majority
leader, George Mitchell; our President, Bill Clinton; Irish Taoiseach
Bertie Ahern; and British Prime Minister Tony Blair for their work in
securing this important and historic agreement.
In particular, recognition has to be given to Senator George
Mitchell. This peace agreement would not have been possible without his
involvement, and also without the support of our President, Bill
Clinton.
On May 22, 1998, an overwhelming majority of voters in Northern
Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approved the referendum to support
the Good Friday peace agreement and establish a Northern Ireland
Assembly. Unfortunately, though, the peace process has been dealt some
recent setbacks.
The demand by unionist forces that Sinn Fein unilaterally
decommission one year ahead of schedule before taking seats in the
Northern Ireland Assembly has stalled the peace process. On Good Friday
of this year, peace talks were suspended. The same happened again when
talks in London were suspended. The outlook is not very optimistic.
Today's Washington Post quotes Sinn Fein leader Jerry Adams as saying,
``The Good Friday Peace Agreement is in free fall.''
Mr. Speaker, the United States and the Republic of Ireland and the
United Kingdom have invested too much to let this delicate peace
agreement fall apart. Without a resolution between all parties, the
peace process will come to a halt and the Northern Ireland Executive
will not be established.
There is talk of closing down the Northern Ireland Assembly of 108
elected members until all parties can come to an agreement. This latest
setback comes at a very terrible time. Weighing heavily is the fact
that we are fast approaching the start of the Protestant Orange Order
marching season, which acts as a catalyst for sectarian violence in the
north of Ireland.
Now, let me say that my resolution does not attempt to take sides in
the dispute over decommissioning and the seating of the Northern
Ireland Executive, but rather commemorates the one-year anniversary of
the Good Friday Peace Accord. I personally believe that Sinn Fein and
Jerry Adams have been honest peace brokers in the peace process, and I
find it troubling that David Trimble and the Ulster unionists have
added preconditions to this agreement. They are holding hostage the
people of Northern Ireland's right to determine their own local
government and establishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly's
Executive.
Again, Mr. Speaker, my resolution does not attempt to speak on the
subject of who is or is not to blame for the recent stall in progress.
My resolution does attempt to speak loudly as a Congress and as a
country that the United States is committed to working with both the
Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom to ensure the success of the
peace process in Northern Ireland.
Mr. Speaker, we cannot sit idly by while the peace process in
Northern Ireland comes to a halt. I am disheartened that instead of
celebrating, we are admonishing the parties to come back to the
bargaining table, to understand that peace will bring prosperity to
their children and to their children's children.
Making peace is difficult. It involves sacrifice, it involves hard
work, and it involves dedication. As someone who has worked in a former
career in the State Assembly of New York and has been involved all my
life in Irish affairs, and whose mother is from Northern Ireland, I
personally know how important the Good Friday Peace Accord was and
still is to those who live in Northern Ireland, as well as to Irish
throughout the world.
As conflicts rage around the world, especially in Kosovo, we must not
forget about Northern Ireland and the work that had been done and the
work that will continue to be done to bring peace to this troubled
region. This resolution, which has 107 cosponsors, intends to move the
peace process forward beyond this temporary hurdle and reaffirms the
support of the Congress to the peace process as well as the work of all
parties in establishing and securing a long-lasting peace in Northern
Ireland.
In closing, I want to thank my colleagues and my cochair of the
congressional ad hoc committee again, the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Gilman); the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson), the ranking
member; the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal); the gentleman from
New York (Mr. King); the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), and all
who have worked on bringing peace to Northern Ireland.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, and I
reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may
consume to the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Walsh).
Mr. WALSH. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey for
yielding me this time and for the leadership that he has provided on
this most important of issues in our international relations. I would
also like to thank my colleague, the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Crowley), new to this Congress certainly, but not new to the issues
regarding Ireland and the civil rights issues that we have seen come so
clear in these past few weeks and months.
The Good Friday Agreement, which is what we have been talking about
for the better part of the afternoon, seemingly died this Good Friday
on its first anniversary. The discussions surrounding bringing the
government together, as Jerry Adams, the leader of Sinn Fein said just
yesterday, are in free fall.
This agreement is a good agreement. It has brought all sides and
factions together to form a government. It has been supported by the
Republic of Ireland government, it has been supported by the British
government, it has been supported by the Clinton administration and by
this Congress, and we have played a very constructive and important
role, the Members of Congress, and especially the President.
At this point, however, it is in danger of going the way of other
agreements and other peace arrangements in the history of Ireland. I do
not know, Mr.

[[Page H2174]]

Speaker, what the answer is, but it strikes me, and I don't know if
anyone else has suggested this, but it strikes me that maybe what we
need to do is go to the President and say, Mr. President, you offered
George Mitchell's good offices once before, and he was able to bring
everyone together and get everyone working together to resolve this.
Maybe what we need to do is see if we can enlist George Mitchell once
again, the Senator from Maine, to go back and revisit this issue and
try to get people back on track and back on board in implementing the
original agreement.

{time} 1645

The original agreement was so finely crafted that nobody could change
a comma, a period, a dot, or the crossing of a T. It was very delicate,
and maybe he is the only one that can do that again.
But this was a good agreement. It needs to be stayed with. It
requires the patience of all parties. But it is clear we are off track,
and that even the best efforts of our president and the leaders of
England and of Ireland have not been able to get parties back on track.
Mr. Speaker, having said that, I would also suggest that we need to
be patient. We need to pray, and we also need to stay in contact with
the leadership of those political parties to try to get them to keep
working this out.
Mr. Speaker, I have just been advised that the gentleman from New
York (Chairman Gilman) has reached out to Senator Mitchell to try to
bring him back into this. I think that is wise, and I certainly support
those efforts.
Let me conclude by saying that the issue regarding the murder of the
civil rights attorney who has been discussed, Ms. Nelson, which has
been discussed this afternoon, that inquiry into her death absolutely
must be independent of the RUC.
The RUC was implicated, not directly, certainly, but by her own
testimony before the Committee on International Relations last year.
She was concerned about them, about their statements and their actions
regarding her own personal security, her inability to reach out to
those, to that law enforcement agency, to help her to defend herself
against threats against her life. It just makes good sense that they
need to be held at arm's length.
We have offered the FBI. England has offered her constabulary in
Kent. They need to do the investigation. The RUC needs to take a step
back, especially given the volatility of the politics of the times,
take a step back and let the professionals outside of Northern Ireland
conduct this investigation, and do it fairly. Because if no one has any
faith in the inquisitor in this, then there will be no faith in the
result. There absolutely must be good faith in this process.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for the opportunity to speak on
these important issues. I thank my friends and colleagues for bringing
this before the Congress, and I urge unanimous support.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. Walsh)
for his excellent statement and his leadership these many years on the
issue of Northern Ireland, just to underscore how important it is that
that investigation be completely independent of the RUC in order to
procure a result that we know we can live with, and will hopefully
yield the results and catch the perpetrators, because there are people
who actually did the killing, and there are many others who are
probably a part of that killing, and the officials need to get to the
bottom.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman
from New York (Mr. King), my good friend and another great leader in
the cause of human rights in the north of Ireland.
Mr. KING. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to me.
I want to commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Chairman Smith) for
his resolution regarding the investigation into the murder of Rosemary
Nelson, and I want to commend the gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley)
for his work on bringing this resolution forward on this Good Friday
Agreement.
Mr. Speaker, the Irish peace process is now in a very critical point
in Ireland. The fact is that it was over a year ago that the Good
Friday Agreement came to fruition. It was a hard-fought compromise with
all sides making concessions, moving forward.
The fact is that the Ulster Unionist Party and the leadership of
David Trimble is preventing implementation of this agreement by
insisting on the precondition of decommissioning.
It is really not for us to be arguing the merits of decommissioning.
The fact is that the parties signed an agreement. It was ratified by
over 80 percent of all the voters on the island of Ireland. It was 95
percent in the south, and 75 percent in the north agreeing to the Good
Friday Agreement, which did not impose any precondition whatsoever as
far as the issue of decommissioning or any other issue, for that
matter.
The fact is that right now the agreement is not being fully
implemented. It is being stalemated, it is being held up, and there is
a real risk that the peace process could come undone unless the
agreement is implemented and unless the parties go forward.
I know suggestions were made here today that Senator Mitchell get
involved. Certainly to me that is a good recommendation. But I think
most importantly, the parties have to realize, and the governments have
the prime responsibility, specifically the British government, have to
realize that the agreement must be implemented. They cannot allow David
Trimble to be holding it up.
I would ask that the administration continue the very good work it
has done in helping to bring about the agreement in the first place,
and now to ensure that the agreement not be allowed to founder and to
collapse. Too much has gone on, too many lives have been lost, too much
hard work has gone into this, too many sacrifices were made to allow
one party to in any way frustrate the full implementation of the
agreement.
This is something which has a tremendous human rights ramification,
and it is something where so many people in the United States,
including the President, have done so much to bring about the Good
Friday Agreement.
When we talk about the implementation of the agreement, the fact is
that it will never be fully implemented unless there is faith in the
law enforcement system in the north of Ireland.
Quite frankly, there is very little faith in the Royal Ulster
Constabulary among those in the nationalist community. That is why the
resolution of the gentleman from New Jersey (Chairman Smith) calling
for an independent investigation into the murder of Rosemary Nelson is
so essential.
Rosemary Nelson testified before the Committee on International
Relations last year. She felt that she was being threatened by the RUC.
Now to allow the Royal Ulster Constabulary to investigate a murder in
which its own members may have been involved to me is unbelievable, it
is wrong, it cannot be done, it should not be done, and if it is done,
then it is going to cause more and more disenchantment by the
nationalist community toward the law enforcement authorities in the
north.
This is not the first case. There was the case of Pat Finucane which
I am sure has also been mentioned earlier today, 10 years ago where
there was strong evidence that the RUC was involved in his murder, yet
it has never been fully investigated.
So on both these resolutions, I think it is a tremendous step forward
by the Congress of the United States to show our involvement, to show
our interest; to show that all Americans, whether they be of Irish
ancestry, whether they be Catholic, Protestant, Jew, Muslim, atheist,
agnostic, nonbeliever, we stand for the cause of freedom, the cause of
justice, the cause of human rights.
That can best be advanced by the full enactment of this agreement,
and secondly, by a full, complete, and independent investigation into
the murder of Rosemary Nelson. I thank the gentleman from New Jersey
(Chairman Smith) for yielding time to me, I commend the gentleman from
New York (Mr. Crowley) for his resolution, and I urge the adoption.
Mrs. McCARTHY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of
House Concurrent Resolution 54.
We are here today in for a very important reason--to recognize the
importance of the

[[Page H2175]]

first anniversary of the Good Friday Peace Agreement.
House Concurrent Resolution 54 honors all those who played an
instrumental role in bringing peace to northern Ireland--from the Irish
and English political leaders, to Senator Mitchell, to the people of
northern Ireland. These people deserve our deepest respect--for their
leadership, dedication and courage. They are the true heroes of the
Irish Peace Process.
The resolution also reaffirms the bonds of friendship and cooperation
that exists between our countries and that we will continue to work
together towards peace in northern Ireland. Because now is a crucial
time in the peace process. It would be easy for us to say we have the
peace accord and then put it on the back burner.
But we can't do that. If we are going to ensure the long-term success
of the peace accords and really achieve peace in Ireland, we must
remain involved.
It is only through our continued commitment and the commitment of the
people involved that we will see a true and lasting peace in Ireland.
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support House Concurrent
Resolution 54, recognizing the historic significance of the first
anniversary of the Good Friday Peace Agreement. In stark contrast to
recent events in Yugoslavia, the Good Friday Peace Agreement stands out
as a hopeful example of how deeply-rooted, persistent and intransigent
problems can be resolved peacefully, and how the cycle of hatred and
violence can be brought to a halt.
In Northern Ireland, we see a situation in which the two sides have
taken courageous steps towards bridging the gap that divides them. Many
steps remain, but the principles for peace have been agreed upon, and
they are embodied in the Good Friday Peace Agreement. Now is the time
for full and timely implementation.
Problems and violence persist in Northern Ireland. The murder of
human rights lawyer Rosemary Nelson represents one such unacceptable
act of violence and a step in the wrong direction.
House Concurrent Resolution 54 communicates to our friends in
Northern Ireland that we support them on their difficult road to a
lasting peace, and that they must, now more than ever, stay the course.
I urge support for the resolution.
Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Speaker, I come to the floor today in strong support
of H. Con. Res. 54, which recognizes the historic significance of the
first anniversary of the Good Friday Peace Agreement. When this
agreement was reached on April 10, 1998, those who's lives had been
destroyed by the last 30 years of violence, rejoiced at the promise of
peace. Now, a year later, this historic peace agreement is dangerously
close to failing.
The resolution before us today, salutes the parties who worked so
diligently to bring about this historic accord, and it does so at a
very appropriate time. Not only has the first anniversary of this
agreement just passed, but its future is in jeopardy, the resolution
reaffirms the need for the preservation of this accord and the ideals
which it stands for. In today's Washington Post the head of Sinn Fein,
Gerry Adams, is quoted as having said that ``the Good Friday Agreement
is in free fall.'' At this juncture, all of the parties involved in the
creation and implementation of this Agreement must try even harder to
work together to create a lasting peace in Northern Ireland.
The commitment and support of the agreement by the people, in both
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, was demonstrated by the
overwhelmingly supportive outcome of the vote on the referendum on May
22, 1998. This affirmation further demonstrates the need to ensure that
this accord make it past this troublesome point.
The United States has committed to remain involved, politically and
economically, to ensure the long-term success of the peace agreement.
We realize the importance of continued economic growth and stability in
the region, as it will prove to be an instrumental part of any lasting
peace. This resolution reaffirms this commitment, and reaffirms that
the United States, as a friend of both Ireland and the United Kingdom,
will continue to facilitate this peace.
None of this can be accomplished however, without the commitment of
both sides to this peace. The violence needs to end and the seeds of
trust need to be planted.
As you know, Mr. Speaker, this issue is very important to me. I will
continue to do what I can to assist in this peace process, the violence
has gone on long enough. I urge my colleagues to support this
resolution and to continue to support the peacemaking efforts in
Ireland.
Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, President Lincoln once said, ``Let us have
faith that rights makes might, and in that faith let us to the end dare
to do our duty as we understand it.''
Today, the leaders of Northern Ireland face a delicate, worrisome
situation. It is up to the leaders to decide if the path to the future
will be one of peace or one of war. After centuries of animus, and
thirty years of vicious factional bloodshed, the opportunity for a
lasting peace is real and within grasp. Just as real, unfortunately, is
the grave possibility of renewed bloodshed, further factionalism, and
renewed war.
Over a year ago, the leaders of factions in Northern Ireland made a
monumental decision; they decided to pursue peace. It was a brave
decision, one supported by all the people of Ireland but bitterly
opposed by those unable to set aside their entrenched hatreds and
swallow their bitterness.
One year after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, the people
of Northern Ireland again face tumultuous waters that could easily cast
their boat into the sea of despair. They must have faith that the
course they are on is the right one, and must believe, as Lincoln said,
that right will make might. They must do their duty as best they can,
and build the peace that they seek and deserve.
Last year, Nationalists and Loyalists, Protestants and Catholics,
were successful in reaching the Good Friday Agreement only by engaging
in democratic dialogue, serious yet principled compromise, and a mutual
understanding that continued violence benefits no one. I commend their
efforts, and hope that in the future they will be able to focus on
other issues of mutual concern: bettering the economy, educating their
children, and creating a democratic society where every man and woman
is equal.
There have been setbacks. The murder of advocates of peace and
justice, like Rosemary Nelson, should not be forgotten. But it is not
their untimely deaths that should be remembered, but their lives, which
they gave in hopes that others would enjoy the fruits of peace.
Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the many Irish-American residents of
Michigan, I rise today in recognition of the many brave souls who have
chosen peace over violence, and compromise over confrontation. I ask
that all parties work together as partners to implement the Good Friday
Agreement, and end the senseless violence that has plagued Ireland for
far too long.
Mr. BENTSEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Con. Res. 54,
which recognizes the ongoing peace process in Northern Ireland and the
historical significance of the Good Friday Peace Accord which was
achieved just over a year ago, on April 10, 1998.
I join with my colleagues in congratulating the people of the
Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland for their courageous
commitment to peace. By signing the historic Good Friday Peace
Agreement in April 1998, leaders such as John Hume, David Trimble and
Gerry Adams created a new era of peace and reconciliation for all the
people of Northern Ireland. The recognition given to John Hume and
David Trimble in receiving the Nobel Peace Prize was an important step
toward memorializing the extraordinary achievements made by the
proponents of peace. We should not forget, however, the many other
people, without whom this process would not have even been possible. I
commend the valuable and vital contributions to the peace process by
President Clinton, former Senator George Mitchell, Prime Minister
Bertie Ahern of Ireland and Prime Minister Tony Blair of Great Britain.
The Good Friday Peace Accord was an important achievement, marking
the first step to ending thirty years of violence and bloodshed in
Northern Ireland, reducing divisions between Unionists and
Nationalists, and building new bridges of opportunity between the two
communities. Through this process, they have committed ending years of
mistrust and hatred, which has cost the lives of more than 3,200 people
since 1969.
The text of the Good Friday Peace Accord contains important
provisions calling for the formation of a Northern Ireland Assembly, a
North/South Ministerial Council and a British-Irish Council. The
agreement also contains critical provisions on human rights,
decommissioning of weapons, policing, and prisoners. Voters in both
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland approved the Peace
Agreement by a remarkable 85 percent majority on May 22, 1998, and
elections to the new assembly were held on June 25. Since that time,
prisoners have been released and the British have reduced their troop
levels to the lowest point in twenty years.
Last August, I had the opportunity to participate in a seven-member
Congressional delegation trip to Ireland, led by the Speaker of the
House, Newt Gingrich and Dean John Dingell. Our visit included meetings
with representatives of the various parties to the Good Friday Peace
Agreement, including representatives of the Ulster Unionist Party, Sinn
Fien and the Social Democratic and Labour Party. We also met with
senior leaders of Ireland and Northern Ireland, including Taoiseach
Bertie Ahern, John Hume of the SDLP and Seamus Mallon, the Deputy First
Minister of the Northern Ireland Assembly.
We were also able to review the peace process and discuss measures to
strengthen

[[Page H2176]]

political, economic, and cultural ties between the United States and
the Irish people. Through my experience, it was clear that there is a
strong bond of cooperation between the people of the United States and
Ireland, and deep appreciation for the U.S. role in negotiating the
Peace Agreement.
Clearly, the discord in Northern Ireland will not be solved by the
signing of one document. Significant progress must be made before
lasting peace can be finally achieved. But we should recognize that the
Good Friday Peace Agreement has changed the course of history for all
the people in Northern Ireland. Lasting peace will only be realized by
a thorough adherence to and completion of the measures outlined in the
Good Friday Agreement and mandated by the people of Ireland.
As we recognize the first anniversary of this agreement, I am hopeful
that all sides take every opportunity to make real progress toward its
implementation. The United States has a strong national interest in
helping this agreement to succeed.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr Speaker, Mr. Crowley's resolution on the Northern
Ireland peace process is noncontroversial and worthy of everybody's
full and strong support. It is also very timely. I congratulate the
gentleman from New York, Mr. Crowley, for his efforts. The Irish peace
process today needs a little more encouragement, as it has once again
run into some obstacles in Belfast.
It is worthwhile praising the tireless and courageous efforts of
British Prime Minister Blair, and Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern,
and former Senator George Mitchell on the Good Friday peace accord. I
have done so myself on many occasions.
President Clinton, I am also proud to say, has always had strong
bipartisan support here in the Congress on his own efforts to find
lasting peace and justice in Northern Ireland. I urge that he and our
nation stay fully involved to help see the process through to lasting
peace and justice in the north.
However, today we still see the old ``unionist veto'' in play. Once
again the issue of arms decommissioning is being used to prevent the
establishment of the cabinet executive as provided for in the Good
Friday accord. There are some on the unionist side who when faced with
the reality of living by the terms of the Good Friday accord and
sharing power to which they and all of the Irish people consented to,
decided to change the terms of the accord.
The negotiated solution in the north was based upon consent. It isn't
the consent as dictated by one side, it's the consent of all of the
Irish people--and they have spoken and agree to share power and end the
unworkable unionish domination of the north.
The first anniversary of the Good Friday accord has come and gone.
Yet today we do not yet have established the power sharing mechanism
that the accord and the good Irish people both north and south, fully
envision for the new Ireland. The people voted in referendum last May
and then elected a new assembly to bring about real and concrete
change. The status quo will no longer do.
I would urge both governments in the region, and President Clinton,
to again call upon the good offices of Senator George Mitchell to once
again be an honest broker to end the current impasse that may lead to
the collapse of the Good Friday accord.
It may take again the master stroke of a man like George Mitchell,
who is accepted by all sides as fair and objective, to save the Good
Friday accord he worked so hard to develop and to gain consent from all
the parties. George, we need you one more time! I hope both Governments
will take this proposal to heart.
It is really time to get on with it, to create a new cabinet and to
bring about real change and power sharing that will make the bomb and
gun an obsolute means for resolution of grievances on both sides in the
north of Ireland.
I urge the adoption of the Crowley resolution to both send a message
of support for the peace process, as well as a call for the process to
go forward within the frame work of the Good Friday accord as agreed to
by all the parties.
Mr. RODRIGUEZ. Mr. Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to the Good Friday
Peace Agreement signed on April 10, 1998, and to the continuing efforts
to bring peace to Northern Ireland.
The conflict in Northern Ireland has been agonizing, not only in the
region, but also among many Americans, including myself.
As a Texas State representative, I visited Belfast in the early
1990's and learned a great deal about the sources of so much tension
and hatred in that historic region.
On that trip, I had a chance to meet many of the principals on all
sides of the dispute.
I was able to put faces and personalities behind the struggle:
members of Sinn Fein, Unionists, and other individuals that were trying
to make a difference.
After my return from Northern Ireland, I worked with both parties in
the Texas Legislature on the issue.
We passed legislation based upon the MacBride Principles to hold
companies in Northern Ireland engaged in business with the State of
Texas to nondiscrimination and equal justice.
As a Congressman, I have continued to deal with the Northern Ireland
issue, endorsing efforts to leverage our presence in the region to
foster a more tolerant and stable society.
I joined all of us in welcoming the breakthrough for peace last year
by Special Envoy George Mitchell and the administration as they tackled
this delicate problem.
As a cosponsor of this bill, H. Con. Res. 54, I continue to share in
the hope that this region will take the final steps in realizing a just
and lasting peace.
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my
time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Pease). The question is on the motion
offered by the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) that the House
suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution, H. Con Res.
54, as amended.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor
thereof) the rules were suspended and the concurrent resolution, as
amended, was agreed to.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

WESTERN HEMISPHERE DRUG ELIMINATION TECHNICAL CORRECTIONS ACT

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and
pass the bill (H.R. 1379) to amend the Omnibus Consolidated and
Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act, 1999, to make a technical
correction relating to an emergency supplemental appropriation for
international narcotics control and law enforcement assistance, as
amended.
The Clerk read as follows:

H.R. 1379

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

This Act may be cited as the ``Western Hemisphere Drug
Elimination Technical Corrections Act''.

SEC. 2. AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS RELATING TO RESOURCES
FOR ILLICIT NARCOTICS IN CERTAIN FOREIGN
COUNTRIES.

(a) Authorization of Appropriations.--Subtitle B of title
VIII of division C of the Omnibus Consolidated and Emergency
Supplemental Appropriations Act, 1999 (Public Law 105-277),
is amended by adding at the end the following:

``SEC. 826. FURTHER MISCELLANEOUS ADDITIONAL RESOURCES.

``(a) In General.--There are authorized to be appropriated
for the Department of State for fiscal year 1999 such sums as
may be necessary to carry out section 481 of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2291).
``(b) Rule of Construction.--Amounts appropriated pursuant
to the authorization of appropriations in subsection (a) are
in addition to amounts made available to carry out section
481 of such Act under any other provision of law.''.
(b) Conforming Amendment.--Title VIII of division C of such
Act (Public Law 105-277) is amended in the table of contents
in section 801(b) by adding at the end of the item relating
to subtitle B the following:

``Sec. 826. Further miscellaneous additional resources.''.

(c) Effective Date.--The amendments made by this section
shall take effect as if included in subtitle B of title VIII
of division C of such Act (Public Law 105-277).

General Leave

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that
all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and
extend their remarks on this bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New Jersey?
There was no objection.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
(Mr. SMITH of New Jersey asked and was given permission to revise and
extend his remarks.)
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, this bill is designed to
correct a minor drafting error which was omitted in the legislative
provision that

[[Page H2177]]

was passed last year as part of the Omnibus appropriation bill.
Because the waiver of the requirement for authorization was omitted
from last year's supplemental, certain unauthorized parts of the
agreed-upon package of assistance for Latin America to continue to help
with the suppression of drugs cannot move forward.
In response, we have prepared an amendment to the underlying
authorization bill. The change to the authorization will allow this to
go forward as agreed upon in the statement of managers of the
supplemental appropriations legislation.
The Department of State supports this legislation and is anxious to
get these programs going. It is important, we believe, to the
jurisdiction of the Committee on International Relations that the
statutory requirement that all spending on foreign assistance be
authorized, or that such a requirement for authorization be waived by
statute.
All of this money has been appropriated and it will be spent. Our
purpose here is to have it spent on the list that the Congress and the
administration, and in particular General McCaffery, our drug czar,
finally agreed upon. That is the list in the statement of managers
accompanying the supplemental appropriations.
Accordingly, I urge my colleagues to support this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this bill. This bill has been on
and off the schedule today a few times, and I think we finally have a
version that everyone is comfortable with. We are right to move this
assistance to Peru, Columbia, Bolivia. Critical interests are at stake
there. We have delayed this assistance long enough.
This bill will allow the Agency for International Development to
provide assistance to those three countries for alternative
development, which is critical to helping those farmers move from the
cultivation of illicit and illegal crops to cultivation of legitimate
and licit crops.
I was in Columbia recently, Mr. Speaker, to survey the damage of a
recent earthquake in that country. The damage was unbelievable.
Thousands were dead and tens of thousands were homeless. My colleague,
the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Velazquez) and I were able to bring
home to Queens two young girls who had been injured in that earthquake.
The people of the United States have provided critical assistance to
the suffering people of Columbia. We as a Congress should be doing the
same, putting together emergency assistance to address that emergency
in Columbia.
I look forward to working with my colleagues to make sure that the
suffering people of Columbia, ravaged by a tremendous earthquake, get
the help that they need from the U.S. Congress. I support the bill.
Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back
the balance of my time.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my
time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) that the House suspend the rules
and pass the bill, H.R. 1379, as amended.
The question was taken; and (two-thirds having voted in favor
thereof) the rules were suspended and the bill, as amended, was passed.
The title was amended so as to read:

``A bill to amend the Omnibus Consolidated and Emergency
Supplemental Appropriations Act, 1999, to make a technical
correction relating to international narcotics control
assistance.''.

A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

____________________