[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 50 (Tuesday, April 13, 1999)]
[House]
[Page H1905]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[[Page H1905]]
THE FOLLY OF COMMITTING GROUND TROOPS TO KOSOVO
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Gillmor). Under a previous order of the
House, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Tancredo) is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, as we approach the decision to send ground
troops into the war in Kosovo, it is important for us to look at the
historical events surrounding that particular area and to then look at
the request that is being made, that will probably be made for this
Congress to approve in some fashion or other, a request from the
administration to commit American troops to this folly.
During the break, I was given an article that I found quite sobering,
from an individual in my district. The title of the article is
``Serbia: The lesson of Army Group E.'' It came off of the net, World
Net Daily, Friday, March 26. The author, a gentleman by the name of
Joel A. Ruth. And I quote from this article because I think it needs to
be widely read and widely heard, again, as we approach this potential
decision to send American troops in. It says:
Before we engage the Serbs in a limited war over Kosovo, it
would be wise to review the experiences of the 22 German
divisions that were committed to stamping out Serb resistance
between 1941 and 1945. While the Germans also had the help of
200,000 Croatian, Slovenian and Bosnian Moslem volunteer
auxiliaries, they still could not do the job, and with a
combined army of over 700,000 men willing to commit
atrocities that the United States and her allies would never
contemplate in this, quote, civilized day and age.
In the end, and without direct Allied help, the Serbs
succeeded, through extreme human sacrifice and one of the
bloodiest partisan wars ever fought in history, in
recapturing over half their country by the time the war had
ended on all the other fronts.
Army Group E surrendered to the Serbs and was subsequently
force-marched the length and width of Serbia without food
until every German soldier had dropped dead by the wayside.
The fate of the Croatian Slovenians and Moslems who had
helped the Germans was mass murder; all prisoners were taken,
shot and clubbed or tortured to death and dumped in mass
graves. Over one half million soldiers and their families
were thus exterminated by the Serbs, over 1 million murdered
if one counts the victims of the German Army Group E.
After the war the Serbs under Marshal Tito were determined
that no outside aggressor would ever enjoy an advantage in
occupying any part of Serbia ever again. Therefore, for the
next 40 years, a massive system of underground defenses were
constructed deep under the mountains, atomic bomb-proof and
capable of maintaining a million-man army underground for
several years while guerilla warfare would rage against any
future aggressors. These underground facilities contain
massive quantities of munitions, field hospitals, food
stocks, fuel and consist of thousands of miles of tunnels
which can enable a guerilla force to strike and vanish to
safety during bombing and artillery strikes.
Believe me, if the Germans who utilized the most brutal
tactics could not subdue the Serbs in 5 years when they did
not possess such a defensive infrastructure, how much harder
is it going to be now that they have spent 50 years in
preparing for the next invaders?
The article goes on to claim that any attempt on the part of NATO and
this administration to participate in any such venture would be just as
full of folly and certainly would be just as bloody. And the idea that
we can bomb Milosevic into submission is, of course, if you are taking
this at face value, if the information supplied in this particular
article is correct, then that theory, that strategy, is idiotic.
For if there is such a system of caverns and caves within Serbia
where a million men could be housed and probably are being housed even
at the present time, then how can we possibly expect to really cripple
him through any amount of bombing that we can possibly do? It will, of
course, take armed forces on the ground, and it will, of course, turn
into the same sort of bloody situation that preceded us there some 50
years ago.
So I ask my colleagues once again to reconsider, when we are asked to
commit American forces to this area, that we consider the lessons of
history as it is so often difficult for us to understand. But it is
important for us to realize that history does repeat itself, that this
is a bad place for us to be with no particular reason for us to be
there.
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