[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 47 (Wednesday, March 24, 1999)]
[House]
[Pages H1660-H1669]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




  EXPRESSING SUPPORT OF HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES FOR MEMBERS OF U.S. 
ARMED FORCES ENGAGED IN MILITARY OPERATIONS AGAINST FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF 
                               YUGOSLAVIA

  Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, I offer a resolution (H. Res. 130) 
expressing the support of the House of Representatives for the members 
of the United States Armed Forces who are engaged in military 
operations against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and ask 
unanimous consent for its immediate consideration in the House, with 
the previous question ordered to its adoption without intervening 
motion except for 1 hour of debate, equally divided and controlled by 
the chairman and ranking member of the Committee on International 
Relations and the chairman and ranking member of the Committee on Armed 
Services or their designees.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the resolution.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                              H. Res. 130

       Whereas the President has authorized United States 
     participation in NATO military operations against the Federal 
     Republic of Yugoslavia;
       Whereas up to 22,000 members of the Armed Forces are 
     presently involved in operations in and around the Balkans 
     region with the active participation of NATO and other 
     coalition forces; and
       Whereas the House of Representatives and the American 
     people have the greatest pride in the members of the Armed 
     Forces and strongly support them: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved, That the House of Representatives supports the 
     members of the United States Armed Forces who are engaged in 
     military operations against the Federal Republic of 
     Yugoslavia and recognizes their professionalism, dedication, 
     patriotism, and courage.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from South Carolina?
  There was no objection.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the order of the House of today, 
the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Spence), the gentleman from 
Missouri (Mr. Skelton), the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman), and 
the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Gejdenson) each will control 15 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Spence).
  Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  (Mr. SPENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution. While I 
have deep reservations about the direction of our policy in the Balkans 
and the wisdom of intervening on the ground in Kosovo, I have no 
reservations whatsoever about the patriotism, dedication, 
professionalism and courage of the men

[[Page H1661]]

and women who serve this country in uniform.
  Indeed, since 1992, when American pilots began to conduct no-fly-zone 
operations over Bosnia, and sailors began to enforce a maritime 
exclusion zone around the former Yugoslavia, hundreds of thousands of 
our soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines have served with distinction 
in operations in and around the Balkans. Their record of service is a 
source of pride to all of us. These young people truly deserve and 
represent the best America has to offer.
  The operations now underway over Yugoslavia represents a new chapter. 
Though these attacks have been meticulously planned and undoubtedly are 
being conducted with consummate skill, they are perhaps more dangerous 
than any previous operation in the Balkans.

                              {time}  1800

  The President has rightly spoken of the risks to our personnel, for 
they are real and considerable. What we are witnessing in the skies 
over Serbia is unquestionably a war. Now, more than ever, our armed 
forces in and around the Balkans need and deserve our support.
  They also deserve the backing of a sound policy. Even if the air 
campaign now underway is successful, it will merely be the opening move 
in Kosovo. The next step is the deployment of NATO and United States 
ground troops in the midst of a civil war where the Kosovars are 
committed to independence and when the Serbs are determined to preserve 
what they regard as their historic homeland.
  Thus, there is neither an end date nor an achievable end-state in 
Kosovo. This is an open-ended mission where success is impossible to 
define, as is the mission of our troops.
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution and send a clear 
message to our men and women of the strong support we have for them as 
they place their lives in danger in the skies over Yugoslavia.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, if there is ever an issue that brings this Congress 
together, it is a commendation for the men and women who fight for this 
country and who serve in its armed forces. And if there is ever a 
message to the other countries in this world that democracy, with all 
its debates, divisions and sometimes heated arguments, that it is 
moments like this when we do come together to support the men and women 
that carry out the foreign policy of the United States when it requires 
military action.
  It would be unthinking not to have reservations about a policy that 
uses force and puts our people in harm's way. I think every Member who 
is responsible worries about the consequences of that action. But what 
is clear is if we do not continue on the policy that President Clinton 
has initiated, we would find more death and destruction in Kosovo.
  Today, as we are on this floor, there are a quarter of a million 
refugees. There are thousands already dead. Do we wait to respond until 
there are tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands dead? Do we wait 
until the quarter million refugees become a million or a million and a 
half refugees?
  I say we cannot do that. And so I am privileged to be here and join 
with my colleagues to commend the armed forces for their role in this, 
their heroism, their technical proficiency. And I commend the President 
for his leadership in solving the problems and fighting to stop the 
killing, which may not solve all problems on earth but will certainly 
give the people of Kosovo an additional chance for life.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I am pleased to rise in support of this resolution, and I thank the 
distinguished gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Spence) for taking the 
initiative of introducing this resolution.
  Earlier today we received reports, and the President has confirmed 
those reports, that operation Noble Anvil, a military air operation, is 
now underway over Serbia.
  This is the time to put aside all of our differences and any doubts 
that we may entertain about our policy and it is time to unite behind 
brave men and women who are now involved in a very serious and risky 
military mission in defense of our national interests. These include 
bringing stability to a strategically important part of Europe, 
preventing further human suffering, and maintaining the credibility of 
the North Atlantic Alliance.
  Mr. Speaker, I wish to emphasize that while I fully support the NATO 
air campaign to end Milosevic's brutal attacks upon the Albanian 
majority of Kosovo, this is a decision that many of us have come to 
with great reluctance. I fervently wish that our diplomacy that has 
been underway for more than a year to end the tragic and needless 
bloodshed in Kosovo had worked. Regrettably, as we saw earlier in this 
decade in Bosnia, Milosevic only heeds the language of military might.
  With this military operation underway, we should do everything that 
we can to ensure that our pilots and those who support them are 
successful and that they return safely and that their time in harm's 
way be kept as short as possible. They represent the finest aspects of 
our Nation: determination, courage, and steadfastness under the most 
difficult of conditions.
  Although our pilots are aware of the dangers they now face as they 
carry out their missions over Serbia, the most demoralizing thing for 
our military personnel is not knowledge of the risks posed by the enemy 
they are facing but knowledge of any dissent on the home front about 
the nature of their mission.
  So I urge my colleagues, let us today by this resolution indicate 
that we in the Congress are united in our prayers to them and to their 
families for a safe, swift, and successful end to this air operation. 
It is important that we recognize that this is not a unilateral 
military action by our Nation but a military operation authorized by 
the 19 nations represented by the North Atlantic Council and ordered by 
the Secretary General of NATO, Javier Solana, and while our armed 
forces are taking the lead in this first wave of attacks, they will be 
joined by armed forces of other NATO allies as this operation 
progresses. We extend our prayers and our support to those personnel 
and to their families.
  Accordingly, Mr. Speaker, I urge our colleagues to join in wishing 
our airmen and women Godspeed.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the resolution that is 
before us, a resolution that supports the members of the United States 
armed forces who are engaged in military operations in Yugoslavia. They 
are not by themselves. This is part of a NATO force. Nineteen nations 
have banded together to urge and cause Milosevic of Yugoslavia to come 
to the table and do what is right for international peace. Fourteen of 
the 19 nations are operating today in one way or another in supporting 
this effort.
  I support our troops engaged in this. I support those brave airmen 
and those who support them on the ground. On a more personal note, I am 
privileged to represent Whiteman Air Force Base in Missouri, which sent 
several B-2s as part of this mission. I am told by sources in the 
Pentagon that they did well and that they are returning back to 
Whiteman Air Force Base unscathed.
  This is an important measure. This is important not only for us in 
this House of Representatives to support and recognize the 
professionalism and dedication and patriotism of those airmen and those 
involved in this operation, but I support what we are doing there.
  The Balkans are a tinderbox. World War I started there. The United 
States is a leader in NATO, and NATO has as its goal and task to bring 
and keep peace and stability in Europe. There is a great deal at stake: 
the stability of Europe, the possibility of a wider war, refugees in 
the hundreds of thousands, eventual involvement not only of NATO but of 
other allies, such as Greece and Turkey, if violence in Kosovo spreads 
to the surrounding countries.
  There are no easy choices in this, but I support the President's 
decision of

[[Page H1662]]

this very, very difficult and dangerous mission. And though it is 
difficult and though it is dangerous, it is the only alternative open 
to us.
  I applaud those in uniform, and I hope that the people in America, 
all across the land, will understand and thank those for their 
dedication, their professionalism, their patriotism, for they are doing 
a great deal in the effort to bring peace to a very unhappy part of the 
world.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Cunningham).
  Mr. CUNNINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, I was sitting there writing my note and 
not ready to speak, but I will do it off the cuff.
  I am vehemently opposed to us going into Kosovo, and I will explain 
why. But making that statement, now that we are engaged in Kosovo, I 
will do everything in my power to support the President. I will also 
tell my colleagues why.
  The President did not give us that courtesy when I was fighting in 
Vietnam. He continued protesting in countries that killed many of my 
friends. I myself was shot down by a Russian SAM. Now, that may not 
bother my colleagues, but it did bother me that the President was 
protesting in Russia.
  We need to get behind every one of our men and women. I do not care 
about my colleagues here, and I do not care about them over here, and I 
do not care about my Senate colleagues. I care about those kids we are 
asking to send in harm's way. And let me tell my colleagues why I am 
opposed to this.
  First of all, a majority of the Russian military feel that they need 
to overthrow the Russian Government. These are the hard-liners that 
support Milosevic. Milosevic is terrible, but so is Tudjman and so is 
Izetbegovic. All three of them need to go. And I predict that within 
this year we are going to see a major coup in Russia because of what we 
are doing. If I was the head of North Korea, I would come tomorrow if 
we get tied in Kosovo. If I was Saddam Hussein, I would come tomorrow.
  We are in 52 wars, Mr. Speaker, in this world. Some of them far more 
damaging than Kosovo. I am very, very concerned of what is going to 
happen over there as far as past foreign policy. I look at Somalia, to 
where the President changed the policy of humanitarian to going after 
Hadeed and then he drew down our forces, and after our military said we 
cannot do that because this makes us vulnerable. He did it anyway. And 
then they asked for armor because they could not get in. Seventeen 
hours, I watched it last night on television, that it took us to get to 
our troops; and we lost 22 rangers.
  People ask me, ``What is it like to work with somebody you cannot 
trust?'' That is an important question. I do not trust this President 
to get us out of Kosovo. I do not trust him to get us out of 
Yugoslavia, no more than I expect him to get us out of Haiti, because 
we are still there spending $20 million a year building roads and 
bridges, which is coming out of defense.
  So, yes, Mr. Speaker, I am dead set against this. But you also have 
my pledge to do everything I can to help the President to get our kids 
back.
  Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro).
  Ms. DeLAURO. Mr. Speaker, Yugoslav President Milosevic's continuous 
failure to embrace peace and his brutal actions against ethnic 
Albanians in Kosovo have precipitated today's military strikes. As our 
armed forces seek to bring a measure of justice to a troubled region, I 
want to join my colleagues in expressing strong support for the brave 
men and women of the U.S. military.
  I am saddened that Mr. Milosevic rejected appeals for peace. We 
rightly consider the use of force only with the greatest reluctance. 
But our hand has been forced by his atrocities, mass murder of 
civilians and forcing whole communities from their homes. If left 
unchecked, he will continue his crimes in Kosovo.
  Sadly, history has shown us what genocide looks like. Slaughtering 
ethnic Albanians, many of them defenseless citizens and civilians, 
forcing hundreds of thousands of Albanians to flee their homes as 
refugees, point to the grave humanitarian nature of the situation in 
Kosovo. Worse, Milosevic's aggression in Kosovo could jeopardize 
stability in the region by spreading to neighboring countries such as 
Macedonia or Albania. If the U.S. does not act now, the crisis in 
Kosovo will only grow worse.
  The situation in Kosovo is serious and the challenges our troops face 
are great. I know that our armed forces are well-trained and that they 
will once again make us proud. Our prayers are with them and with their 
families as they work to counter aggression and to foster peace.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), a member of our Committee 
on International Relations.
  Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution and I support 
our troops. And that is what this resolution is about. But a greater 
support for us would be to insist that before we send our troops into 
action, as they are today, that there be a reasonable and understood 
long-term game plan in place prior to sending these young people, our 
young defenders, off to fight so far from home and in a cause that has 
little to do with our national security.

                              {time}  1815

  Yes, we support our troops, but let us all together also send this 
message to the people of the world. We are not going to send our troops 
all over the world and garrison the rest of this planet for the 
stability of the rest of the world. Let Europeans, for example, provide 
the troops necessary for the stability that they need in their own 
backyard. Yes, there is a case that there is Serbian genocide that is 
taking place. The Serbs are committing genocide against these Kosovars 
as they did against the Bosnians in their attacks against the 
Slovenians and the Croatians under the dictatorship of Milosevic and it 
is intolerable. We recognize the Kosovars and their right for self-
determination and independence. Yet we do not have the courage to lay 
the diplomatic foundation for a long-term solution before we order our 
troops into harm's way. Something is terribly wrong here. We should not 
be the policeman of the world. Our troops, they deserve to be applauded 
which we are doing, but we should not accede and tell the world that 
they have a blank check on the use of our troops to create their 
stability for them. Four years ago and $10 billion ago, we were told 
that sending our troops to Bosnia would be a 1-year operation and $2 
billion in cost. They are still there. This vote tonight is done to 
applaud our troops, but it is not a blank check. It is a message of 
support for our troops.
  Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
California (Mrs. Tauscher).
  Mrs. TAUSCHER. I thank the ranking member of the Committee on Armed 
Services for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise to strongly urge my colleagues to vote for this 
resolution that expresses our support for the troops in the Balkans. We 
have the finest fighting men and women in the world. Their spirit, 
commitment and dedication is unrivaled.
  In December, I visited our troops keeping the peace in Bosnia and 
Macedonia. I was impressed by the work that they have done to help the 
people of Bosnia and Macedonia transition to a peaceful society and by 
the pride that they take in their work.
  Our men and women in the military are now confronting another great 
challenge. They have again answered their country's call to service. At 
this time of great courage and sacrifice, our best thoughts and prayers 
are with them. The President made the right decision to initiate air 
strikes against Yugoslavia. Slobodan Milosevic has continually refused 
efforts to reach a peaceful settlement in Kosovo. It is now time to 
display the resolve of the international community.
  Mr. Speaker, let us pass this resolution and show our sailors, 
soldiers, airmen and marines that they have the support and 
appreciation of a grateful Nation.
  Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Jacksonville, FL (Mrs. Fowler).

[[Page H1663]]

  (Mrs. FOWLER asked and was given permission to revise and extend her 
remarks.)
  Mrs. FOWLER. Mr. Speaker, this is a sobering moment. American 
military pilots and air crews are now in harm's way. I had previously 
expressed my strong reservations about the President's plan to 
influence events in Serbia. Now, however, our troops are engaged in a 
military conflict. As always, they are performing their job with the 
utmost professionalism and dedication and it is incumbent upon us to 
demonstrate our fullest support for them. I join my colleagues in doing 
so here and am praying, as I know we all are, for their safe return.
  I would hope that every Member of this House will work together to 
ensure that our military personnel in the Balkans have every resource 
they need to perform their assigned mission as effectively as possible 
and are able to return home soon. I hope we are successful in this 
effort and that Mr. Milosevic will soon sign a peace agreement.
  I urge all of my colleagues to support this most timely and 
appropriate resolution.
  Mr. GEJDENSON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
  Mr. HOYER. I thank the ranking member for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. Our young men and 
women in the Armed Forces are carrying out their duties with courage 
and professionalism, and they deserve our praise and our complete 
support.
  In my view, however, it is not enough to support our military in 
carrying out the mission given to them. I rise, as well, Mr. Speaker, 
to support the very mission itself. The mission is to save lives, to 
stabilize a region, to save lives that certainly would be lost if we 
again delayed taking this decisive action. The reports about what 
Serbian forces were doing in Kosovo in the last few days are clearly 
horrendous, the separation of men from women and children, the reported 
mass execution of the former and desperate flight of the latter.
  The mission is also asserting U.S. leadership when Europe needs that 
leadership. Our allies are with us and they need us. Like it or not, 
Europe cannot and does not do it alone. It is in our national interest 
to avoid even the perception of a vacuum in our leadership 
capabilities. That could lead to challenges which we cannot foresee 
now, which we cannot predict, but clearly which would likely put our 
military men and women at even greater risk if allowed to happen.
  Mr. Speaker, everyone says that we cannot be the world's policeman 
and I agree. But when there is a need for action and when that action 
can so clearly be effective and when the military can use its resources 
to minimize the risks involved, then we should act. Tyrants around the 
world cannot and must not have the false impression of knowing that we 
will not go after them because we cannot go after everyone. The fact 
that we could respond should give them pause.
  Mr. Speaker, I have been one on this floor who in years past have 
said in Bosnia that we should have acted. In my opinion had we in 
Europe acted sooner, thousands, yes, tens of thousands of lives may 
have been saved.
  I support the troops. I support the mission.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach) the distinguished chairman of the 
Committee on Banking and Financial Services and a member of our 
committee.
  Mr. LEACH. I thank my dear colleague for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, last week the House of Representatives considered 
several resolutions on the Balkans. This gentleman voted to oppose 
intervention. Last night, I explained my concerns relating to the lack 
of the end game as well as the lack of relevance in my judgment of use 
of air power in a part of the world which has heavily engaged for much 
of this century in guerilla warfare.
  This resolution is poignantly appropriate because it respects and 
reflects respect for our troops. But it should be understood by this 
body that the difficulties that our troops are in are much greater 
today and will be much greater tomorrow than they were yesterday, not 
simply because engagement is active today but we are changing the 
nature of our involvement. This is a bench mark change. We have moved 
from a peacekeeping role to a peace-enforcing role. That means we have 
moved from the role of being part of a NATO force acting as a police 
function to part of a NATO force choosing sides in certain civil war 
types of setting.
  This means that our troops will now become more targets than simply 
intermediaries. Therefore, it is extraordinarily important that all of 
us recognize that there is reason to reflect great respect for those 
troops that are being put in harm's way. But to the degree that foreign 
policy should be considered morality in action, we should also be clear 
to recognize that means have to be part of the goals. To the great 
credit of the President, the goals of the United States in this 
intervention are quite admirable. The question that remains, however, 
is whether the means to achieve those goals will escalate the conflict 
or cause diminution of circumstance.
  Mr. Speaker, let me just conclude by saying that I think this evening 
it is very important that this Congress move forth with this kind of 
resolution, and I strongly endorse it. But I also think that it be very 
important that we recognize that a change in policy has occurred of 
stellar significance and that it is our obligation to continue to 
review and appraise policies as they develop and to commit ourselves to 
doing the best we can to advance approaches that deescalate rather than 
escalate conflict in the Balkans.
  Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Turner).
  Mr. TURNER. Mr. Speaker, tonight this House, Democrats and 
Republicans, unite in support of the men and women of our armed forces 
and those of our NATO allies who are now engaged in one of the most 
challenging and dangerous missions of recent times. The dangers of this 
action are indeed great. But the dangers of inaction are even greater. 
The decision to act was perhaps the most difficult foreign policy 
decision our President has confronted. The moral leadership in the free 
world that we have exhibited through the years is being indeed tested 
by President Milosevic. With thousands of people fleeing Kosovo and 
with thousands of lives hanging in the balance, the United States has 
chosen to stand up against aggression and genocide. Our action is 
consistent with our moral responsibility, it is consistent with our 
commitment to our NATO allies, and it is consistent with our efforts to 
secure the peace and stability of Europe where two world wars have 
begun.
  May our prayers tonight be for the safety of our soldiers, our 
sailors and our airmen, and may God bless America.
  Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Paul).
  (Mr. PAUL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. PAUL. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the committee as well as our 
leadership for bringing a resolution to the floor that is one that I 
can support. It is supporting of the troops but it does not go that one 
step further to rubber-stamp a foreign policy that is very 
questionable, so I appreciate that very much.
  But in another sense, I think it is awful strange that every time we 
do find our troops in harm's way that we need to come to the House 
floor to reassure ourselves that we support the troops. I have never 
been challenged, and I take controversial votes on occasion, and I have 
never seen another Member challenge anybody as being unpatriotic and 
not supportive of our troops. So it sort of bewilders me a little bit 
that we always have to say, ``We support the troops.'' I think that 
should go without saying.
  Nevertheless, we do have this resolution on the floor, and I will 
support it. But I just wonder why that occurs, that we feel compelled 
to do so. I think sometimes it is because we have not met up to our 
responsibilities, because we have allowed our troops to be placed in 
harm's way, and usually in an improper manner. We have not done this 
properly according to the Constitution. The President did not get 
permission from the House and the Senate. We may have a little bit of a 
guilt feeling about having these troops placed in

[[Page H1664]]

harm's way without the proper permission, and, therefore, we have to 
reassure ourselves that we are taking care of the troops.
  Now, if we really want to support our troops, I think we would defend 
the sovereignty of this country, we should provide for a strong 
national defense and we certainly should avoid putting our troops in 
harm's way. The real question that comes up is by putting the troops in 
this region right now, we are invading the sovereignty of a nation 
which is very questionable. This is not done very often. Yet Serbia is 
a sovereign nation. They are involved in a civil war, and there are bad 
guys on both sides. For us here in the Congress to decide who the good 
guys and who the bad guys are is not possible, nor is it our job.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Georgia (Mr. Lewis).
  Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I am a man of peace, not of war. I 
am a believer in the philosophy and the discipline of nonviolence. I am 
a disciple of the teachings of Gandhi, Thoreau and Martin Luther King, 
Jr. But there comes a time when force and military might become 
necessary to put an end to madness. It was Gandhi who said, 
``Noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is 
cooperation with good.'' Mr. Speaker, we cannot sit idly by while 
thousands of people are murdered in Kosovo.
  Today, President Clinton took bold, forceful, and decisive action to 
stop the slaughter of innocents in Kosovo. We have a moral obligation, 
a mission and a mandate to prevent a modern day holocaust. I am hopeful 
that our military action will be swift and sudden, that it will be 
compelling, and that it will persuade the Serbs that peace is the more 
excellent path.
  Mr. Speaker, my thoughts and prayers today are with our men and women 
in uniform. May they return home to their friends and families safe, 
sound and secure in knowing that, through their actions, they have 
saved the lives of countless men, women and children.

                              {time}  1830

  Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Houghton), a member of our committee.
  (Mr. HOUGHTON asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. HOUGHTON. Mr. Speaker, I am not going to take long. To me it is 
very simple.
  I absolutely support the members of the armed forces, I support our 
President, I support the mission. I do not think there is a single 
person around here who does not see this as one of the most difficult 
decisions we can make. But make it we must, and we may not be divided. 
We must not be divided.
  Mr. Speaker, I support this particular House Resolution 130 
wholeheartedly.
  Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Iowa 
(Mr. Boswell).
  (Mr. BOSWELL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. BOSWELL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. 
Skelton) for this opportunity to say just a couple of words. As my 
colleagues know, it is tough when a leader has to lead, and I think we 
are in that position. We are the only superpower, and we got a lot of 
responsibility to go with it. None of us who have ever been in harm's 
way wants to see somebody in harm's way, but, as my colleagues know, 
some of them have had experiences, and I respect everybody that has had 
experiences in life; some of them I have had. But I had the opportunity 
to walk on the grounds of Dachau and Bergen-Belsen and so on and look 
at what took place there and before they became shrines and before they 
became memorials, and I said in my heart: This is so wrong. Pray Lord, 
it will never happen again.
  So, Mr. Speaker, as I see what is going on over there these last many 
months, people talking to us about it, we do not really have a choice. 
If we are the Nation that I believe us to be, then we must stand up and 
do something even though as difficult as it may be.
  So, Mr. Speaker, I support our troops, I support our President's 
decision, and I know it is hard, but I hope that they return safely and 
the mission is over soon.
  Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Gilchrest).
  Mr. GILCHREST. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding this 
time to me, and I would like to express in the strongest terms possible 
my sentiments of this resolution tonight in the House of 
Representatives, that it is a heartfelt, gut wrenching resolution from 
every Member of the House of Representatives to everyone in the world 
about the United States commitment to this effort now underway and that 
it is not an act of war, it is an act of peace, a gesture of justice, 
and we appeal to the leaders of the world that the United States is 
carrying out the commitment that we had at the end of World War II that 
this will never happen again. The seeds of despair, the crime of 
genocide, will be stopped.
  This, Mr. Speaker, this resolution is a gesture on our part to the 
parents, the wives, the children of the men and women in harm's way in 
this air strike. We, as Members of the House, come together to share 
their anguish. This resolution is a statement to Mr. Milosevic and 
people like him around the world that we are resolute in our relentless 
determination to end cruel injustice and genocide.
  Mr. Speaker, we are here tonight to express in the strongest way 
possible that we, with the unity of the full House and this country, 
that our support for our troops and this mission is unequivocal.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Engel).
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I certainly support the resolution, I support 
our armed forces, our brave men and women, and I support the President 
in his courageous decision.
  This morning I showed a picture that I wanted to in advance and say 
it again. I apologize to my colleagues, the American people, if they 
are offended by this picture, but I think it has to be shown because 
this to me tells us why we are in Kosovo.
  This is the picture of one of the victims, a dead Albanian child. Let 
me read for my colleagues what it says. It says his mother will never 
have to see him this way, they killed her too. Every night, while most 
of our children sleep in the comfort of a warm bed, Albanian homes in a 
place called Kosovo are being raided, and innocent people are being 
massacred, many of them children, all in the name of ethnic cleansing.
  That is what is going on. That is why we, as leaders of the world, 
have to be in Kosovo, to stop genocide on the continent of Europe. That 
is why NATO has to be there, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization 
which is concerned about North America and Europe, to stop genocide. It 
is in U.S. national interests to stop genocide and in the U.S. national 
interest to stop a wider war because, if we did nothing, surely the war 
would expand and possibly engulf NATO allies such as Turkey and Greece 
and Hungary and other countries such as Albania and Macedonia and 
Bulgaria.
  So once again, as the leaders of the free world, we are doing the 
right thing.
  Mr. Milosevic has broken every agreement that he has accepted. He 
signed an agreement in October, and he violated it. Thousands and 
thousands of people have been displaced from their homes. There are a 
quarter of a million refugees, 100,000 in the past 2 weeks alone. 
People are being slaughtered. Innocent civilians, unarmed civilians, 
men, women and children lined up and shot into a pit. This has to stop.
  I am proud of our Armed Forces. Support the resolution.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Colorado (Mr. Tancredo).
  Mr. TANCREDO. Mr. Speaker, on March 11, as a freshman Member of this 
body, I witnessed one of the most profound debates on the issue as to 
whether or not we should allow the President to move ahead on his plan 
to attack Yugoslavia. I was on the losing side of that debate. I 
believed that the decision was wrong; I believe that it is wrong.
  Mr. Speaker, I am still convinced that the decision is a mistake, and 
I could not in good conscience say otherwise. Now, however, the trigger 
has

[[Page H1665]]

been pulled and we cannot put the bullet back into the chamber.
  Our only course of action is to, in fact, pray for the safe return of 
our Armed Forces now engaged and pray also that we do not use this as a 
criteria for future involvement of a similar nature because I can 
assure my colleagues that if, in fact, everything I have heard tonight 
as to the reasons why we are here, why we are doing what we are doing 
in Yugoslavia, if that is what we are going to use for interaction, if 
that is what we are going to use as a reason to put our forces in 
harm's way, I have a list of countries about, oh, as long as my arm 
that I can get for my colleagues that fit everyone of those criteria, 
and I hope and pray that we do not go there.
  Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Andrews).
  (Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. ANDREWS. I thank the ranking member for yielding this time to me, 
Mr. Speaker.
  I rise in strong support of the resolution. I speak as someone who 
has some grave doubts about the underlying policy but no doubt at all 
about my admiration and respect for the men and women in uniform who 
represent us so ably tonight. Our hearts and our prayers are with them, 
and our hearts are also with those who sit at home with their hearts in 
their throats waiting for the phone to ring with news about what has 
happened to their loved ones. It is our prayer that when that phone 
rings in houses and apartments all over America and around the world 
that the news will be good and the voice will be the voice of their 
father, or their mother, or their brother, or their sister, or their 
son and their daughter saying:
  I am safe, I am well, and I am coming home soon.
  Mr. Speaker, I would also hope that Members would do more than just 
come to the floor on days like this when we commend the efforts of our 
troops, but they would also come to the floor on days when we decide 
how much to pay our troops, come to the floor and support our efforts 
when we decide the quality of life for their families in bases around 
the world, would come to the floor and support the efforts that will 
give them the safest planes and the most accurate missiles and the most 
sure defense systems as well. Honoring our troops is not simply 
something we should do in times of grave national crisis; it is 
something that we should do every week and every day and every month 
with every dollar that we commit to their well-being and their safety.
  I am pleased to join with colleagues from all around the country on 
both sides of the aisle in sending our prayer of support, but adding an 
admonition that we stand by our people not just tonight, but in the 
weeks and months to come.
  Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Ohio 
(Mr. Traficant).
  (Mr. TRAFICANT asked and was given permission to revise and extend 
his remarks.)
  Mr. TRAFICANT. Mr. Speaker, I support our troops. I support air and 
logistics support, not ground troops. And I believe we better be very 
careful before we commit ground troops into this region. Milosevic 
definitely must be challenged, and I would like to say to this body 
that there will not be a long-term solution of lasting peace without 
dealing with the issue of independence that was recommended to this 
body in 1986.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to quote the intelligence report:
  Without independence for Kosovo, there will be revolution and 
bloodshed, and that bloodshed will be American as well if it is allowed 
to escalate.
  I support our troops; I am sure they will do a great job; and I 
support the efforts of our Congress in working with this issue and 
dealing with a tough technical subject.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
Michigan (Mr. Bonior).
  Mr. BONIOR. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from New York (Mr. 
Crowley) for yielding the time and my friend from Missouri (Mr. 
Skelton) for sharing his time with me.
  Mr. Speaker, tens of thousands of Albanian Kosovars are trudging 
through the mud and the snow in a desperate trek to safety, and behind 
them the troops of Slobodan Milosevic are shelling their villages, are 
slaughtering their livestock and are setting their homes a flame. In 
burning the homes of innocent people in Kosovo, Milosevic is also 
igniting a much broader conflict. It is one that threatens to spread 
throughout the Balkans and beyond.
  Mr. Speaker, that is why America and NATO allies are acting now to 
put a stop to this human catastrophe, to douse the flames of war before 
they spread and to demonstrate NATO's resolve for peace in Kosovo. 
Bombing the forces of Milosevic entails significant risk, but the risk 
of doing nothing is even greater. We learned that lesson in Bosnia 
where western inaction allowed things to generate into terrible 
atrocities.
  Mr. Speaker, over the past year we have worked very hard to 
facilitate a just settlement for the people of Kosovo and Yugoslavia, 
but Milosevic has refused to compromise, he has ignored our overtures 
for peace, and he has broken his promises. Even as we speak, he 
intensifies his campaign of violence and intimidation and ethnic 
cleansing. Just since Friday his troops have forced 25,000 families, 
Albanian Kosovars, from their homes.

                              {time}  1845

  We have all seen the pictures, old people and children struggling 
down a dirt road clutching the few possessions that they carry. Some 
have not been so lucky. Many Albanian Kosovars have been executed by 
Serbian forces merely because of their ethnic heritage.
  This slaughter cannot, must not continue. Our forces will strike hard 
and have struck hard to deter his aggression, eliminate his offensive 
military capabilities and show him decisively that the only sensible 
choice is the path to peace.
  Mr. Speaker, twice this century and throughout the Cold War American 
soldiers have fought bravely to protect freedom and democracy in 
Europe. We gather in this chamber tonight to express our pride and our 
support for them as they engage in this important mission once again. 
Our prayers are with them as they risk their lives so that others might 
live in safety and in freedom.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter), the distinguished chairman of our Subcommittee 
on Asia and the Pacific.
  (Mr. BEREUTER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, today is a tragic day. It will undoubtedly 
be the beginning of a tragic scenario. I think the gentleman from Texas 
(Mr. Paul) asked an interesting question. Why is it he said, that we 
repeatedly are up here on the House Floor under the compulsion to 
express our support for our men and women in the armed services? I 
think it probably has something to do with we have had too many 
military deployments recently which were based on very questionable 
premises, ill-informed, ineptly handled and for which there was no exit 
strategy, and here we are again facing the same kind of deployment 
problems.
  In Kosovo we are trying to coerce a peace agreement between two sides 
which do not agree with the objectives of that peace agreement. As a 
result of the American and NATO air strike today, the Serbians are now 
going to be more supportive for Milosevic.
  Now, certainly America's objectives in Kosovo are honorable and 
humane. There is no doubt about that, but I believe that contrary to 
what is expected, with this armed action against the Federal Republic 
of Yugoslavia we are actually going to see a further destabilization in 
the Balkans. A fragile country, the Republic of Macedonia, or the 
Former Yugoslavian Republic of Macedonia, if you prefer, will be 
subjected to further destabilization. I also believe we are going to 
accelerate the kind of violence by Serbian forces in the next few days 
against the Albanian ethnics in Kosovo. That is almost inevitable.
  Bombing will not do what we hope it will do. Bombing or air power 
never wins wars: it never settles things on the ground. It takes ground 
troops. So we will go through this air strike phase against missile 
sites and air defense systems, then we will accelerate the air attacks 
against strategic targets,

[[Page H1666]]

and, I predict, unfortunately that within 2 months, probably in a far 
shorter time than that, we will be involved with ground troops in 
Kosovo and there will be Americans among them.
  We do need to support our troops, by all means, because they are now 
going to be there for a very long time as ground troops in a hostile 
environment. There is no exit strategy prepared or easily possible from 
this unhappy quagmire.
  I also think we have to decide when it is indeed in our vital 
national interest to be involved in humanitarian efforts that we want 
to support. Why not in the civil and ethnic or racial conflicts in the 
Caucasus? Why not in Central Asia? Why not in Rwanda or Congo or 
Eritrea and Ethiopia? I ask those questions of my colleagues, but I do 
support the resolution and the men and women of our armed forces and I 
know we all do.
  Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Hastings).
  (Mr. HASTINGS of Florida asked and was given permission to revise and 
extend his remarks.)
  Mr. HASTINGS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from 
Missouri (Mr. Skelton) for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, perhaps my colleague for whom I have the greatest esteem 
I can answer most immediately, we do not have a NATO treaty with 
Rwanda. We do not have a NATO treaty with Eritrea and with Ethiopia.
  I stand to support our military this evening. I stand to support them 
not only this evening but in their being ready in the future. For those 
of us that have stood here and asked for deployment, we have a 
responsibility to put our money where our mouth is.
  All of us pray for the safe return of our troops. These brave 
Americans are keeping our commitment to our allies in NATO. They are 
discharging a great humanitarian purpose.
  A week ago, I saw a report on television where a 12-year-old boy had 
the responsibility of taking care of six of his siblings because his 
mother and father had been slaughtered. Our troops tonight are standing 
with those children to give them a chance for freedom. The commander in 
chief of this country is standing with those children this evening and 
our 18 allies in NATO are standing with them, too. Support our troops.
  Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Illinois (Mr. Hastert), the Speaker of the House.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. HASTERT. I yield to the gentleman from Nebraska.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Illinois for 
yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I just want to answer my distinguished friend the 
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings). We have no NATO agreement with 
Kosovo, with Yugoslavia or Macedonia either.
  Mr. HASTERT. Mr. Speaker, certainly tonight is a grave time for this 
country. It is a time that any time our armed services, our young men 
and women, confront an enemy in service of this country is a time that 
we must focus on and we must pray for their strength and safety, and we 
are there.
  We can debate the reasons why we are there and we can talk about if 
it is good or it is not good. We can talk about the problems that we 
have seen in that area, namely Kosovo, but we are there. I would like 
to take this opportunity to offer my personal appreciation and strong 
support for our men and women. They are in the skies over Kosovo and 
Serbia as we speak. They are risking their lives for certainly the 
ideal of democracy and safety and decency, and our hearts and our 
prayers certainly go with them.
  We know how dangerous their mission is, and we strongly urge all 
Members to give their whole-hearted support to this resolution.
  I would like to commend those brave young men and women for their 
selfless sense of honor and duty to their country. Each is a modern 
hero, an example of why America is truly a great Nation, and we wish 
them godspeed in their mission and certainly a safe return. The hearts 
of all Americans, and prayers, are with them.
  Mr. HOEFFEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Crowley).
  (Mr. CROWLEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support for our brave men 
and women of our armed forces which are now involved in the military 
operations against Serbian military targets in the former Yugoslavia.
  The military action we have undertaken has three objectives: First, 
to demonstrate the seriousness of NATO's opposition to aggression and 
its support for peace.
  Second, to deter President Milosevic from continuing and escalating 
his attacks on helpless civilians by seriously punishing such actions.
  Thirdly, to damage Serbia's capacity to wage war against Kosova in 
the future by diminishing its future capabilities.
  Mr. Speaker, as we have seen numerous times in the past, the only 
language that Mr. Milosevic understands is that of force. Therefore, I 
believe it is imperative that he be assured of our firm resolve to 
continue military action until Serbian forces halt their campaign of 
murder and repression and comply with the demands of the international 
community.
  Mr. Speaker, I believe military intervention is the right course of 
action and we must remember that these actions carry with them 
considerable risk. And so we must remember those young men and women of 
our armed forces and pray for their safe and speedy return.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Utah 
(Mr. Cook).
  Mr. COOK. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Chairman 
Gilman) for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution supporting our armed 
forces engaged today in military operations against the Federal 
Republic of Yugoslavia. Like my colleagues, my thoughts and prayers are 
with these men and women for their safe and swift return.
  However, I am very distressed that again Congress was not consulted 
until the bombers were virtually on their way. Today's action 
reinforces the continued circumvention of the War Powers Act. Although 
I deplore the genocide and ethnic cleansing that is being waged by the 
Serbs against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, I am very concerned that we 
are being drawn into a situation that will require ground troops.
  The situation in Bosnia has continued for many years and while things 
may have improved there, no exit strategy is in sight. This action in 
regards to Kosovo appears to be headed in exactly the same direction 
and with much higher risks. It is imperative that congressional 
approval be sought by the administration before this action escalates.
  Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Wisconsin (Mr. Kind).
  (Mr. KIND asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. KIND. Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member, the gentleman from 
Missouri (Mr. Skelton), for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, like everyone in this House tonight I rise in support of 
this resolution and join in offering my thoughts and prayers to the 
young men and women in American uniform and to all those military 
personnel from the other 18 NATO nations who are committed to restoring 
the peace in Kosovo.
  Once again, they are called upon to carry out a dangerous military 
mission to bring peace and stability to Europe. I believe this is the 
right policy at the right time and for the right reason.
  The people of Kosovo are good and decent people who do not deserve to 
be murdered and forced from their homes by Milosevic's army. I am proud 
of our men and women in the military who will carry out their duties 
professionally, honorably and courageously. May they all return home to 
their families safely.
  If we have learned anything from the 2nd World War, it is that the 
United States of America cannot stand idly by while atrocities and 
genocidal practices are being committed against defenseless civilians.
  The action taken today is not unilateral. All 19 members of NATO 
agreed that the time has come to stop Milosevic's campaign of terror in 
Kosovo in order to prevent further tragedy and to stabilize the greater 
Balkan region.

[[Page H1667]]

  In this matter, the danger of inaction far outweighs the risk of 
action. If we can learn any lesson from both World War I and World War 
II, it is that the U.S. can and must take a leadership role to stop 
tyranny and atrocities that threaten innocent people and the free 
world.
  But ultimately, it is not NATO that is acting today, but individual 
men and women in the uniforms of the United States Armed Forces, as 
well those of our allies. These soldiers sailors and airmen are in 
harm's way, and we must support them to the fullest.
  We should not delude ourselves in thinking that air strikes and other 
military actions in the Balkans will be as safe as the actions we have 
taken recently in Iraq. The situation in Kosovo is far more complex, 
and our actions there may result in casualties and even loss of life.
  Let us hope the military action is successful and those men and women 
can return home soon.
  Mr. LaTOURETTE. The Chair announces that the gentleman from South 
Carolina (Mr. Spence) has 1 minute remaining and the right to close. 
The gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) has 2\1/2\ minutes remaining. 
The gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Skelton) has 4\1/2\ minutes remaining, 
and the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Hoeffel) has 1 minute 
remaining.
  Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), the chairman of the Committee on 
the Judiciary and a member of our committee.
  (Mr. HYDE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. HYDE. Mr. Speaker, some years ago we had a Member of Congress 
named Ben Blaz. He was from Guam, and he was a military man. He was a 
general in the Marine Corps, and he told me, he said, there is nothing 
worse for an infantryman to be climbing up a hill and look back over 
his shoulder and seeing that nobody is there.
  Well, we want to tell our fighting forces in Kosovo and in Yugoslavia 
tonight that we are there. We are constantly reminded of the heavy, 
heavy price that freedom extracts from us. The brave men and women that 
are willing to risk their lives in a far away land to resist genocide 
are living proof that patriotism and valor are still the defining 
characteristics of our fighting people.
  The finest speech I have ever heard in 25 years in Congress was 
delivered by the gentleman from New York (Mr. Ackerman) last week over 
there on this issue. He reminded us that when the Holocaust occurred we 
all said never again, never again.
  Well, again is happening right now. It is happening in Kosovo, where 
thousands of people are massacred and other thousands of people, 
elderly and infants, are roaming the snowy mountains because they have 
been dispossessed. It is happening again.
  I do not know how we turn our back on that and walk away if it is 
within our power to stabilize the situation and stop the killing.
  So that is what this is about. We can debate the policy again and 
again and again, but we are there and the genocide is there and we do 
have a national interest in halting the killing. We have a human 
interest in halting the killing. So I want to express my pride, I want 
to express my prayers for the fighting men and women who are in the 
front lines paying the price, halting the genocide and doing the Lord's 
work.

                              {time}  1900

  I am proud of our military. Diplomats are fine, lawyers are great, 
but in the last analysis, it is the soldier that pays for freedom, and 
we ought to be thanking God on our knees that we have such men.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) 
for his very excellent words in support of this resolution.
  Mr. HOEFFEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the final minute of my time.
  This clearly is a good resolution that deserves all of our support, 
Mr. Speaker. We all support our fighting forces at this time of their 
need. This military action is the right thing to do for at least three 
reasons:
  First, we need to stop this brutal dictator, Milosevic, from plunging 
Europe into an even deeper cycle of unrest and instability and 
violence; secondly, we need to prevent a humanitarian crisis from 
deepening, affecting the innocent civilians in Kosovo; and thirdly, we 
need to act to support our national credibility and NATO's credibility 
in this measure.
  We all support the resolution, compliment our fighting men and women, 
and wish them God speed.
  Mr. SKELTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, we are here discussing a resolution to commend the 
American military forces. This is as it should be. We have also 
discussed and heard words explaining why we are leading the NATO forces 
in doing what we are doing, for humanitarian purposes, for purposes of 
keeping NATO strong, for purposes of keeping the Balkans from erupting 
onto a wider war or conflict.
  Let us talk about the troops for a minute. Let us talk about those 
young men and those young women who day in and day out wear the uniform 
of our country. Let us think of them not just tonight, let us think of 
them at other times, not just our committee but all of us, regardless 
of the committee on which we serve.
  They are the cream of the crop. They are the seed corn of the future 
of American democracy, the young men, young women who raise their right 
hand and swear to uphold the Constitution and do their duty. That is 
the bottom line of young America. I am so proud of them.
  Here they are being called upon to fulfill a very dangerous mission, 
yes. They are those in the air forces of our country, the Air Force, 
Marines, Navy. But I am sure that all men and women in the military are 
in our thoughts and prayers tonight.
  As fewer and fewer people wear the uniform, fewer and fewer sons and 
daughters and grandsons and nephews and nieces, there seems to be a 
growing gap between American civilians and between those who defend our 
freedoms.
  Let us not just think of those in our United States forces this 
evening, let us think of them at other times. Let us think of them at 
the times we debate the budget, when we discuss what we should do for 
their pay, for their barracks, for their families, for their housing, 
for their housing allowances. We want to do better for them than we 
have in the past.
  In a democracy, it is often difficult to show appreciation for those 
in the military. Rudyard Kipling, the poet laureate of Great Britain 
many years ago, penned a poem entitled ``Tommy,'' reflecting the fact 
that the soldier, the Redcoat, was out of sight, out of mind, until 
there was trouble at hand.
  He penned and wrote, ``It is Tommy this and Tommy that, and throw him 
out, the brute, but it is `Savior of our country' when the guns begin 
to shoot.''
  Let us keep the young people of our forces, whether they be in Fort 
Leonard Wood, Whiteman Air Force Base, any post or base throughout this 
world, in our thoughts, in our minds, in our prayers, and in our votes 
on this floor when it comes to supporting them, not just tonight by 
this vote, but by votes and debate and help in the days ahead.
  Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, the mission of our Committee on Armed Services is to 
properly provide for our military people. The chairman of our 
Subcommittee on Military Procurement is the gentleman from California 
(Mr. Hunter).
  Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Hunter).
  The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from California (Mr. Hunter) is 
recognized for 1 minute.
  Mr. HUNTER. Mr. Speaker, in a couple of minutes we are going to tell 
these wonderful people who protect America, our uniformed service 
personnel, how much we respect them. We are going to tell them that 
with this vote. But in the next several weeks, we are going to have a 
chance to show them how much we support them and how much we respect 
them.
  I hope every Member here will vote to close that 13\1/2\ percent pay 
gap that exists between them and the private sector, and help to get 
those 10,000 service personnel off food stamps. I hope every Member 
here will vote for a defense budget and for supplemental budgets to pay 
for that $1.7 billion worth of ammo that we are short in the Army, and 
to pay for the equipment that our personnel need, and to pay for

[[Page H1668]]

some of the spare parts we need to get those planes off the ground that 
right now are grounded.
  These are our finest citizens, and I hope in the next several weeks 
we are going to show that and demonstrate that in the best way we know 
how. That is when we vote to support them.
  Mr. UNDERWOOD. Mr. Speaker, I am troubled by events taking place far 
away in the Balkans today. The brutal aggression and ``ethnic 
cleansing'' that have been long perpetrated by Serbian President 
Slobodan Milosevic must come to an end. Today, the military forces of 
NATO, led by the United States, struck at the heart and means of this 
miscreant aggression.
  Too many lives in past conflicts have been lost because of inaction. 
Imagine how different the world might have been had the world stood up 
sooner to an Adolf Hitler or a Heideiki Tojo. We are once again at one 
of those historical crossroads. It is necessary and proper that the 
United States and our NATO Allies force the hand of Milosevic toward 
the end of just governance and human decency. The Serbian military's 
brutality in the name of a 610-year-old vindication is childish and 
historically indefensible. Today, with God's help, we aim to set things 
right.
  In bi-partisan fashion, I stand in strong support of our President's 
decision and applaud his courage. I stand in strong support to our 
brave troops, our gallant allies and all their faithful families as we 
begin to embark on this endeavor to stop the senseless violence. Let's 
hope that President Milosevic will get the message and return to the 
table of peace.
  Mr. ORITZ. I rise today in support of the resolution before us, in 
support of our young men and women in uniform serving in the European 
theater, and in support of NATO's decision to use force to try and 
change dictator Slobodan Milosevic's mind about continuing his 
holocaust in Kosovo.
  As the Ranking Democrat on the Armed Services Readiness Committee, I 
have been in the Bosnia/Southeastern European theater several times 
over the past few months and have spent significant time talking to our 
troops over there.
  In Bosnia, when we sent troops to keep the peace there, we were not 
quite sure how that would turn out, but we knew that doing nothing was 
unacceptable. The soldiers I have talked to in Bosnia have told me that 
they know their mission is successful because the fighting has stopped 
and they now see children playing in the street.
  The United States has a large responsibility in this world. The 
lessons of WWII taught us that unchecked aggression and man's 
inhumanity to others will not simply stop. Someone must step in to stop 
them. That is one of the fundamental reasons NATO was created, to stop 
unchecked aggression by dictators.
  Generally, people across the country cannot find Kosovo on a map and 
do not yet understand why slaughter after slaughter in a place far, far 
away can invoke the military might of the United States. That is 
unfortunate. The truth of the matter is that the effects of this 
unchecked aggression have already begun to spill over the borders of 
Kosovo and Bosnia into Italy, Hungary, Greece and Turkey. These are 
NATO allies and we have a responsibility to them.
  Our troops are presently engaged in a hostile action, and the House 
of Representatives, and the entire Congress, owes them our respect and 
our support.
  Mr. VENTO. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the NATO Air 
strikes aimed at preventing any further loss of lives in the embattled 
Serbian province of Kosovo. It is clear that all reasonable diplomatic 
avenues had been exhausted and military action was inevitable. The 
United States and NATO have an obligation to uphold the basic standards 
of human rights and hold Serbia and its leadership to the October 1998 
agreement which they made and which they have blatantly disregarded. 
Furthermore, seizing upon the withdrawal of the OSCE monitors as an 
opportunity to unleash another round of assaults on the civilian 
population of the Kosovo region is unacceptable.
  Leaders of the ethnic Albanian majority Kosovars will settle for 
autonomy today, but plainly want complete independence for their 
region. The Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic continues to adamantly 
stand opposed today to Kosovo's pleas, even autonomy for Kosovo, which 
he rejected after years of such status in the late 1980's. Serbia's 
Milosevic's ethnic cleansing crusade has claimed the lives of thousands 
of innocent civilians since the renewed military action in 1998. This 
Serbian aggression can not be overlooked. The actions carried out by 
the Milosevic regime certainly has the potential to undermine the 
Bosnian Peace Accords and spill over into neighboring countries, such 
as Macedonia, Albania, Turkey and Greece. I will remind my colleagues 
that this small trouble spot on the map in Eastern Europe was the spark 
for past World Wars.
  After months of peace talks and violations of cease-fire agreements, 
Milosevic continues to launch attacks and mass genocide against the 
Kosovars in Serbia. As a result, by October 1998, up to 275,000 
civilians had fled their homes. Some have immigrated to the Yugoslav 
republic of Montenegro; others crossed the border into Albania or 
Macedonia, but most stayed in Kosovo and have been subject to genocide 
by Milosevic's Serb troops. The latest outbreak of fighting has created 
a new refugee crisis, with about 60,000 people a new fleeing their 
homes in the last couple of weeks.
  Ironically, as the integration of Central Europe into NATO occurs, 
the United States can not sit back and allow this type of conduct. This 
flies into the fact of NATO's agreements and purpose. Such events, if 
unaddressed, will seriously undermine NATO's credibility and role 
within Europe. Mass genocide must not be tolerated. For moral reasons 
independent of our pre announced alliances much less in the face of it. 
NATO was not formed and maintained for parade purposes. When it is 
necessary and needed member nations must act to fulfill its mission. 
The irony of this crisis is two-fold. Nobody likes to send anyone into 
a situation with the possible loss of their lives. But right now 
innocent lives such as the elderly, women and children are being lost 
at the hands of Slobodan Milosevic's Serbian forces.
  I support our troops and this justified and necessary mission in 
attempt to end the genocide and protect the basic human rights for the 
Kosovars and Serbian compliance with the basic cease fire agreements 
that they have pledged to agree to in October of 1998.
  Mr. EWING. Mr. Speaker, last week, I voted against the resolution 
authorizing the deployment of United States military troops to Kosovo. 
Although the House ultimately approved the resolution, my concern that 
we are entering into this operation without a well-defined mission, 
and, more importantly, a strategy to remove our troops remains.
  Despite the many different opinions on this situation, it is now time 
for every American to stand unified behind our men and women in 
uniform.
  We must not, however, yield to the emotion of the moment. To protect 
our sons and daughters it is vital that the President, and the 
Congress, together, continue to act prudently to not only preserve the 
lives of innocent Kosovars but our young men and women abroad.
  I only ask that we, as one nation, offer our thoughts and prayers for 
the families, and the safe return of these brave young Americans.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. LaTourette). All time for debate has 
expired.
  Pursuant to the order of the House of today, the previous question is 
ordered on the resolution.
  The question is on the resolution.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. SPENCE. Mr. Speaker, on that, I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 424, 
nays 1, not voting 9, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 71]

                               YEAS--424

     Abercrombie
     Ackerman
     Aderholt
     Allen
     Andrews
     Archer
     Armey
     Bachus
     Baird
     Baker
     Baldacci
     Baldwin
     Ballenger
     Barcia
     Barr
     Barrett (NE)
     Barrett (WI)
     Bartlett
     Barton
     Bass
     Bateman
     Becerra
     Bentsen
     Bereuter
     Berkley
     Berman
     Berry
     Biggert
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bishop
     Blagojevich
     Bliley
     Blumenauer
     Blunt
     Boehlert
     Boehner
     Bonilla
     Bonior
     Bono
     Borski
     Boswell
     Boucher
     Boyd
     Brady (PA)
     Brady (TX)
     Brown (CA)
     Brown (FL)
     Brown (OH)
     Bryant
     Burr
     Burton
     Buyer
     Callahan
     Camp
     Campbell
     Canady
     Cannon
     Capps
     Capuano
     Cardin
     Carson
     Castle
     Chabot
     Chambliss
     Chenoweth
     Clay
     Clayton
     Clement
     Clyburn
     Coble
     Coburn
     Collins
     Combest
     Condit
     Conyers
     Cook
     Cooksey
     Costello
     Cox
     Coyne
     Cramer
     Crane
     Crowley
     Cubin
     Cummings
     Cunningham
     Danner
     Davis (FL)
     Davis (IL)
     Davis (VA)
     Deal
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     Delahunt
     DeLauro
     DeLay
     DeMint
     Deutsch
     Diaz-Balart
     Dickey
     Dicks
     Dingell
     Dixon
     Doggett
     Dooley
     Doolittle
     Doyle
     Dreier
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Edwards
     Ehlers
     Ehrlich
     Emerson
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Etheridge
     Evans
     Everett
     Ewing
     Farr
     Fattah
     Filner
     Fletcher
     Foley
     Forbes
     Ford
     Fossella
     Fowler
     Frank (MA)
     Franks (NJ)
     Frost
     Gallegly
     Ganske
     Gejdenson
     Gekas
     Gephardt
     Gibbons
     Gilchrest
     Gillmor
     Gilman
     Gonzalez
     Goode
     Goodlatte
     Goodling
     Gordon
     Goss
     Graham
     Granger

[[Page H1669]]


     Green (TX)
     Green (WI)
     Greenwood
     Gutierrez
     Gutknecht
     Hall (OH)
     Hall (TX)
     Hansen
     Hastert
     Hastings (FL)
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayes
     Hayworth
     Hefley
     Herger
     Hill (IN)
     Hill (MT)
     Hilleary
     Hilliard
     Hinchey
     Hinojosa
     Hobson
     Hoeffel
     Hoekstra
     Holden
     Holt
     Hooley
     Horn
     Hostettler
     Houghton
     Hoyer
     Hulshof
     Hunter
     Hutchinson
     Hyde
     Inslee
     Isakson
     Istook
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson-Lee (TX)
     Jefferson
     Jenkins
     John
     Johnson (CT)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones (NC)
     Jones (OH)
     Kanjorski
     Kaptur
     Kasich
     Kelly
     Kennedy
     Kildee
     Kilpatrick
     Kind (WI)
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Kleczka
     Klink
     Knollenberg
     Kolbe
     Kucinich
     Kuykendall
     LaFalce
     LaHood
     Lampson
     Lantos
     Largent
     Larson
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Lazio
     Leach
     Levin
     Lewis (CA)
     Lewis (GA)
     Lewis (KY)
     Linder
     Lipinski
     LoBiondo
     Lofgren
     Lowey
     Lucas (KY)
     Lucas (OK)
     Luther
     Maloney (CT)
     Maloney (NY)
     Manzullo
     Markey
     Martinez
     Mascara
     Matsui
     McCarthy (MO)
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCollum
     McCrery
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McHugh
     McInnis
     McIntosh
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McKinney
     McNulty
     Meehan
     Meek (FL)
     Meeks (NY)
     Menendez
     Metcalf
     Mica
     Millender-McDonald
     Miller (FL)
     Miller, Gary
     Miller, George
     Minge
     Mink
     Moakley
     Mollohan
     Moore
     Moran (KS)
     Moran (VA)
     Morella
     Murtha
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Nethercutt
     Ney
     Northup
     Norwood
     Oberstar
     Obey
     Olver
     Ortiz
     Ose
     Owens
     Oxley
     Packard
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor
     Paul
     Payne
     Pease
     Pelosi
     Peterson (MN)
     Peterson (PA)
     Petri
     Phelps
     Pickett
     Pitts
     Pombo
     Pomeroy
     Porter
     Portman
     Price (NC)
     Pryce (OH)
     Quinn
     Radanovich
     Rahall
     Ramstad
     Rangel
     Regula
     Reyes
     Reynolds
     Riley
     Rivers
     Rodriguez
     Roemer
     Rogan
     Rogers
     Rohrabacher
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Rothman
     Roukema
     Roybal-Allard
     Royce
     Rush
     Ryan (WI)
     Ryun (KS)
     Sabo
     Salmon
     Sanchez
     Sanders
     Sandlin
     Sanford
     Sawyer
     Saxton
     Scarborough
     Schaffer
     Schakowsky
     Scott
     Sensenbrenner
     Serrano
     Sessions
     Shadegg
     Shaw
     Shays
     Sherman
     Sherwood
     Shimkus
     Shows
     Shuster
     Simpson
     Sisisky
     Skeen
     Skelton
     Smith (MI)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (TX)
     Smith (WA)
     Snyder
     Souder
     Spence
     Spratt
     Stabenow
     Stark
     Stearns
     Stenholm
     Strickland
     Stump
     Sununu
     Sweeney
     Talent
     Tancredo
     Tanner
     Tauscher
     Tauzin
     Taylor (MS)
     Taylor (NC)
     Terry
     Thomas
     Thompson (CA)
     Thompson (MS)
     Thornberry
     Thune
     Thurman
     Tiahrt
     Tierney
     Toomey
     Towns
     Traficant
     Turner
     Udall (CO)
     Udall (NM)
     Upton
     Velazquez
     Vento
     Visclosky
     Walden
     Walsh
     Wamp
     Waters
     Watkins
     Watt (NC)
     Watts (OK)
     Waxman
     Weiner
     Weldon (FL)
     Weldon (PA)
     Wexler
     Weygand
     Whitfield
     Wicker
     Wilson
     Wise
     Wolf
     Woolsey
     Wu
     Wynn
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)

                                NAYS--1

       
     Lee
       

                             NOT VOTING--9

     Calvert
     English
     Frelinghuysen
     Myrick
     Nussle
     Pickering
     Slaughter
     Stupak
     Weller

                              {time}  1924

  So the resolution was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
  Stated for:
  Mr. WELLER. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 71, I was inadvertently 
detained. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''
  Mr. PICKERING. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably detained and missed the 
following rollcall vote: Rollcall vote No. 71, H. Res. 130. Had I been 
present, I would have voted ``aye.''

                          ____________________