[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 45 (Monday, March 22, 1999)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3036-S3039]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SPRING PLANTING LOANS FOR FAMILY FARMERS
Mr. DORGAN. Mr. President, the agenda for the Senate this week is to
continue on the supplemental appropriations bill. Then at some point
this week we will go to the budget bill. My hope is that we will finish
work on the supplemental appropriations bill. I understand that we are
heading towards a vote tomorrow on cloture on a Kosovo amendment to the
emergency supplemental appropriations bill. So we are off on a range of
other issues, that being a foreign policy issue. We already had votes
on tobacco and tobacco proceeds from the settlement, and so on.
But my hope is that one way or another we will get through the
supplemental appropriations bill in order to provide the resources in
that legislation for spring planting loans for family farmers. There
are not very many weeks until our family farmers will be in the fields,
and they need some operating loans to buy the seed and the fuel and to
pay the expenses to do spring planting. And we have many farmers in
North Dakota who are not, under current circumstances, going to be able
to get loans from the Farm Service Agency unless we pass this
supplemental bill.
So if we do not pass the supplemental appropriations bill this week,
and we go home, then we are not in session the next 2 weeks, we are
going to be leaving these farmers in pretty tough circumstances. Then
this supplemental has to go through the House, the Senate, and go to
the President for his signature. Frankly, the fate of a lot of family
farmers rests on our ability to get this done.
Last week, a friend of mine announced that he was quitting farming,
which I suppose is not such unusual news these days. A lot of farmers
are quitting farming. This friend happens to be Elroy Lindaas, who is a
State senator. Elroy is a wonderful fellow. He
[[Page S3037]]
farms near Mayville, ND. I have been to the barn dance on his farm a
good many times. I guess the last time was about 5 months ago. The barn
dances that Elroy has are held up in the hayloft of a very large white
barn.
Elroy and his wife have gone to various garage sales in and around
Mayville over the years, and they would pick up a davenport here or a
couch or a chair. So up in the hayloft of his barn he has this large
expanse lined with very comfortable old chairs.
He has built himself a little stage. He plays guitar and he has
neighbors that play musical instruments, as well. At this barn dance
that he holds every year, they get a little band together. They hang
some crepe paper. They get a couple hundred people who come up and fill
the hayloft at the Lindaas barn.
On this farmstead, they have planted 120 consecutive crops. For 120
years they have planted crops on the Lindaas farm. But this year, the
121st year they won't be planting a crop because he is selling his farm
this June.
Here is a farm that has been in that family for 120 years, passed
from granddad to dad and son. Why does that farm at this point cease
operation? Why does the family decide it cannot make it any longer?
Here is a family farmer trying to do business, with prices for wheat
and other grains at Depression-era prices. In constant dollars, the
price they get for a bushel of wheat today is no different than it was
during the Great Depression.
What does all this mean and what do we do about it all? The chart
with this map shows what is happening in our country as we talk about
the choices and priorities we will make in the supplemental
appropriations bill and then the budget bill. This map shows those
counties, which are marked in red, where we have had an outmigration of
people. You will see the outmigration from the middle part of America,
up and down the farm belt and especially in North Dakota. Up and down
the entire farm belt in the Great Plains, we have an entire region of
America that is being depopulated. People are leaving, not coming. Look
at all of these counties, each of these in red are rural counties in
which the population is leaving. These are the counties that have lost
fifteen percent or more of their population in a fifteen-year period.
My home county, Hettinger County, ND, is probably a good example.
Hettinger County, ND, is right here in Southwestern North Dakota. It,
too, is marked in red. When I left Hettinger County there were 5,000
citizens living there. Now there are 3,000 citizens. The next county is
Slope County. Both my home county and the next county are the size of
Rhode Island, individually. Slope County has 900 people. A year ago or
so they had seven babies born in the entire county.
What is happening with the depopulation of rural areas, with people
moving out, not moving in? Elroy Lindaas, after 120 years of planting
crops and making a family farm work, is saying, ``I can't do it
anymore.''
What is happening? A lot of things. The Presiding Officer will not be
surprised when I mention the current farm bill, which in my judgment,
is a disaster. In fact, it is interesting that in 1995 when we
discussed the Budget Act on the floor of the Senate, that budget bill
provided the framework for changing the farm bill. The budget that year
framed the requirements under which a new farm bill had to be
developed. It was developed into what was called the Freedom to Farm
bill.
Freedom to Farm had two parts to it. One part made a lot of sense. It
gave farmers the freedom to plant what they chose to plant, not what
the Federal Government allowed them to plant.
Second, it cut the tie between farm prices and government payments.
The bill's sponsors said because farm prices were so good and so robust
and healthy at that time, we would give a transition payment on top of
the current strong market prices, and then farmers would be on their
own. That payment would decrease over a number of years after which
farmers would be on their own. That was essentially the theory of the
program. It was called transitioning-the-farmers-out-of-a-farm program.
The problem is, farm prices didn't stay healthy and family farmers
discovered very quickly that as commodity prices for wheat, feed grains
and others began to collapse, there wasn't much of a price support for
them. There wasn't a government program that said, ``You are important.
So, when commodity prices collapse, somehow we will build a bridge over
that pricing valley to see if we can help you get across.''
We have our farm people looking 2 years, 5 years, 7 years ahead. They
hear the economists say prices aren't going to improve much. They say
if that is the case and if the Federal Government is not going to help
and doesn't care whether there are family farmers left, they will
leave. That is what is creating the depopulation of a rural area.
It is also true that the ability to raise grain here and ship it to
Asia has diminished, as the Asian financial crisis took away our export
markets. It is true that this administration has not been nearly as
aggressive as it should have been on the Export Enhancement Program. It
is also true that, frankly, the Congress did not provide what the
administration asked for on EEP. The administration, Congress, and the
markets shaped the circumstances that now conspire in ways that say to
farmers there is not much hope for you out here.
As we watch the depopulation of a major part of our country, let me
make another observation. Those farmers that stay in business will
harvest a crop this fall and receive a price that is pretty anemic.
When the farmers get in the truck and haul the grain to the elevator,
they will be told the food they produce doesn't really have much value.
The farmers will scratch their heads and say, ``I don't understand
that.''
This world adds a New York City in population every single month.
Every single month another New York City in population appears on the
face of this globe. At least a half billion people and probably far
more than that go to bed every single night with an ache in their belly
because they don't have anything to eat. Yet, we are telling our
farmers that what they produce has no value. There is something
fundamentally wrong with that.
Working on a bipartisan basis as a Congress, we have to find a way in
this budget mechanism to say to family farmers that their presence in
this country matters to America. It strengthens our country to have our
food production produced by a network of broad-based economic owners,
by our family farmers. It strengthens our country to have the family
farm system existing in America.
We must decide and decide quickly that the current farm bill doesn't
work. It must be changed. People say, ``Do you want to go back to the
old support prices?'' I don't know. I am willing to discuss that. If
you have a better idea, let me know. But, do you really want to go to
any community in this area and say our nation's policy is more of the
same? Do we want to keep seeing outmigration, and collapsed farm
prices? Do we want to keep transitioning farmers out of farming?
Whatever ideas exist in this Chamber, I am willing to discuss. I have
an idea for the first step. Let's take the caps off the price support
loan rates and at least give farmers what the big print said it was
going to give them in the farm bill, and what the fine print took away.
Let's take the caps off the loan rates, and get the loan rates up to
where they ought to be. That is the first step.
We have all the farm organizations around town who purport to support
family farmers. I assume that is who is financing them. Yet, every
single one has a different message about what ought to be done. Some do
not support taking the cap off the loan rates. They don't have ideas,
but they oppose those who do have ideas.
At some point, if we are going to save family farming for this
country, we have to get together and find some kind of approach that
will reconnect a decent income to those who produce.
This isn't the fault of family farmers. This is not their doing. They
didn't cause the markets to collapse. They didn't cause the financial
crisis in Asia. They didn't cause the unfair trade from Canada that
allows a massive quantity of spring wheat and durum wheat to flood into
our marketplace. They didn't cause that, and they ought not be victims.
[[Page S3038]]
They didn't cause the foreign policy problems that require us to have
sanctions against other countries, or the foolish notion that we ought
to have any sanctions at all on food and medicine. Farmers didn't cause
that.
That is another step we ought to take. I don't say this suggesting
that it will solve the farm problem, because it won't. We ought to
decide all sanctions on food and medicine anywhere in the world ought
to be ended. I may offer that to the budget resolution this week. Does
anyone think Saddam Hussein or Fidel Castro missed a meal because we
can't ship food to Cuba or Iraq? Not hardly. All that sanctions hurt
are our farmers here in this country and poor people and hungry people
abroad.
My point is we must pass this supplemental bill in order to allow
some of these family farmers to get into the field this spring. Without
it, many of them won't get into the field. Then we must fix this farm
program because this farm program doesn't work. We must work on a range
of other issues, including trade to deal with the unfair trade problems
our farmers face. There are a whole series of other steps that we can
and should take.
I want to mention this issue of priorities. I come from one of the
most rural States in America, and our family farmers are in desperate
trouble. Even as we debate these issues, we are told there is limited
money available and we just can't do all of these things. If that is
your priority, then farmers don't matter much.
I mentioned that in 1995 the genesis of the current farm bill
originated here on the Senate floor in the Budget Act that was brought
for a vote to the Senate. And so better farm policy could start this
week here in the budget resolution that is brought to the Senate later
this week.
Let's talk about what the priorities are. The majority party will
bring a domestic budget mark to the floor this week that decreases
domestic spending by slightly over $20 billion. The proposed mark of
the Budget Committee will have a $9.1 billion increase for defense over
that which was assumed in the Balanced Budget Act of 1997. So, in
defense, their budget will provide $290 billion, a $9 billion increase.
But, in other domestic discretionary spending, their budget would take
$20 billion in cuts.
Now, last year in the fall, we passed some emergency aid for farmers.
In that omnibus appropriations bill Congress provided aid for a range
of things, including agriculture. $1 billion was added for the national
missile defense program. $1 billion. It was money that wasn't asked for
by the Defense Department. This money wasn't needed by the Defense
Department. The Defense Department said it was spending money as
rapidly as it could to find the technology and the solutions to hitting
a bullet with a bullet, which is what the national missile defense
program is.
The Defense Department said it really didn t have the capability of
using any more money. The Congress said it didn't matter to them and
demanded that they have $1 billion more. So $1 billion more emerged. I
tried to get a few thousand dollars, a few hundred-thousand-dollars, or
a few million dollars to deal with the emergencies in Indian housing
and Indian health care. I couldn't do it. But $1 billion, which the
Department of Defense didn't want, didn't ask for, and didn't need
emerged mysteriously. In fact, it turns out that they could not even
spend it.
Of the $1 billion, the Department of Defense could only find $150
million in uses in fiscal year 1999. Do you know what that was for? A
third of it, amounting to $56 million was used for contract transition
and rebaselining. Does anybody know what that is? Does that sound as if
you are building a weapon? Contract transition and rebaselining. They
are going to allocate another $50 million in the next fiscal year
because they could not use it in the last fiscal year. They want to use
$400 million on things other than national missile defense because they
could not find a use for it in national missile defense.
This priority comes from a Congress that says that we don't have
enough money and we can't help these farm folks. It doesn't matter that
these farmers aren't doing very well. They say we can't help them much
because we don't have the money.
My point is that this is about making choices. We have a
responsibility to make thoughtful choices, good choices, choices that
will strengthen our country. I find it more than a bit disappointing to
discover that there is plenty of money for someone else's priorities,
but not enough money to deal with what I think is a priority for this
country such as the long-term economic health of family farming.
I want to also mention one contributing factor to the farm troubles
in this country of ours. I mentioned trade just a moment ago. I want to
go back to it because our prices have collapsed for a range of reasons.
These are the prices that our farmers receive for grain when they haul
it to the elevator. One of the reasons is that we have a trade policy
in this country that is a terrible trade policy. We say to the rest of
the world that we are for free trade, open trade, come and trade with
us. Yet, we refuse to stand up and have any backbone at all to stand
for our producers when we are the victims of unfair trade.
Let me give you an example. The Canadians continue to flood our
country with their durum wheat and their spring wheat, undercutting our
farmers' prices. Our nation can't seem to do a thing about it. For
years now, it has gone on. I acknowledge that our Trade Ambassador and
this President have taken some action, which is more than previous
Presidents have done. Previous Presidents would not give the time of
day to this issue. But this President's action and the action of the
Trade Ambassador is far short of what it should be, and they know it.
I found it interesting when I was in Europe a few months ago and I
picked up the paper. I read that we are going into a trade war with
Europe over bananas. I am sitting there in Europe thinking, gee, that
is strange. Let's see, where do we produce bananas in the United
States? I guess maybe we produce a few bananas in Hawaii. But by and
large, we don't produce bananas in the United States. So why do we have
a Trade Ambassador prepared to go into a trade war over bananas,
something we don't produce? I guess it is because U.S. corporations
produce bananas in Latin America and they are trying to sell them to
Europe. Europe won't let the bananas in, so we get all exercised and we
are going to have a trade war over bananas.
I want to ask the Trade Ambassador this: If you are willing to go
into a trade war over bananas, which we don't produce, would you be
willing to take some reasonable action against countries that inundate
our markets and cut our prices on something we do produce, such as
spring wheat, durum, and barley? Why is it that we are willing to go to
bat here and ratchet up a big trade dispute with Europe over bananas
when we don't produce any real bananas. Yet, we seem unable, or
unwilling, to take action against the Canadians, who clearly are
violating our trade laws and who are causing massive dislocation in the
center part of our country by undercutting our grain markets and
hurting our family farmers.?
Oh, I have thought from time to time about getting a truckload of
bananas and dumping it on the front steps of the USTR s office to say
at least here you can see some bananas when you walk out. You won't see
any in the fields and you won't see any banana trees anywhere you look
in the continental United States. You have this big trade dispute going
on over bananas, which you won't be able to find in most corners of
this country. That would at least give our trade office a chance to see
bananas. But I decided I could not afford to do that, and it would
probably be a stupid stunt anyway.
Somebody needs to say: You are not thinking straight. If you want to
stand up for the economic interests of this country, then stand up for
things we produce. Then someone will say to me: Mr. Senator, you know
there are some agricultural groups that support action against Europe
on the banana issue? Yes, I am sure there are. We have dozens of farm
organizations in this country who say they speak for farmers, and they
wouldn't know a pair of coveralls from an oil rag. I mean, they
wouldn't know a pickup truck from a razorback hog. In fact, they don't
know much about farming. They are about agribusiness. They lobby under
the
[[Page S3039]]
name of farmers, but they really represent the agrifactories of this
country.
I say to them: You are off supporting this dispute about bananas, and
you are probably all upset that I am undercutting you. No, all I am
interested in doing is getting the limited resources of the U.S. Trade
Ambassador's office to start fighting for the economic interests of
what we produce in this country. Things like wheat and steel? Sure, we
have people concerned about steel. I will join them. How about focusing
on wheat coming in from Canada at secret prices, sent to us by a state
trading enterprise that would be illegal in this country? We send
auditors up to Canada and they say, ``We want information about what
price you are selling for.'' They say, ``We are sorry, we don't intend
to give you any information at all.'' That is violative of our trade
laws, and we ought to have a Trade Ambassador who will do something
about that and a President who will join her to say it is time to stop
that kind of unfair trade.
Well, Mr. President, my time is about over. I know that, as we begin
the budget process this week and as we complete, hopefully, action on
the supplemental this week, we will have a discussion about choices. I
have talked a great deal about agriculture and the farm program.
Let me conclude by saying that one of the most significant choices we
will make, in addition to those I have described, will be the issue of
the broad choices of what we are able to do with the future surplus.
One of the major choices will be to determine whether there will be
reserves left from that surplus to invest in Social Security and to
protect Medicare. I am especially concerned with the issue of Medicare,
which is the major issue that represents the difference between the two
budget resolutions that will be brought to the floor of the Senate.
That, I think, will be an aggressive and healthy debate and an
appropriate one.
There are those who stood on this floor some 35 or so years ago and
said that the Medicare Program would make sense for this country for
senior citizens who had no health care. They found that insurance
companies were not lining up to ask if they can insure older folks.
They didn't run around looking for older folks to insure, because old
folks aren't the kind of people you make money from. You insure young,
healthy people, and make money from those folks.
Sixty percent of the senior citizens of this country had no health
insurance, and we passed Medicare over the objections of many. Now, 99
percent of the senior citizens in this country have health care. They
don't go to bed at night worried about whether their health
circumstance will change in a way that will cause them very substantial
trouble because they won't have the money to deal with their health
care needs. Medicare relieves them of that kind of anxiety.
We must, it seems to me, commit ourselves, in the context of choices
that we make in the budget this year and in future years, to the long-
term financial future and solvency of both Social Security and
Medicare. I think in the next 2 or 3 days we will have a robust,
healthy, and aggressive debate on this. Perhaps the debate will include
some who never liked Medicare in the first place, and who wouldn't vote
for it now, if they had a chance. I have heard a couple of people
suggest as much in recent years. But, there are those on that side and
perhaps many of us on the other who believe very strongly that this is
a program that has been very, very healthy for tens of millions of
American people and who believe that we ought to continue to provide
solvency for it in the long term.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Voinovich). The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
____________________