[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 38 (Wednesday, March 10, 1999)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2520-S2522]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SENATE RESOLUTION 60--RECOGNIZING THE PLIGHT OF THE TIBETAN PEOPLE ON
THE 40TH ANNIVERSARY OF TIBET'S ATTEMPT TO RESTORE ITS INDEPENDENCE
Mr. MACK (for himself, Mr. Moynihan and Mr. Lott) submitted the
following resolution; which was referred to the Committee on the
Judiciary:
S. Res. 60
Whereas during the period 1949-1950, the newly established
communist government of the People's Republic of China sent
an army to invade Tibet;
Whereas the Tibetan army was ill equipped and out-numbered,
and the People's Liberation Army overwhelmed Tibetan
defenses;
Whereas, on May 23, 1951, a delegation sent from the
capital city of Lhasa to Peking to negotiate with the
Government of the People's Republic of China was forced under
duress to accept a Chinese-drafted 17-point agreement that
incorporated Tibet into China but promised to preserve
Tibetan political, cultural, and religious institutions;
Whereas during the period of 1951-1959, the failure of the
Government of the People's Republic of China to uphold
guarantees to autonomy contained in the 17-Point Agreement
and the imposition of socialist reforms resulted in
widespread oppression and brutality;
Whereas on March 10, 1959 the people of Lhasa, fearing for
the life of the Dalai Lama, surrounded his palace, organized
a permanent guard, and called for the withdrawal of the
Chinese from Tibet and the restoration of Tibet's
independence;
Whereas on March 17, 1959 the Dalai Lama escaped in
disguise during the night after two mortar shells exploded
within the walls of his palace and, before crossing the
Indian border into exile two weeks later, repudiated the 17-
Point Agreement;
Whereas during the ``Lhasa Revolt'' begun on March 10,
1959, Chinese statistics estimate 87,000 Tibetans were
killed, arrested, or deported to labor camps, and only a
small percentage of the thousands who attempted to escape to
India survived Chinese military attacks, malnutrition, cold,
and disease;
Whereas for the past forty years, the Dalai Lama has worked
in exile to find ways to allow Tibetans to determine the
future status of Tibet and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize
for his efforts in 1989;
Whereas it is the policy of the United States to support
substantive dialogue between the Government of the People's
Republic of China and the Dalai Lama or his representatives;
and
Whereas the Dalai Lama has stated his willingness to
negotiate within the framework enunciated by Deng Xiaoping in
1979: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That it is the sense of the Senate that--
(1) March 10, 1999 should be recognized as ``Tibetan
National Day'' in solemn remembrance of those Tibetans who
sacrificed, suffered, or died as a result of Chinese
aggression against their country and of the inherent right of
the Tibetan people to reject tyranny and to determine their
own political future, including independence, if they so
determine; and
(2) March 10 of each year should serve as an occasion to
renew calls by the President, Congress, and other United
States Government officials on the Government of the People's
Republic of China to enter into serious negotiations with the
Dalai Lama or his representatives until such a time as a
peaceful solution, satisfactory to both sides, is achieved.
Mr. MACK. Mr. President, the Tibetan people are suffering today in
the name of freedom, and I am pleased to rise with Senator Moynihan to
submit a resolution in solemn commemoration of this day, March 10, in
Tibetan history.
It was on March 10, 1959 that the Tibetan people said, ``enough is
enough.'' The city of Lhasa organized into what later became known as
the ``Lhasa revolt'' on this day forty years ago, to protect their
beloved leader, the 14th Dalai Lama, and to reject the impositions of
Beijing. Let me provide some details.
The new communist government in Beijing sent an army to invade Tibet
in 1949. The People's Liberation Army quickly overwhelmed Tibetan
defenses. In 1951, a Tibetan delegation went to Beijing to negotiate a
peace agreement. But negotiation is too kind of a word. The Tibetan
delegation was forced to sign a PRC-written document known as the ``17
Point Agreement.'' Even though it was forced upon the Tibetan
government, it promised to preserve Tibetan political, cultural, and
religious institutions, and so was warily accepted by the Tibetan
government.
Mr. President, going back to the early days of the PRC, we can see a
pattern. The terms on paper protected the Tibetan way of life. But the
promises proved empty. I suggest this is a lesson our President today
would be wise to learn. Whether regarding Hong Kong, weapons
proliferation, or trade, we must remember what Ronald Reagan taught
us--``trust, but verify.'' This is especially true of our dealings with
communists and authoritarian rulers.
In Tibet, nine years of trying to compromise with the communists,
from 1951 to 1959, failed. In fact, the restrictions on Tibet increased
progressively, as did the oppression and brutality of Beijing's rule.
March 10, 1959 stands out as an important day, not only in Tibet's
history, but also in the history of humanity's struggle for freedom. On
this day, the people of Lhasa organized a permanent guard around the
Dalai Lama's palace, and demanded the withdrawal of the Chinese from
Tibet and the restoration of Tibet's independence.
One week later, the Dalai Lama was forced to flee his home and his
people while his palace was being shelled by the PLA. It is important
to note that, in a great and triumphant official act, he repudiated the
17-Point agreement.
According to Chinese statistics, 87,000 Tibetans were killed,
arrested, or deported to labor camps during this ``Lhasa Revolt.''
Countless tried to follow the Dalai Lama to India--unfortunately, only
a very small percentage of the thousands who attempted to escape
through the Himalayas to India survived. If they could successfully
avoid the Chinese military--then they would succumb to malnutrition,
cold, and disease.
Mr. President, we are today honoring the memory of the more than
87,000 Tibetans who paid with their lives for the preservation of
Tibet. We also honor the 6 million Tibetans today who keep alive the
hope of one-day returning home.
Mr. President, we believe in certain inalienable rights; it is part
of our constitution. I believe that our freedom cannot be complete, and
we as a nation cannot achieve our fullest greatness, so long as others
suffer from the yoke of tyranny and oppression. Tibet today suffers
from cultural genocide at the hands of the PRC. And yet, don't they
also have inalienable rights: to reject tyranny? to determine their
political future including independence? to chose freedom and reject
oppression?
The answer, very clearly, must be a resounding ``yes.'' We have
introduced
[[Page S2521]]
this resolution today, to register this ``yes.'' We do it for His
Holiness, the Dalai Lama of Tibet. We do it for the 6 million Tibetans
in the world today facing the very real and unfortunate threat of
seeing their homeland destroyed and culture obliterated. And, we do it
for each of us who believe that the gifts we have in our lives here do
not excuse us from caring about the struggles of others.
I am pleased to submit this resolution, and ask my colleagues to
support its immediate adoption.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a statement issued by the
Dalai Lama of Tibet be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the statement was ordered to be printed in
the Record as follows:
Statement by the Dalai Lama on the 40th Anniversary of the Tibetan
National Uprising, March 10, 1999
My sincere greetings to my compatriots in Tibet as well as
in exile and to all our friends and supporters all over the
world on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Tibetan
national uprising of 1959.
Four decades have passed since we came into exile and
continued our struggle for freedom both in and outside Tibet.
Four decades are a considerable time in a person's life. Many
fellow countrymen, both those who stayed back in Tibet in
1959 and those who came out at that time, are now gone.
Today, the second and third generations of Tibetans are
shouldering the responsibility of our freedom struggle with
undiminished determination and indomitable spirit.
During our four decades of life in exile, the Tibetan
community has gone through a process of increasing
democratization and has made tremendous progress in
education. We have also been able to preserve and promote our
unique cultural and religious heritage. Our achievement on
all these fronts is now widely recognized and acknowledged by
the international community. The credit for this achievement
goes to the determination and hard work of the Tibetan
people. However, our success would not have been possible
without the generous assistance of many international aid
organizations and individuals. We are especially grateful to
the people and government of India for their unsurpassed
generosity and hospitality ever since the late Prime Minister
Jawaharlal Nehru gave asylum to the Tibetan refugees and laid
down the programmes for education and rehabilitation of our
exile community.
During the same four decades, Tibet has been under the
complete control of the government of the People's Republic
of China and the Chinese authorities have had a free hand in
governing our country. The late Panchen Lama's 70,000-
character petition of 1962 serves as a telling historical
document on the draconian Chinese policies and actions in
Tibet. The immense destruction and human suffering during the
Cultural Revolution, which followed shortly afterwards are
today known world-wide and I do not wish to dwell on these
sad and painful events. In January 1989, a few days before
his sudden death, the Panchen Lama further stated that the
progress made in Tibet under China could not match the
amount of destruction and suffering inflicted on the
Tibetan people. Although some development and economic
progress has been made in Tibet, our country continues to
face many fundamental problems. In terms of history,
culture, language, religion, way of life and geographical
conditions, there are stark differences between Tibet and
China. These differences result in grave clashes of
values, dissent and distrust. At the sight of the
slightest dissent the Chinese authorities react with force
and repression resulting in widespread and serious
violations of human rights in Tibet. These abuses of
rights have a distinct character, and are aimed at
preventing Tibetans as a people from asserting their own
identity and culture, and their wish to preserve them.
Thus, human rights violations in Tibet are often the
result of policies of racial and cultural discrimination
and are only the symptoms and consequences of a deeper
problem. The Chinese authorities identify the distinct
culture and religion of Tibet as the root cause of Tibetan
resentment and dissent. Hence their policies are aimed at
decimating this integral core of the Tibetan civilian and
identity.
After a half a century of ``liberation'' the Tibetan issue
is still very much alive and remains yet to be resolved.
Obviously this situation is of no benefit to anyone, either
to Tibet or to China. To continue along this path does
nothing to alleviate the suffering of the Tibetan people, nor
does it bring stability and unity to China or help in
enhancing China's international image and standing. The only
sensible and responsible way to address this problem is
dialogue. There is no realistic alternative to it.
It is with this realization that in the early seventies I
discussed and decided with my senior officials the main
points of my ``Middle Way Approach''. Consequently, I opted
for a resolution of the Tibet issue, which does not call for
the independence of Tibet or its separation from China. I
firmly believe that it is possible to find a political
solution that ensures the basic rights and freedoms of the
Tibetan people within the framework of the People's Republic
of China. My primary concern is the survival and preservation
of Tibet's unique spiritual heritage, which is based on
compassion and non-violence. And, I believe it is worthwhile
and beneficial to preserve this heritage since it continues
to remain relevant in our present-day world.
With this spirit I responded immediately when Deng
Xiaoping, in late 1978, signalled a willingness to resume
dialogue with us. Since then our relation with the Chinese
government has taken many twists and turns. Unfortunately, a
lack of political will and courage on the part of the Chinese
leadership has resulted in their failure to reciprocate my
numerous overtures over the years. Thus, our formal contact
with the Chinese government came to an end in August 1993.
But a few informal channels through private persons and semi-
officials were established after that. During the past one-
and-a-half year one informal channel seemed to work smoothly
and reliably. In addition, there were some indications that
President Jiang personally had taken an interest in the
Tibetan issue. When US President Clinton visited China last
June, President Jiang discussed Tibet with him at some
length. Addressing a joint press conference, President Jiang
sought a public clarification from me on two conditions
before resuming dialogues and negotiations. We, on our part,
communicated to the Chinese government my readiness to
respond to President Jiang's statement and our desire for an
informal consultation before making it public. Sadly, there
was no positive response from the Chinese side. Late last
autumn, without any obvious reason, there was a noticeable
hardening of the Chinese position on dialogue and their
attitude towards me. This abrupt change was accompanied by
a new round of intensified repression in Tibet. This is
the current status of our relation with the Chinese
government.
It is clear from our experiences of the past decades that
formal statements, official rhetoric and political expediency
alone will do little to either lessen the suffering of the
concerned people or to solve the problem at hand. It is also
clear that force can control human beings only physically. It
is through reason, fairness and justice alone that the human
mind and heart can be won over. What is required is the
political will, courage and vision to tackle the root cause
of the problem and resolve it once and for all to the
satisfaction and benefit of the concerned people. Once we
find a mutually acceptable solution to the Tibetan issue, I
will not hold any official position, as I have clearly stated
for many years.
The root cause of the Tibetan problem is not the difference
in ideology, social system or issues resulting from clashes
between tradition and modernity. Neither is it just the issue
of human rights violations alone. The root of the Tibetan
issue lies in Tibet's long, separate history, its distinct
and ancient culture, and its unique identity.
Just as in late 1978, so also today, resumption of contact
and dialogue is the only sensible and viable way to tackle
this complex and grave problem. The atmosphere of deep
distrust between Tibetans and Chinese must be overcome. This
distrust will not go away in a day. It will dissipate only
through face-to face meetings and sincere dialogues.
I feel that the Chinese leadership is sometimes hindered by
its own suspicions so that it is unable to appreciate sincere
initiatives from my side, either on the overall solution to
the Tibetan problem or on any other matter. A case in point
is my consistent and long-standing call for the need to
respect the environmental situation in Tibet. I have long
warned of the consequences of wanton exploitation of the
fragile environment on the Tibet plateau. I did not do this
out of selfish concern for Tibet. Rather, it has been acutely
clear that any ecological imbalance in Tibet would affect not
just Tibet, but all the adjacent areas in China and even its
neighbouring counties. It is sad and unfortunate that it
took, last year's devastating floods for the Chinese
leadership to realize the need for environmental protection.
I welcome the moratorium that has been placed on the
denudation of forests in Tibetan areas and hope that such
measures, belated though they may be, will be followed by
more steps to keep Tibet's fragile ecosystem intact.
On my part, I remain committed to the process of dialogue
as the means to resolve the Tibetan problem. I do not seek
independence for Tibet. I hope that negotiations can begin
and that they will provide genuine autonomy for the Tibetan
people and the preservation and promotion of their cultural,
religious and linguistic integrity, as well as their socio-
economic development. I sincerely believe that my ``Middle
Way Approach'' will contribute to stability and unity of the
People's Republic of China and secure the right for the
Tibetan people to live in freedom, peace and dignity. A just
and fair solution to the issue of Tibet will enable me to
give full assurance that I will use my moral authority to
persuade the Tibetans not to seek separation.
As a free spokesman for the people of Tibet, I have made
every possible effort to engage the Chinese government in
negotiations on the future of the Tibetan people. In this
endeavor, I am greatly encouraged and inspired by the support
we receive from many governments, parliaments, non-
governmental organizations and the public throughout the
world. I am deeply grateful for their concern and support. I
would like to make a special mention of the efforts being
made by President Clinton and his Administration to encourage
the Chinese government to engage in dialogues with us. In
addition, we are fortunate to continue to enjoy
[[Page S2522]]
strong bipartisan support in the United State Congress.
The plight of the Tibetan people and our non-violent
freedom struggle has touched the hearts and conscience of all
people who cherish truth and justice. The international
awareness of the issue of Tibet has reached an unprecedented
height since last year. Concerns and active support for Tibet
are not confined to human rights organizations, governments
and parliaments. Universities, schools, religious and social
groups, artistic and business communities as well as people
from many other walks of life have also come to understand
the problem of Tibet and are now expressing their solidarity
with our cause. Reflecting this rising popular sentiment,
many governments and parliaments have made the problem of
Tibet an important issue on the agenda of their relations
with the government of China.
We have also been able to deepen and broaden our relations
with our Chinese brothers and sisters, belonging to the
democracy and human rights movement. Similarly, we have been
able to establish cordial and friendly relations with fellow
Chinese Buddhists and ordinary Chinese people living abroad
and in Taiwan. The support and solidarity that we receive
from our Chinese brothers and sisters are a source of great
inspiration and hope. I am particularly encouraged and moved
by those brave Chinese within China who have urged their
government or publicly called for a change in China's policy
towards the Tibetan people.
Today, the Tibetan freedom movement is in a much stronger
and better position than ever before and I firmly believe
that despite the present intransigence of the Chinese
government, the prospects for progress in bringing about a
meaningful dialogue and negotiations are better today than
ever. I, therefore, appeal to governments, parliaments and
our friends to continue their support and efforts with
renewed dedication and vigour. I strongly believe that such
expressions of international concern and support are
essential. They are vital in communicating a sense of urgency
to the leadership in Beijing and in persuading them to
address the issue of Tibet in a serious and constructive
manner.
With my homage to the brave men and women of Tibet, who
have died for the cause of our freedom, I pray for an early
end to the suffering of our people.
Mr. MOYNIHAN. Mr. President, every year on March 10th we reflect on
the plight of the Tibetan people. Forty years ago many Tibetan citizens
gave their lives to defend their freedom and to prevent the Dalai Lama
from being kidnaped by the Chinese army. For those who are committed to
standing with the Tibetan people, it is a day to consider what can be
done to lend support to Tibetan people, it is a day to consider what
can be done to lend support to Tibetan aspirations. The United States
Senate will mark the occasion by considering a resolution to mark this
solemn occasion.
The United States Congress takes the position that Tibet is an
occupied country whose true representatives are the Dalai Lama and the
Tibetan Government in exile. The International Commission of Jurists
(ICJ), which has closely followed the situation in Tibet since the
Dalai Lama was forced to flee into exile, and has published reports in
1959, 1960, 1964, and 1997. After examining Chinese policies in Tibet,
it reported its findings to the Secretary-General of the United
Nations. The 1960 report made the important international legal
determination that ``Tibet demonstrated from 1913 to 1950 the
conditions of statehood as generally accepted under international
law.''
Now the ICJ has returned to the issue of Tibet and produced another
important report. It finds that repression in Tibet has increased since
1994. This is an assessment which my daughter Maura shares after having
visited Tibet and having worked closely for many years with Tibetan
refugees who continue to make the dangerous journey over the Himalayan
mountains to flee persecution in their homeland. In 1996 she returned
from Tibet to report that,
. . . in recent months Beijing's leaders have renewed their
assault on Tibetan culture, especially Buddhism, with an
alarming vehemence. The rhetoric and the methods of the
Cultural Revolution of the 1960s have been resurrected--
reincarnated, what you will--to shape an aggressive campaign
to vilify the Dalai Lama.
The Dalai Lama, of course, remains unstained, but it is time for the
Chinese to consider a policy of ``constructive engagement'' of their
own--with the Tibetans. For many years now, the United States Congress
has called on the People's Republic of China to enter into discussions
with the Dalai Lama or his representatives on a solution to the
question of Tibet. Today we continue that message. This resolution
declares March 10, 1999 as ``Tibetan National Day in solemn recognition
of those Tibetans who sacrificed, suffered, or died as a result of
Chinese aggression among their country.'' It also affirms the right of
the Tibetan people to ``determine their own political future, including
independence if they so determine.'' The government of the People's
Republic of China should know that as the Tibetan people and His
Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet go forward on their journey toward
freedom the Congress and the people of the United States stand with
them.
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