[Congressional Record Volume 145, Number 26 (Friday, February 12, 1999)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E235-E238]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
HUMAN RIGHTS
______
HON. JOSEPH R. PITTS
of pennsylvania
in the house of representatives
Friday, February 12, 1999
Mr. PITTS. Mr. Speaker, this week, I chaired a Congressional Human
Rights Caucus Briefing in which expert witnesses from Indonesia showed
photographic evidence and reported on the situation facing their
people.
Attacks on ethnic and religious minorities, particularly Chinese
minorities, are continuing and in some instances appear to be
orchestrated. Ninety-five churches have been burned or destroyed since
May of 1998.
Today I am submitting record and statements from this week's
briefing. These statements help to note the severity of acts being
committed in Indonesia.
Statement for Members Briefing on Current Human Rights Abuses in
Indonesia
Good morning ladies and gentlemen. It is a privilege for me
to welcome you to the Congressional Human Rights Caucus
Briefing on Current Human Rights Abuses in Indonesia. The
extreme nature of the recent human rights abuses in Indonesia
has shocked the world. Reports show that churches and mosques
have been burned, businesses of ethnic minorities have been
looted and destroyed, students were arrested and killed, and
women and girls have been brutally raped and sometimes
murdered.
Today's hearing is sponsored by the Congressional Human
Rights Caucus. The Caucus, co-chaired by Congressman John
Porter and Congressman Tom Lantos, is a bi-partisan group of
members dedicated to advocating for the protection of human
rights
[[Page E236]]
worldwide. The situation in Indonesia has long concerned
Human Rights Caucus Members and many American people because
of the long-standing human rights violations in East Timor.
It was not until more recently, however, that the world
watched as the horrors perpetrated in East Timor spread
throughout Indonesia.
As you may know, early last year, riots broke out in major
cities in Indonesia. As people stood and watched in horror,
rioters looted and destroyed businesses, burned churches, and
caused mass destruction. Then, last May, the world stood
horrified as it learned of the perpetration of mass rapes.
Well-documented reports suggest a systematic plan on the part
of the rapists to terrorize the Chinese ethnic community.
Groups of unknown assailants would descend on a community,
enter businesses, demand money, rape women who were present
(often while uttering anti-Chinese rhetoric), and loot and
sometimes burn the businesses.
Despite the change in the leadership of Indonesia's
government, human rights abuses continue. Unfortunately, the
stories of situations similar to last year's tragedies have
not ceased in Indonesia. Killing and rioting is still
occurring. In January of this year, 40 people were murdered
in a village in Ambon. Attackers in other areas of the island
of Ambon stopped individuals in the streets, asked them what
their religion was, and upon the admittance of Christian
beliefs, killed the individuals. Reports suggest that
approximately ``20,000 people sought refuge in military
bases, police barracks, churches and mosques'' in riots in
which ``seven mosques, nine churches, and 570 buildings were
burned.'' Similar reports have come from Banyuwangi,
Ketapang, Poso, and other regions of Indonesia.
Other reports give details that during the rioting in the
region known as the ``Spice Islands,'' in one week 15
churches and 11 mosques were badly damaged or completely
destroyed. Local inhabitants of attacked areas often state
that villagers lived in harmony until outsiders came to their
homes and, armed with various weapons, instigated the various
riots and attacks on ethnic and religious minorities. These
attacks continue throughout Indonesia.
Many human rights reports suggest that the riots of 1998
and 1999 were orchestrated by a particular individual or
group of individuals. The question in people's minds is who
or what is behind the terrible violence sweeping through the
various regions of Indonesia?
Unfortunately, a large portion of the Indonesian population
is afraid to report what they have seen. However, today, we
will hear from some courageous individuals who desire to see
justice and national reconciliation in their country so that
stability, based on democracy, will be the norm in Indonesia.
The actions of the perpetrators of rape, murder and other
crimes and human rights abuses are cowardly and should be
internationally condemned. In addition, the government of
Indonesia must engage in a thorough investigation to bring to
justice those who are responsible for the horrifying human
rights abuses occurring even today.
I applaud the courage of today's panel and thank them for
their willingness, though possibly putting their own lives in
danger, to share their knowledge about current human rights
violations in Indonesia and who or what might be behind those
abuses. The Congressional Human Rights Caucus encourages you
in your pursuit of justice and protection of fundamental
human rights for the Indonesian people.
____
In A Nutshell: Law and Socio-Political Problems in Indonesia
Many articles have been published by the media related to
the regime of Suharto. At that time, violations against human
rights happened frequently. Aside from the cases in Aceh,
East Timor, Irian, Java and other areas, there were many
other violations of human rights. At that time people were
afraid of speaking out about the violations of human rights,
especially related to the abduction of some activists who
spoke out on human rights and democracy. After Suharto
collapsed the mass media finally revealed the kidnapping
committed by certain personnel of Kopassus (the case of
General Prabowo).
The law enforcement during Suharto's reign was so worisome.
The judges were influenced by the authorities, although they
denied it. They were even ``bought'' which is very difficult
to prove legally. However, this can be witnessed empirically
and it has been an open secret through the publication of the
press. The violations against human rights such as the cases
of Marsinah in East Java, Hanoch Ohee in Irian Jaya, Ghandi
Memorial School, Kedungombo Dam, Bintang Pamungkas, Mochtar
Pakpahan, and other cases, published by the mass media speak
for themselves. The law at that time seemed to be upright but
justice and human rights were neglected.
The socio-political condition was overpowered by Suharto.
Nobody dared to express their disagreement except a few
people, such as Budiman Sudjatmiko, Bintang Pamungkas as well
as Mochtar Pakpahan. The political parties at that time
endorsed all the actions of Suharto. However, recently, they
have started opening their mouth and honestly admitted that
they did not have the courage to speak out at that time
because they were frightened of Suharto's power. In brief,
Suharto was a dictator.
Thus is the short explanation about justice, socio-
political and human rights during the regime of Suharto. It
is indisputable that corruption, collusion and nepotism were
committed in all sectors of public life as the truth has now
been disclosed by the press. To say that all government
officials were involved, including the Armed Forces is not an
exaggeration at all, though it is hard to prove legally.
What happens after Habibie comes on stage (de facto),
because judicially Suharto's decree as President, has not
been revoked. Essentially and fundamentally, it can be said
that there has been no meaningful change occur except the
freedom of the press. The freedom of democracy has been born
with the permission to establish a hundred political parties.
Despite all of this, the pattern of thinking and behavior of
President Habibie keeps following the pattern of Suharto,
with several exceptions. Some observations have to be given
to the socio-political conditions. Another point needs to be
discussed related to the religious life in Indonesia.
The law enforcement related to political issues it really
ambivalent. After Shuarto stepped down, more and more
breaches of law were committed by the masses, let alone
robbery and other violent crimes. They invaded the places
such as fertilizer and rice warehouses, as well as plundering
stores selling basic daily needs. Places of worship
(churches) were destroyed and burned down. The government
officials ``accused'' of committing corruption, collusion and
nepotism were picketed by the people, who do not respect and
acknowledge the authority of the local government officials.
Even government and police offices were destroyed and burned,
as happened to Lakarsanti in Surabaya (1999) and in some
other places. People have acted the way they liked because
they are fed up of being treated unfairly, and also because
the spreading rumors were incorrect, manipulated and
distorted. The law enforcement and the security agencies seem
hesitant to take action or if they act, it is too late. It is
unsurprising if small-scaled social anarchy takes place. In
this reformation era during which the law and human rights
should be enforced, what happens is the other way around.
Apparent transgression of human rights took place in Aceh
in the past and recently (in Lohkseumawe), as well as mass
murder against those accused of black magic by ninjas in
Banyuwangi (East Java). These incidents seemed to be directed
against NU supporters and it was argued that some military
persons were involved in the murders. The military personnel
who were said to have been involved committed desertion. It
seems that there is a phenomena of social anarchy happening,
where the jungle law prevails.
The security forces usually arive when riots and anarchy
are almost completely done and too late to be stoped. The
same thing happened during the Ketapang incident where human
slaughter and the destruction and burning of Ketapang
Churches (Nov 22, 1998) in Jakarta took place. Similar
patterns like in Ketapang reoccurred in Kupang (Timor) and
soon after that in Ambon (19-22 January 1999) sacrificing
more lives and enormous loss of property. The data of
casualties has not been confirmed yet. Some say 500 people
were murdered. Thirteen religious buildings were burned.
Those incidents indicate that there is a relation in the
engineering pattern blown-up by SARA rumors during which
churches and mosques were burned in Ambon. The most
destructive things have happened to churches in many
places since 1996. Those who are not friendly to
Christians look for social and economic scapegoats.
During the reign of Sukarno, only two churches were burned
while during the 32 years regime of Suharto, 455 churches
were burned, destroyed and closed down. It means each month,
an average of 1.18 church destroyed and burned. Within 7
months of Habibie's reign, 76 churches were destroyed and
burned. In other words, each month an average of 10.85
churches were destroyed and burned.
The condition of security in Indonesia is annoying.
Economic conditions are getting worse, unemployment is
increasing while the law seems to have lost its power. In
addition, the development of socio-political conditions is
still confusing and the people who pretend to fight for
democracy accuse each other, making the condition more
uncomfortable and unsecured. Moreover the stipulation of new
regulations related to the general election, and the
prediction that chaos or social revolution prior or after the
general election will take place, have caused anxiety in
people's hearts, especially the poor ones who are concerned
with their life and belongings.
Indonesia is at the edge of ruin. There are unhappy voices
coming from places such as Irian and Aceh to separate
themselves from this country. Their rich natural resources
were enjoyed and used to enrich authorities in Jakarta. All
of this creates the potential for disintegration to become
true. In other words, civil war is at the doorstep,
especially with the latest development in East Timor.
It can be summarized that anyone can make a different
diagnosis, but the therapy seems difficult to carry out,
considering the present socio-political and economic
conditions. There are more than one hundred small political
parties, besides PKB, PAN, PDI Megawati and Golkar. There are
parties
[[Page E237]]
which are not sensitive to the pluralistic conditions in
Indonesia, which sharpens the potential of polarization.
Unity is often talked about as a ceremonial thing only to
maintain the status quo status. In a pluralistic society,
where different cultures and religions are not understood in
the context of democracy and human rights, can things get
worse. It has been forgotten that human beings with different
cultural backgrounds and religions, are created by (one) God.
If the economy does not improve and unemployment keeps on
increasing, not only will crime get higher, but the law will
not be respected and obeyed. If the Armed Forces do not
consolidate, the disintegration process will come to reality.
Chaos will emerge among ethnic groups or religions. Democracy
and the freedom of human rights are being rhetorically talked
every day, but it is doubtful all the leaders and their
parties, except a few ones, could live peacefully in this
pluralistic society.
To end this short writing, let us ponder the saying of the
late President John F Kennedy: ``And even if we are not able
to agree, let us do so in such a way, that make the world
safe, still in its diversity.''
J.E. Sahetapy,
Emeritus Professor of Unair.
____
Political Agenda Behind the Riot of Poso
(By Kie-Eng Go)
[Presented in the Briefing on The Current Human Rights Issues in
Indonesia with the US Congressional Human Rights Caucus, Feb 9, 1999]
The tragedy of Poso, which is also known as the ``Poso's
Gray Christmas'' on December 23-31, 1998, resulted in the
following: 183 people were injured, some seriously, 267
houses were demolished or burned down (1,632 people,
representing 364 Christian households, lost their homes), 5
stores were burned down, 7 cars were burned or destroyed, 10
motorcycles were destroyed, 4 hotels were destroyed and 4
entertainment centers (karaoke) were damaged.
Beyond the physical destruction, the tragedy has brought
about deep trauma in the life of the people of Poso.
Indonesia: Fundamentalism and the Human Rights Issue
From the Surabaya incident, June 9, 1996 to the Situbondo,
then to the Tasikmalaya, on and on and up to the Ambon, there
are several things, which should not go unnoticed:
1. There are three groups of people being attacked and
marginalized: the ethnic Chinese, the Christmas and the
moderate Muslims.
2. The incidents were well planned, and provocateurs from
outside were sent in to create riots.
3. There seems to be linkage among the incidents, although
they took place in different places. There seems to be
progression between one incident to the next; for instance,
from the harassment of the right to worship, to the closing
of the places of worship, to the attack and burning of the
places of worship, to the attack and burning of the home of
religious followers.
4. The increase of brutality has turned into sadistic
killing. Mr. Meiky Sainyakit, according to the eyewitnesses
who survived, was burnt alive to death, after his two arms
were chopped off, in the Ambon case.
5. The authorities, the police, the military, and the
central government itself have done very minimal, if anything
at all. The security forces would probably arrest those who
were caught in the act, and that has been as deep as the kind
of initiative done by them, as some cases have indicated. Not
only are they not responding, often times, as reports
suggest, not only are they very slow in following up leads,
but they also are involved in discrediting the sources of the
leads. When the whole situation is viewed and assessed as a
totality, it should raise a very serious question about the
cover up.
The core issue in Indonesia is trust; the erosion of trust
amongst a pluralistic society. The kind of trust that has
been emerging is the kind of trust that would only exist if
everyone in Indonesia speaks the same language, wears the
same cloths and colors, prays the same prayer. There is no
longer trust toward government and its leaders, political and
public figures, public and private institutions, business and
banking system, media, community leaders, religious leaders,
even one another.
Alternatives and recommendation
Therefore, in everything we do, we the Indonesians, and we
the international community, we have to move with one thing
in mind and that is to bring trust back into a culture which
was originally built and based on the principle of a
pluralistic society. Below are some thoughts and alternatives
that I like to recognize to this panel:
1. Stop the madness and killing.--We recommend that the
International Community demands full accountability on the
rapes and killing of many Indonesians. Why does the
International community have to be involved in domestic acts
of crimes in Indonesia? The kind of crime and killing in
Indonesia should not be looked at any longer as a domestic
affair, rather it is an attack and an insult to mankind on
earth. When civilians are attacked by professional, trained,
and army-like personnel, and the attacks are done
systematically and repeatedly, and they are done in a pursuit
of a certain ideology, should we not consider that as a war.
2. The victims.--We are the International Community for an
immediate and decisive initiative to provide full
rehabilitation for the victims and the families. Despite all
the good and nice rhetoric by the government officials of
Indonesia, including the head of the current government,
victims, families members, and medical workers are still
being terrorized and intimidated. Phone lines are still being
tapped. Such conditions have made any kind of rehabilitation
impossible.
3. Persecution.--On the issue of persecution against
certain ethnic and religious groups, we all need to stop
listening to the rhetoric of the leaders, and state looking
into the dynamic of how the culture of suspicion is being
carried out. Today, when you are Chinese and/or Christian in
Indonesia, you do not have any guarantee of physical safety
on the street, nor protection under the law. The government,
the police, and the military, including the leader of the
government himself, are not interested in protecting the
rights of the citizen, despite of all their nice and good
rhetoric.
4. Social safety net.--A Social safety net program is very
urgent at this moment in Indonesia. Total chaos and massive
killing could take place anywhere and at anytime, without
being provoked by anybody. The social safety net programs in
Indonesia have not been very successful so far. It seems that
everyone has to rob in order to survive. The international
community has to be prudent and creative in developing the
social safety net programs.
5. Election.--The upcoming, June 7, 1999, election will be
very instrumental in giving an opportunity to the Indonesians
to move to a better civil society. We should not expect any
law and order in Indonesia without a clean and fair election.
The UN, the organizations such as IRI, NDI, IFES and even The
Carter Center have to take more creative initiatives, beyond
the given normative ways of the international political
economy. The people who are interested in a better Indonesia
in a context of global community have to take serious
interest in the dynamic and culture of money-politics being
played going into the election. Out of this horrible
damnation, one good thing comes out is a stronger desire by
the people to establish a nation and a system of government
that are clean and trustworthy. Such desire which exists very
vividly in certain groups (NGOs and even political parties)
has to be supported and strengthened by all means possible.
We trust that this briefing will create a more open-minded
and positive discussion among us and with those who are
longing to see an improvement in Indonesia.
Thank you very much for allowing us to come and share
information with you.
____
Mass Riots in Indonesia
The Beginning of the End
Generally, there are three social symptoms that are usually
called ``riot'' in late 90's Indonesian press literature. The
first is insurrection (unarmed popular uprising), the second
is mob looting, and the third is widespread gang-fights that
cause much destruction.
These three social symptoms begun to make their heavy
presence after the 27th of July 1996 forced takeover of the
PDI Headquarter in Jl. Diponegoro, Jakarta.
There were riots around the 1997 election. After that,
until May 1998, situation seemed calm and under control.
But in May 1998, riot came back and took many victims. The
riot broke after the military gunned down four Trisakti
students demonstrating on the May 13th. The mass came in
thousand in spirit of revenge. After small scale clashes with
the police, the mass begun burning and looting buildings.
What makes the May 14th-16th riot significant is the
allegation that there were organized rapes done while riot
was in progress. The facts show that there were a lot of
rapes, while it remains to be proven legally that the rapes
were organized deliberately.
The second fact that is quite shocking is that the military
did admit that they have known all along that the riot was
going to happen. The Chief Director of the BIA (Army
Intelligent Service), Zacky Anwar Makarim said so (KOMPAS,
September 3rd, 1998). Zacky also said that the prsence of
``local agitators'' was known.
Riots broke again in July 1st-7th, 1998 in Jayapura, West
Papua. A riot also broke in Kebumen, Central Java, on
September 7th as a result of a personal quarrel between a
shop owner and a local gangster (reports from local
correspondent). Riot also broke in Bagansiapi-api, North
Sumatra, on September 15th, as a result of personal quarrel
between gangsters.
Then came the famous ``ninja'' rumors that said that
several organized killers disguised as ninjas were on the
loose and taking liberty to kill alleged ``dunkun santet'' (a
kind of evil shaman). The rumors that begun spreading in
Banyuwangi, East Java, in September 1998 has took lives of
innocent kyais (Muslim religious leaders).
The most significant series of riots begun after the
November 13th-14th uprising. On November 14th, a small-scale
clash between the people and some military personnel nearly
incite a riot. But the students managed to prevent it
(KOMPAS, May 15th, 1998). But the student were caught by
surprise when in Ketapang, North jakarta, on November 15th, a
riot broke. Riot of the same kind also occurred in Kupang,
West Flores Island.
Another riot broke in Porsea, North Sumatra, on November
23rd. This time, the captured provocateurs revealed that they
were
[[Page E238]]
paid and at the same time threatened not to rebuke the wish
of the men that paid them (ANTARA, November 24th, 1998).
At the end of the year, a riot broke in Poso, Central
Sulawesi, which occurred between December 25th and 30th.
There are not many data on this riot.
At the same time, riot broke in Belawan, North Sumatra,
which was incited by a personal quarrel between two of the
population over a pair of shoes.
Then came the real shock when a usually peaceful city,
Karawang, West java, broke its tradition and fell into riot.
The second most significant area is Ambon, capital of
Maluku islands, where a riot broke on January 19th, 1999.
What interesting is that one of the alleged provocateur
confessed that there is an involvement of ``people from
Jakarta'', though the local Police Commander won't disclose
further (ANTARA, January 25th, 1999).
The systematic use of violence by intelligent services can
be summed up if we read the manual (Vademecum of Defense and
Security) issued by SESKOAD (Academy for Army Staff of
Command) which usually produces top agents for those
services. One of the chapters deals with the rule when using
tortures on captured prisoners.
It is also well known that these intelligent services also
make a full use of local gangster to intimidate the
oppositions. There are paramilitary groups supervised
directly by local army commands: AMS (Siliwangi Youth)
trained, armed, and supervised by the 3rd Military Region
(code-named Siliwangi), AMD (Diponegoro Youth) same treatment
by 4th Military Region (code-named Diponegoro). When counter
demonstration (which shows support to the government) arose,
the participants usually came from these Youths or other
Youths such as Pemuda Pancasila (Pancasila Youth) or Pemuda
PancaMarga, the foremost-two whose leaders have personal
relation with Suharto himself. This so-called ``counter-
demonstrations'' usually aims for a violence physical contact
between group making rally. These Youths always carry
weapons, at occasions they carry guns.
It feels a little uncomfortable when we read that some of
the riots were instigated by quarrels between local gangster.
Or in Banyuwangi case, indicates a direct involvement of
those criminals. Or in Porsea case, paid thugs carried out
the whole job. It is also very possible that the ones
starting looting the shops are also those criminals. They
have guts to rob people in broad daylight, surely they would
be the first to see that chaos is the best time to loot.
There has been a proof that there were provocateurs in May
14th-15th Riot. The possibility is very high that all other
riots are also results of provocations. And Intelligent
Services are the best in this business.
Wsahington, DC, Feb. 8, 1999.
Solidaritas Nusa Bangsa.
Ester Jusuf, SH,
Chairwoman.
____________________