[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 154 (Friday, December 18, 1998)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E2345]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




 EXPRESSING UNEQUIVOCAL SUPPORT FOR MEN AND WOMEN OF OUR ARMED FORCES 
   CURRENTLY CARRYING OUT MISSIONS IN AND AROUND PERSIAN GULF REGION

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                               speech of

                         HON. JOHN CONYERS, JR.

                              of michigan

                    in the house of representatives

                      Thursday, December 17, 1998

  Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, last night the president ordered an 
American missile attack on Iraq. Going to war is one of the most 
serious decisions that Congress can make, and that is why I chose to 
not take this vote lightly. As a veteran and a Member of Congress, I 
will honor our troops by working to keep them out of harm's way and the 
world at peace.
  I am convinced that the effect of H. Res. 612 will be for Congress to 
abandon its proper role on deciding when to go to war, one of the 
greatest issues of Constitutional importance. This act of war being 
undertaken raises many questions in my mind. How long does the bombing 
need to go on before the executive will obtain congressional authority? 
At what point will we deem the bombing a success? What are our goals in 
the bombing? If the stated goal of the bombing is to destroy weapons of 
mass destruction, then that is what this resolution should have 
declared.
  The United Nations must remain a central component of our policy 
toward Iraq. I believe it is extremely dangerous to carry out this 
bombing without the full support of our allies. Failing to do so not 
only undermines our trust internationally, it also denies our troops 
the additional military support they deserve. In addition, I do not 
believe that it is up to the United States to unilaterally determine 
what constitutes a violation of United Nations Security Council 
Resolutions. That role properly resides with the UN Security Council. 
China, Russia and France are already outraged with the American 
decision to interpret the resolution unilaterally.
  I am also concerned because this bombing campaign will in effect, if 
not intent, abandon UNSCOM, the special commission created after the 
Gulf War to carry out weapons inspections. This clearly begs the 
question: What will our new disarmament policy be? And how will we 
conduct inspections, since, as the Pentagon has pointed out, much of 
the inspection equipment will be destroyed? UNSCOM is an imperfect 
tool, but it is a necessary tool.
  This resolution affirms that it should be the policy of the United 
States to overthrow Saddam Hussein. Members of Congress need to know if 
this means that our troops will remain engaged in combat until that 
happens.
  If overthrowing the government is a reference to a massive covert 
operation, I would point out that the record of such undertaking in 
Iraq is not comforting. The New York Times has called the proposed 
operation an ``expensive fantasy,'' and I think there are a lot of 
serious problems to consider. For one, we're not sure if the opposition 
in Southern Iraq actually controls any territory or how united they 
are. I also doubt that we will be able to get our allies in the region 
to endorse the overt overthrow of the Government of Iraq, however 
unpopular that government may be among our friends and the Iraqi 
people. Kuwait has insisted that any covert action should be part of a 
larger policy, including one that better addresses the humanitarian 
crisis in Iraq. Otherwise it is unsustainable.
  Most critically, when we get down to life or death decisions during a 
covert action, how far will U.S. support be willing to go? I can 
imagine some horrible scenarios if the U.S. is asked to help the Iraqi 
resistance if their rebellion appears to be failing. Haven't we been 
down this road before?
  We need to keep the United Nations at center stage, and reinvent a 
vigorous weapons inspection regime that facilitates disarmament in the 
Middle East. We need to build political support in Iraq and in the 
region by revisiting the economic sanctions that have caused a great 
humanitarian disaster. Most importantly, all of these efforts must be 
the product of a clear and strong international consensus.

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