[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 144 (Monday, October 12, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Page S12436]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
KOSOVO
Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, the closing hours of the 105th Congress
are fast approaching. I could not let this Congress end without coming
to the Senate floor to address the tragedy in Kosovo. It is a human
crisis of immense proportion, and it poses an increasing threat to the
United States and the global community.
The last several years have been marked by Yugoslavian President
Milosevic's steady escalation of political repression and violence
against the people of Kosovo. Acting at Milosevic's behest, Yugoslav
forces have driven nearly 400,000 Kosovar Albanians from their homes.
Fourteen thousand homes and 400 villages have been razed. Over 700
Kosovar Albanian men, women, and children have been killed.
Within the last several weeks our newspapers have been filled with
accounts of atrocities committed by Milosevic's units against scores of
unarmed civilians. Among the list of crimes documented by international
observers are politically motivated killings; massacres of women,
children and elderly persons; torture; arbitrary arrest; detention
without cause; denial of fair, public trial; and destruction of private
homes.
Further exacerbating this man-made crisis is the fact that winter is
fast approaching, placing at peril the health and well being of tens of
thousands of displaced persons who have managed to survive Milosevic's
cruelties.
After watching this recent string of atrocities, the international
community was compelled to respond. On September 23, the United Nations
Security Council adopted a resolution condemning the excessive use of
force by Milosevic's thugs and demanding that he cease military actions
against civilians, withdraw his security units, facilitate the safe
return of refugees and displaced persons to their homes, permit
unimpeded access of humanitarian organizations to the people of Kosovo,
and engage in meaningful negotiations on Kosovo's final status.
Diplomacy has been and should continue to be a major component of our
response to this situation. But we must also acknowledge reality. The
reality is that meaningful negotiations toward a settlement of Kosovo's
status cannot take place in the current environment. Furthermore, words
alone have never been enough to slow Milosevic and his henchmen. This
was demonstrated to the world all too painfully in Bosnia. Despite
numerous appeals from the international community to end his support
for the war in Bosnia, Milosevic repeatedly turned a deaf ear, and the
hostilities continued unabated.
It was only after NATO carried out a series of airstrikes against
military forces supported by Milosevic that a cease-fire became
possible.
The circumstances appear to be similar in Kosovo. And, if Milosevic
fails to fully and immediately comply with the terms of the U.N.
resolution, I believe the time has come for NATO to respond similarly.
The United States and our NATO allies must be prepared to carry out
airstrikes against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia if such action is
determined to be the only means of enforcing the U.N. resolution.
I say this for three reasons. First and foremost, continued
repression, violence, and instability in Kosovo directly threaten the
national security interests of the United States. Kosovo is a tinderbox
in the heart of one of the most unstable and critical regions of the
world. Balkan history has clearly demonstrated that a spark in this
region can rapidly spread into a blaze that engulfs the world. We have
already seen refugee outflows into Albania and Macedonia. Two NATO
allies, Greece and Turkey, with their competing regional interests,
could easily and quickly get enmeshed in this crisis if it continues
and widens.
Second, the credibility of NATO, still our most important alliance,
hangs in the balance. For nearly 50 years, NATO has been the
organization most responsible for keeping the peace in Europe. NATO had
great success in the years after World War II and the Cold War. Its
post-Cold War utility was proven earlier this decade in Bosnia. What
NATO does in Kosovo will go a long way toward determining this crucial
alliance's role in the 21st century. A strong, unified NATO is still
the best insurance policy we have against large-scale conflict in
Europe.
Third, as the west's history with Milosevic in Bosnia proves, if
words are to have the desired effect on his behavior, they must be
backed up with a credible threat to use force. Indeed, our recent
experience in Kosovo itself bears this out. In the past week or two,
Milosevic has launched an effort to convince the world that he is fully
complying with the requirements of the September 23 U.N. resolution.
Not surprisingly, this behavior occurred precisely as the specter of
NATO military action began to loom over him. In fact, there may only be
one way to achieve peace in Kosovo without the use of force. NATO must
demonstrate to Milosevic that it is prepared to use force to compel his
compliance. This is precisely the policy toward which this
Administration and our NATO allies appear to be moving.
Mr. President, in offering my endorsement for this approach, let me
be clear. If air operations and missile strikes against the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia are necessary to force Milosevic to the
negotiating table, the United States and our NATO allies should
demonstrate that we are prepared to pursue that option. Certainly we
should not give the Administration a blank check, but we must accept
our responsibility as a world leader and acknowledge that stronger
measures may be required. The Administration should continue to consult
closely with Congress every step of the way as events unfold.
Milosevic's atrocities have gone on too long. It's time for the
United States to defend its national interests and help restore peace
to this troubled region. It's time for the world to say no to the
torture and slaughter of innocent civilians in Kosovo.
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