[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 140 (Thursday, October 8, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S11872-S11884]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
NOMINATION OF WILLIAM A. FLETCHER, OF CALIFORNIA, TO BE UNITED STATES
CIRCUIT JUDGE FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report Executive Calendar No.
619, on which there will be 90 minutes of debate equally divided in the
usual form.
The assistant legislative clerk read the nomination of William A.
Fletcher, of California, to be United States Circuit Judge for the
Ninth Circuit.
Mr. SESSIONS addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Alabama.
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. President, the role of the Senate is to advise and
consent in nominations by the President for judicial vacancies. That is
understood in the Constitution. Every nominee of the President comes
before the Judiciary Committee and then they come before this body for
a vote. We are at this point analyzing the nomination of William
Fletcher, Willie Fletcher from California, to the Ninth Circuit. I
regretfully must say I have concluded that I have to oppose that
nomination. And I would like to discuss the reasons why.
Most of the nominations that have come forward from the President
have received favorable review by the Judiciary Committee. In fact, we
cleared nine today. A number of them are on the docket today and will
probably pass out today. So we are making some substantial progress.
Nearly half of the vacancies that exist now in Federal courts are
because there are no nominees for those vacancies--almost half of them.
But on occasion we need to stand up as a Senate and affirm certain
facts about our courts and our Nation. One of the facts that we need to
affirm is that courts must carry out the rule of law, that they are not
there to make law. The courts are there to enforce law as written by
the Congress and as written by the people through their Constitution
that we adopted over 200 years ago. Also, that is, I think, where we
are basically today.
With regard to this nomination, it is to the Ninth Circuit Court of
Appeals in California. Without any doubt, the Ninth Circuit is
considered the most liberal circuit in the United States. It is also
the largest circuit. There are 11 circuit courts of appeals. And in the
United States we have the U.S. district judges. These are the trial
judges. The next level--the only intermediate level--is the courts of
appeals. And they are one step below the U.S. Supreme Court. It is the
courts of appeals that superintend, day after day, the activities of
the district judges who practice under them.
There are more district judges in the circuit than there are circuit
judges. And every appeal from a district judge's ruling, almost
virtually every one, would go to the courts of appeals in California
and Arizona and the States in the West that are part of the Ninth
Circuit. Those appeals go to the Ninth Circuit, not directly to the
U.S. Supreme Court. As they rule on those matters, they set certain
policy within the circuit.
We have--I think Senator Biden made a speech on it once--we have 1
Constitution in this country, not 11. The circuit courts of appeals are
required to show fidelity to the Supreme Court and to the Constitution.
The Supreme Court is the ultimate definer of the Constitution. And the
courts of appeals must take the rulings of the Supreme Court and
interpret them and apply them directly to their judges who work under
them or in their circuit and in fact set the standards of the law.
We do not have 11 different circuits setting 11 different policies--
at least we should not. But it is a known fact that the Ninth Circuit
for many years has been out of step. Last year, 28 cases from the Ninth
Circuit made it to the U.S. Supreme Court. The Supreme Court does not
hear every case. This is why the circuits are so important.
Probably 95 percent of the cases decided by the circuits never are
appealed to the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court will not hear them.
But they agreed to hear 28 cases from the Ninth Circuit. And of those
28 cases, they reversed 27 of them. They reversed an unprecedented
number. They reversed the Ninth Circuit 27 out of the 28 times they
reviewed a case from that circuit. And this is not a matter of recent
phenomena.
I was a Federal prosecutor for almost 15 years, and during that time
I was involved in many criminal cases. And you study the law, and you
seek out cases where you can find them. Well, it was quite obvious--and
Federal prosecutors all over the country used to joke about the fact
that the criminal defense lawyers, whenever they could not find any law
from anywhere else, they could always find a Ninth Circuit case that
was favorable to the defendant. And they were constantly, even in those
days, being reversed by the U.S. Supreme Court, because the U.S.
Supreme Court's idea and demand is that we have one Constitution, that
the law be applied uniformly.
So I just say this. The New York Times, not too many months ago,
wrote an article about the Ninth Circuit and said these words: ``A
majority of the U.S. Supreme Court considers the Ninth Circuit a rogue
circuit, out of control. It needs to be brought back into control. They
have been working on it for years but have not been able to do so.''
All of that is sort of the background that we are dealing with today.
When we get a nominee to this circuit, I believe this Senate ought to
utilize its advise and consent authority, constitutional duty, to
ensure that the nominees to it bring that circuit from being a rogue
circuit back into the mainstream of American law, so we do not have
litigants time and again having adverse rulings, that they have to go
to the Supreme Court--however many thousands and hundreds of thousands
of dollars--to get reversed.
This is serious business. Some say, ``They just reversed them. Big
deal.'' It costs somebody a lot of money, and a lot of cases that were
wrong in that circuit were never accepted by the Supreme Court and were
never reversed. The Supreme Court can't hear every case that comes out
of every circuit. So we are dealing with a very serious matter.
The Senator from Ohio who I suspect will comment today on the
nominee, Senator DeWine, articulated it well. When we evaluate
nominees, we have to ask ourselves what will be the impact of that
nomination on the court and the overall situation. We want to support
the President. We support the President time and again. I have seen
some Presidential nominees that are good nominees. I am proud to
support them. There are two here today who I know personally that I
think would be good Federal judges. But I can't say that about this
one.
We need to send the President of the United States a message, that
those Members of this body who participate in helping select nominees
cannot, in good conscience, continue to accept nominations to this
circuit who are not going to make it better and bring it back into the
mainstream of American law.
With regard to Mr. Fletcher, he has never practiced law. The only
real experience he has had outside of being a professor, was as a law
clerk. His clerkship was for Justice William Brennan of the U.S.
Supreme Court. That is significant and it is an honor to be selected to
be a law clerk for the Supreme Court. But the truth is, Justice Brennan
has always been recognized as the point man, the leading spokesman in
American juris prudence for an activist judiciary. I am not saying he
is a bad man, but that is his position.
Justice Brennan used to dissent on every death penalty case, saying
he adhered to the view that the death penalty was cruel and unusual
punishment, and within that very Constitution he said he was
interpreting, there are at least four to six references to the death
penalty and capital crimes.
[[Page S11873]]
The Founding Fathers who wrote that Constitution never dreamed that
anyone would say that a prohibition of cruel and unusual punishment
would prohibit the death penalty, because the death penalty was in
every State and colony in the United States at the time the
Constitution was adopted. It never crossed their minds.
This is an example of judicial activism when Justice Brennan would
conclude that he could reinterpret the Constitution and what the people
contracted with their Government when they ratified it. It says, ``We,
the people, ordain and establish this Constitution. . ..'' So they
adopt it; it is reinterpreted. That is a classic definition of judicial
activism.
We know Mr. Fletcher was his law clerk and has written a law review
article referring to Justice Brennan as a national treasure. It is
obvious he considers him an outstanding judge and a man he would tend
to emulate.
Of course, judicial activism is part of his family. One of the
problems, and the Presiding Officer has attempted to deal with it
through legislation, and was successful. Just today, I believe, we have
passed legislation dealing with nepotism, two family members serving on
the same court.
The truth is, Mr. Fletcher's mother is a judge on the Ninth Circuit
already. Of the judges in the United States, I am sure she would be
viewed as one of the most activist--in the Ninth Circuit, it is common
knowledge she is one of the most activist nominee members of that
court. It doesn't mean he will be, but he is connected to Justice
Brennan, and his mother is a very liberal, an activist, and will remain
on the court as a senior judge and will have the opportunity to
participate in a substantial number of the opinions that are rendered
by the Ninth Circuit, because they have three-judge panels who assign
these cases out of the judges there and they often put these judges on
a panel. If she takes senior status, which I understand she has agreed
to do, she would not resign from the bench but take senior status and
still be able to handle a substantial caseload. That is a troubling
fact to me.
To me, a judge is a very important position at any level of the
courts. This is not an absolute disqualifying factor to me, but it is a
very important factor to me, and that is that Mr. Fletcher lacks any
private practice experience. Mr. Fletcher has never practiced law. Mr.
Fletcher has never tried a lawsuit. He has been a law clerk for William
Brennan and a professor at the University of California Law School. He
has never been in the courtroom as a litigant. He has never had the
opportunity to have that knot in your stomach when a judge is about to
rule on a motion, to understand the difficulties in dealing with human
nature. He has not had that experience.
Having had 15 years of full-time litigation experience in Federal
court trying cases, you learn things intuitively. Supreme Court
justices and appellate court justices will be better judges if they
have had that experience. It is an odd thing, and not a healthy thing,
normally; it takes extraordinary and exceptional circumstances, in my
opinion, to conclude that someone who has been nothing but a law
professor all their life is now qualified to take a lifetime
appointment to review the decisions of perhaps 100 or more trial judges
in their district who are working long and hard, for whom he has never
had the opportunity to practice before and see what it is like. That is
not a good thing in itself. That is another reason I have serious
reservations about this nominee.
Certainly Mr. Fletcher has a right to speak out, but in 1994, not too
many years ago, he made a speech in which he criticized the ``three
strikes'' law legislation, the criminal law changes that have swept the
country, calling it ``perfectly dreadful legislation.'' He has never
been a prosecutor. He has never been a judge. He has never been a
lawyer. Here he is saying this about this legislation, which I believe
is widely supported throughout the country. In my opinion, it has
helped reduce the rise in crime, because ``three strikes and you are
out'' focuses on repeat, habitual offenders.
Make no mistake, somebody will say, ``You will have everybody in
jail, Jeff.'' Not so; everybody is not a repeat, three-time felony
offender. If you focus on the repeat offender, those are the ones
committing a disproportionate percentage of crime. We have done a
better job on that in the last 10 or 15 years. We have tough Federal
laws dealing with repeat offenders. States have implemented ``three
strike'' laws and it has helped draw down the rise in crime. As a
matter of fact, crime has been dropping after going up for many years
because we got tough and identified the repeat offenders and prosecuted
them successfully and States have stepped up to the plate and done so.
He criticized that. That gives me a real insight into his view about
criminal law, and here he will be presiding over reviewing cases of
trials involving murderers and other criminals in the Ninth Circuit and
he has never had any experience.
The only thing we know about him is that he considers good, tough law
legislation dreadful.
(Mr. ASHCROFT assumed the Chair.)
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. President, I want to share some thoughts with you
about judicial activism. In 1982, Mr. Fletcher wrote an article
entitled ``The Discretionary Constitution.'' He was a professor then.
It has been interpreted by many as a blatant approval of judicial
activism. He discusses institutional suits. I was attorney general of
the State of Alabama and I had to deal with Federal judges who have
major court orders dominating the prison system. Most States have
prison systems under court order, having Federal judges ruling those,
and mental health systems and school funding issues are decided by
Federal judges. So he wrote about that and other issues. In that
article, this is what he said, and it really troubles me:
The only legitimate basis for a Federal judge to take over
the political function in devising or choosing a remedy in an
institutional suit is a demonstrated unwillingness or
incapacity of the political body.
I want you to think about that. That is a revealing quote, that,
well, the only way you can do it is if the institution demonstrates an
unwillingness or incapacity to act. That is the rationale of the
liberal activist. What they say is, well, the State of Alabama didn't
provide enough gruel for the criminals, so we are going to issue an
order and tell them what they have to feed them three times a day. Or
we are going to have a law library for every prison, and they have to
have so many square feet. Or you have to spend so much money on
education; you have to change your whole way of funding education in
your State. Why? Because the State would not act.
Now, we live in a democracy. In a democracy, the people rule; they
decide what they want to do. I know the distinguished Senator in the
Chair, Mr. Ashcroft, shares this view. I have heard him express it. I
think these are his exact words: ``When the legislature does not act,
that is a decision.'' When they go into session, they decide to act on
matters or not act on them, and not acting is an action, a decision not
to act. The people have influence with that because they elect their
representatives and, if they are not happy, they can remove them from
office.
But you can't remove a Federal judge because he has a lifetime
appointment. He cannot be removed, except for the most serious personal
abuses of office. Normally, making bad decisions is not one of those. I
will just say this. We have a circuit that is in trouble. It is
considered by a majority of the Supreme Court to be a rogue circuit. We
need to put nominees on this circuit and move it back into the
mainstream and not continue it out on the left wing. We have a
responsibility to assure that the judges we confirm are going to
improve the courts, and I think we need to vote ``no'' on this
nomination because I don't believe it will take us back in the
direction we need to go. I think it will take us in the wrong
direction.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. HATCH addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Utah is recognized.
Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I yield myself such time as I need.
Mr. President, I rise to speak on the nomination of Professor William
Fletcher, nominee to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. I am pleased
that the U.S. Senate is finally fully considering this nominee.
Mr. Fletcher was first nominated during the 104th Congress on
December
[[Page S11874]]
21, 1995. I do regret the fact that his nomination has languished for
as long as it has, but I would like to comment on some of the obstacles
that have hindered this nomination.
First, all nominees to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals got bound
up within the difficulties we were having with deciding whether or not
to divide the Ninth Circuit. Once we established a commission to look
into this matter, we have been able to process nominees to that court.
Second, some had concerns--legitimate concerns--that Professor
Fletcher's mother, Betty Fletcher, currently serves as a judge on the
Ninth Circuit. There is a statute that appears to prevent two people,
closely related by blood or marriage, from serving on the same court.
Now, the Justice Department said that only applies to people less than
the judiciary, but that was pure bunk as far as I was concerned. The
statute is pretty clear. Yes, it is an old statute, but it is clear and
it is a matter of great concern to me. To ensure compliance with that
law--or to the best of my ability to make sure that this law is
complied with, Judge Betty Fletcher has agreed to take senior status
upon her son's confirmation, and Senator Kyl has introduced
legislation, which passed the Senate last night, which I support, that
will clarify the applicability of the so-called antinepotism statute.
Just to say a little bit on that statute, it seems to me that it is
very logical that we should not place persons of such close
consanguinity on the same court that overviews 50 million people.
Surely we can find people other than sons of mothers on the court. So
Senator Kyl has made a splendid effort to try to resolve this matter.
He indicated in our Judiciary Committee this morning that, as a matter
of principle, he would have to vote against Professor Fletcher because
he feels that the statute does apply. I tried to resolve it by chatting
with Judge Betty Fletcher who has agreed to take senior status upon her
son's confirmation.
Now that these obstacles have been removed, I am pleased that we are
voting on Mr. Fletcher and would like to express my considered view
that he should be confirmed.
I am the first to say that I may not agree with all of Professor
Fletcher's views on Federal courts and procedure, the separation of
powers, or constitutional interpretation. But the question is not
whether I agree with all of his views, or whether a Republican
President would or would not nominate such a candidate. The President
is entitled to have his nominees confirmed, provided that the nominee
is well qualified and will abide by the appropriate limitations on
Federal judges.
I recognize that this is especially important for nominees to the
Ninth Circuit and concur wholeheartedly with those of my colleagues who
believe that the Ninth Circuit has literally gone out of control. I
agree with the distinguished Senator from Alabama that that circuit is
out of line and out of control. It is often reversed. It has a 75
percent reversal rate over the last number of decades because of these
activist judges on that bench. But Professor Fletcher has personally
assured me that he would follow precedent, that he would interpret and
enforce the law, not make laws from the bench.
I believe Professor Fletcher is a man of honor and integrity and that
he will live up to his word and, in fact, I hope Professor Fletcher,
who is an expert on civil procedure, can actually help rein in some of
the more radical forces on the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals.
Professor Fletcher clearly is highly qualified. He is a graduate of
the Yale Law School, he clerked for a Supreme Court Justice, and is
considered an eminent legal scholar. That consideration is justified.
Although some of his writings may push the envelope of established
legal thinking, as often happens in the case of professors of law, we
should recognize that this is the role of academics. I made that point
during the Bork nomination when my colleagues on the other side were
finding fault with many of the positions that Judge Bork had taken in
some of his writings, many of which he repudiated later, but all of
which were provocative and intended to create debate on the respective
subjects.
In short, I believe Professor Fletcher is within the mainstream of
American legal thought just as several Republican nominees such as
Antonin Scalia, Frank Easterbrook, Richard Posner, and Ralph Winter
were when they were nominated, and this body should confirm him today.
I hope my colleagues will confirm Professor Fletcher.
Today the Judiciary Committee voted out 15 judicial nominees and 4
U.S. attorneys. This year we have held hearings for 111 out of 127
nominees.
If all of the judges who are now pending on the Senate floor are
confirmed, as I expect they will be, we will end this Congress having
confirmed 106 judges, resulting in a vacancy rate of 5.4 percent. This
will be the lowest vacancy rate since the judiciary was expanded in
1990.
Also, over 50 percent of the judges confirmed this year, to date, by
this Republican Senate have been women and/or minorities.
Given the fact that over the last five Congresses the average number
of article III judges confirmed is 96, I think this Republican majority
has done very well to this point, and will continue to do so. Can we do
better? Always. I am sure we can. And we will certainly try to do
better during this coming year, and I intend to do better during the
coming year.
At this particular point, we are concerned about Professor William
Fletcher, who I believe is highly qualified for this job. Even though I
don't agree with him on everything that he believes, or everything that
he has taught, the fact of the matter is he is qualified, he is a
decent man, and he should be confirmed here today.
Although Professor Fletcher's nomination has taken quite a while to
be brought up for a vote, I do not think anyone can fairly criticize
the work the Judiciary Committee has done this year, especially during
the last few weeks of this session. On Tuesday of this week, Senator
Specter chaired a hearing for 11 nominees. Nine of those 11 nominees
were received by the Committee only within the last month. I am told
that, according to the Department of Justice, the hearing Senator
Specter chaired broke a record for the most nominees on a single
hearing.
To date, the Republican Senate has already confirmed 80 judges. And
today, that number will rise to 84, if Professor Fletcher and the other
judges that will be brought up for a vote are confirmed--as I wholly
expect they will. As I stated earlier, if all of the nominees now
pending on the Senate floor are confirmed, the Senate will adjourn
having confirmed 106 Article III judges.
Again, this will leave a judicial vacancy rate of only 5.6 percent.
Keep in mind that the Clinton administration is on record as having
stated that a vacancy rate of just over 7 percent is considered virtual
full employment of the Federal judiciary.
I do not think anyone can legitimately argue that the Judiciary
Committee has not done its job well. Yes, there have been some
controversial Clinton nominees that have moved slowly or not at all,
but sometimes nominees come to the Committee with problems that prevent
their nominations from going forth. I am pleased to say that although
some thought the problems relating to Professor Fletcher's nomination
could not be worked out, they ultimately have been. I fully expect that
Professor Fletcher will be confirmed today and I will vote for him.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
Mr. HATCH. How much time does the distinguished Senator from
Washington desire? I yield 5 minutes or such time as he needs to the
distinguished Senator from Washington.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Washington.
Mr. GORTON. Mr. President, I share the background of the Senator from
Alabama as attorney general of my State. I agree with much of the
philosophic underpinning of his remarks directed at the judicial
philosophy of Mr. Fletcher. I disagree, however, as to the conclusion,
and intend to vote for his confirmation.
The Constitution of the United States says that the President shall
nominate and by and with the advice of the Senate shall appoint judges
to positions like the one we are debating here today.
In my view--I have some differences even with my good friend from
Utah on
[[Page S11875]]
this subject--I believe that does permit a Senator to vote against a
judicial nominee on the grounds that the Senator disagrees with the
fundamental legal philosophy of that nominee. I also believe, however,
that when the President has sought the advice as well as the consent of
the Senate, and when that advice has been heated, at least to the
extent of being given significant weight, it is then appropriate to
vote for the confirmation of a judicial nominee, even though one, as an
individual Senator, might well not have nominated that individual had
he, the Senator, been President of the United States.
That is the situation in which I find myself here. I have met with
and talked about Mr. Fletcher's ambitions on two or three occasions at
some length. I have found him to be a thoughtful, intelligent, hard-
working individual dedicated to the law as he sees it, and, perhaps
even more importantly than that, as the Constitution and the statutes
of the United States lay it out.
He would certainly not have been my first choice had I been the
nominating authority in this case. But, I am not. I am an individual
Senator. At the same time, the President of the United States and his
officers have, in fact, sought my advice as well as my consent on
judicial nominees, both to the district courts in the State of
Washington, and to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals when those
nominees come from the State of Washington.
While again I have not necessarily gotten my first choices for those
positions, I believe that in a constitutional sense my advice has been
sought and my advice has been given considerable weight by the
President of the United States.
As a consequence, the combination of the punctual adherence to
constitutional requirements with my own belief that Mr. Fletcher will
fill the position of a judge on the Ninth Circuit honorably, and in
accordance with the Constitution and laws of the United States, causes
me to feel that he is a qualified nominee and that he should be
confirmed by the Members of the Senate to the office to which the
President has nominated him.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I yield to the distinguished Senator from
California. She requires how much time?
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. I thank the distinguished manager. May I have 10
minutes?
Mr. LEAHY. I yield 10 minutes to the distinguished Senator from
California.
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. I thank the Senator from Vermont.
Mr. President, I rise to voice my strong support for the nomination
of Professor William Alan Fletcher to the Ninth Circuit Court. I very
much appreciate the views of the chairman of the committee, the
distinguished Senator from Utah, on this, and his considered judgment
that Mr. Fletcher deserves approval by this body. And I hope, indeed,
that will be the case.
Mr. Fletcher has been before this body for over 3 years now. He has
had two Judiciary Committee hearings. I had the pleasure of attending
both and listening to him. His responses at these hearings were crisp,
to the point, direct, and showed a depth and breadth of knowledge of
the law that I think is among the top one percent of those nominees who
came before the committee.
His credentials are impeccable. As the chairman pointed out, they
include: magna cum laude graduate of Harvard; Rhodes scholar; law
degree from Yale; service in the Navy; law clerk for U.S. Supreme Court
Justice William Brennan; and a clerkship for District Court Judge
Stanley Weigel.
Since 1977, he has been a distinguished professor at the Boalt Hall
School of Law at the University of California, where he won the 1993
Distinguished Teacher Award and has come to be regarded as one of the
most foremost experts on the Federal court and the Constitution.
Mr. President, since the distinguished Senator from Alabama raised
some concerns about this nominee, I would like to respond to some of
those concerns. We asked Mr. Fletcher to respond, and, in fact, he
provided us with a response on a number of items that have been raised
by Mr. Thomas Jipping, of the Judicial Selection Monitoring Project,
and subsequently repeated.
The first allegation is what was called the ``discretionary
Constitution.'' Mr. Jipping attributes to Professor Fletcher the
conclusion:
When judges think that the political branches are not doing
what they should, judges have the discretionary power to do
it for them.
And he states:
Mr. Fletcher writes that this virtually unlimited judicial
discretion is a ``legitimate substitute for political
discretion'' when the political branches are ``in default.''
I would like to give you directly the statement from Mr. Fletcher.
The article says quite the opposite of what Mr. Jipping wrote. I do
not believe in a ``discretionary Constitution.'' As the article makes
plain, I view judicial discretion as a problem rather than a solution.
Further, I did not write that judicial discretion is legitimate when
political branches are ``in default.'' Rather, I wrote that the
exercise of judicial discretion in curing constitutional violations in
institutional suits is ``presumptively illegitimate'' unless the
political bodies that should cure those violations are in ``serious and
chronic default.''
I would like to put all of this in the Record.
On the second point that has been raised critically, on standing, Mr.
Fletcher writes:
Contrary to what Mr. Jipping wrote, I do not believe
Congress can write statutes that allow anyone or anything to
sue. Indeed, in some cases I take a narrower view of standing
than the Supreme Court. For example, I argued that the Court
should not have granted standing in Buckley v. Valeo. My
position on standing would not drastically expand caseloads.
Further, rather than inviting judges to legislate from the
bench, I am particularly anxious that the Federal courts not
perform as a ``super-legislature.''
The third point that he has been criticized for is the
unconstitutionality of statutes. The critic writes:
Mr. Fletcher believes that judges can declare
unconstitutional legislation they believe was inadequately
considered by Congress. He argues that a statute effectively
terminating lawsuits against defense contractors by
substituting the United States as the defendant was passed
without hearings and based on what he believes are
misrepresentations about its operation. That alone would be
sufficient to strike down the statute.
Now, this is Mr. Fletcher's response:
I believe no such thing. I argued that the presumption of
constitutionality normally accorded to a statute should not
be accorded to the Warner Amendment, based on the following
factors: (1) The only body in Congress that considered the
amendment was a subcommittee of the House Judiciary
Committee, which held hearings and concluded that it was
unconstitutional; (2) When the amendment was later attached
as a rider to an unrelated defense appropriations bill, it
was consistently described as doing the opposite of what it
actually did.
And so, if I might, to clear these things up, Mr. Fletcher has
submitted to us a draft response, and I ask unanimous consent to have
printed in the Record both the allegations and the responses.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
Dear Senator Feinstein: I write to correct some
mischaracterizations of my writing that have been put forward
by Mr. Thomas Jipping.
The most extensive misrepresentations are contained in Mr.
Jipping's May 10, 1996, op-ed piece in The Washington Times.
I will take them in order.
(1) judicial discretion
Mr. Jipping wrote: ``First, Mr. Fletcher believes in what
he has called a ``discretionary Constitution.'' In fact, that
was the title of his first law review article. When judges
think the political branches are not doing what they should,
judges have the discretionary power to do it for them. Mr.
Fletcher writes that this virtually unlimited judicial
discretion is a ``legitimate substitute for political
discretion'' when the political branches are ``in default.''
Not surprisingly, judges get to determine when the political
process has defaulted. Today courts are running prison
systems, school districts and even mental institutions in the
name of such discretion.'' The article Mr. Jipping refers to
is ``The Discretionary Constitution: Institutional Remedies
and Judicial Legitimacy,'' 91 Yale L.J. 635 (1982).
Brief statement: The article says quite the opposite of
what Mr. Jipping wrote. I do not believe in a ``discretionary
Constitution.'' As the article makes plain, I view judicial
discretion as a problem rather than a solution. Further, I
did not write that judicial discretion is legitimate when
political branches are ``in default.'' Rather, I wrote that
the exercise of judicial discretion in curing constitutional
[[Page S11876]]
violations in institutional suits is ``presumptively
illegitimate'' unless the political bodies that should cure
those violations are in ``serious and chronic default.'' at
pp. 637, 695 (emph. added).
Extended analysis: The article analyzed institutional
injunctions where there has already been a finding of
unconstitutionality in the operation of a prison or mental
hospital, in the apportionment of a legislature, or in the
racial segregation of public schools. After there has been a
finding of a constitutional violation, the question arises:
Who should decide how that violation should be cured? Even
where there has been a constitutional violation, I argue that
the role of the federal courts should be severely
circumscribed, and that judicially formulated injunctions
should be regarded as presumptively illegitimate.
Constitutional violations in institutional cases can be
cured in many ways. For example, in a prison case where
conditions of confinement violate the Eighth Amendment, a
prison administrator can do a number of different things to
bring the prison into compliance with the Constitution. Or
in a reapportionment case a state legislature can draw
district lines in a number of different ways to bring the
districts into compliance with the Fourteenth Amendment.
Choices among the possible remedies inescapably involved
the exercise of discretion, and should be regarded as
presumptively illegitimate if made by a judge rather than
a political entity. I wrote: ``Trial court remedial
discretion [in institutional suits] can to some degree be
controlled in the manner of its exercise; in some cases it
may even be eliminated without sacrificing unduly the
constitutional or other values at stake. But there comes a
point where certain governmental tasks, whether undertaken
by the political branches or the judiciary, simply cannot
be performed effectively without a substantial mount of
discretion. * * * The practical inevitability of remedial
discretion in performing those tasks defines the
legitimate role of the federal courts. * * * [S]ince trial
court remedial discretion in institutional suits is
inevitably political in nature, it must be regarded as
presumptively illegitimate.'' at pp. 636-37 (emph. added).
In Swann v. Mecklenberg Board of Education, 402 U.S. 1, 16
(1971), Chief Justice Burger wrote for the Court that the
district court has the power to fashion an institutional
injunction only ``[i]n default by the school authorities of
their obligation to proffer acceptable remedies'' (emph.
added). I argued that ``default'' by the political
authorities--which in the view of the Supreme Court justified
a judicially fashioned injunction--should be found only as a
last resort. I wrote. ``Political bodies and courts respond
to different institutional imperatives. * * * As a matter of
fundamental structure, even where a constitutional violation
has been found, a court cannot legitimately resolve such a
problem unless the political bodies that ordinarily should do
so are in such serious and chronic default that here is
realistically no other choice.'' at p. 695 (emph. added).
My argument is neither liberal not activist. Indeed, my
formulation is more conservative and restrained than Chief
Justice Burger's in Charlotte-Mecklenberg, where he required
that school authorities simply be ``in default.'' I
recommended increasing the threshold for judicial action by
requiring that the political body be in ``such serious and
chronic default that there is realistically no other
choice.''
Throughout the article, I emphasized the danger in judicial
overreaching: ``[A] federal court is not, and should not
permit itself the illusion that it can be, anything more than
a temporarily legitimate substitute for a political body that
has failed to serve its function. '' at 969.
(2) Standing
Mr. Jipping wrote: ``Second, the Constitution limits court
jurisdiction to `cases' and `controversies.' One way to
assure this jurisdiction is to demand that plaintiffs
concretely trace their injury to the defendant's action,
preventing judges from reaching out to decide issues and make
law in the abstract. In a 1988 article, Mr. Fletcher argues
that standing is merely a way of looking at the merits of a
case rather than assuring a court's jurisdiction. As such, he
believes that Congress can write statues that allow anyone or
anything to sue, regardless of whether plaintiffs have
suffered any harm at all. This view would drastically expand
federal court caseloads and give judges innumerable
opportunities to legislate from the bench.'' The article Mr.
Jipping refers to is ``The Structure of Standing,'' 98 Yale
L.J. 221 (1988).
Brief statement: Contrary to what Mr. Jipping wrote, I do
not believe Congress can write statutes that allow anyone or
anything to sue. Indeed, in some cases I take a narrower view
of standing than the Supreme Court. For example, I argued
that the Court should not have granted standing in Buckley v.
Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976). My position on standing would not
drastically expand caseloads. Further, rather than inviting
judges to legislate from the bench, I am particularly anxious
that the federal courts not perform as a ``super-
legislature.''
Extended analysis: The article sought to bring some
intellectual order to an area of doctrine long criticized as
incoherent. I agreed with Justice Harlan that standing as
presently articulated is ``a word game played by secret
rules.'' Flast v. Cohen, 392 U.S. 83, 129 (1968) (Harlan, J.,
dissenting) at 221. My concern was not to argue for different
results in standing cases, but rather to provide a coherent
intellectual structure that would support those results. As I
wrote, ``[W]e mistake the nature of the problem if we condemn
the results in standing cases.'' at 223 (emph added).
In my view, Justice Douglas' opinion in Association of Data
Processing Service Org. v. Camp, 397 U.S. 150 (1970), is the
source of much of the analytical difficulty. I stated, ``More
damage to the intellectual structure of the law of standing
can be traced to Data Processing than to any other single
decision.'' at 229. In essence, I argued that standing
doctrine should return to what it had been at the beginning
of this century, when a plaintiff in federal court has to
state a cause of action, and the focus was on the particular
statutory or constitutional provision invoked by plaintiff.
Under this earlier approach, a plaintiff has to show that he
was entitled to relief ``on the merits,'' in the sense not
only that defendant violated a legal duty but also that
plaintiff had a legal right to judicial enforcement of that
duty.
In a few cases, I disagreed with results reached by the
Supreme Court. In those few cases, I generally viewed
standing more narrowly than the Court and would have denied
standing. The most important such case is Buckley v. Valeo,
424 U.S. 1 (1976). I did not criticize the substance of the
Court's decision, but I did criticize its grant of standing.
In Buckley, the Court sustained a statutory grant of
standing to any person eligible to vote for President to
challenge on any constitutional ground the Federal Election
Campaign Act of 1971. Plaintiffs included Senator Buckley who
had introduced the standing provision in the Senate. They
challenged the Act under the statutory grant of standing; the
District Court certified twenty-two constitutional questions
to the Supreme Court; and the Court answered all of them. I
wrote: ``[I]f the twenty-two certified questions answered in
Buckley had been sent to the Court in a letter from the
Senate floor, as the twenty-nine questions in Correspondence
of the Justices were sent to the Court in a letter from
Secretary of State Jefferson[, i]t is unthinkable that the
Court would have answered them. Yet when Congress cast the
questions in the form of a lawsuit granting standing to one
of its members, the Court in Buckley willingly provided the
answers, performing, in Judge Leventhal's words, in a ``role
resembling that of a super-legislature.'' The lessons of
Buckley are sobering. Not only will the Court answer
questions that have proven particularly difficult for
Congress. It will also answer them in the highly abstract
form traditionally thought particularly ill-suited for
judicial resolution.'' at 286 (emph. added). My approach to
standing could hardly be clearer: I argued that the Court
should not have granted standing and should not have acted as
a ``super-legislature.''
(3) Unconstitutionality of statutes
Mr. Jipping wrote: ``Third, Mr. Fletcher believes that
judges can declare unconstitutional legislation they believe
was inadequately considered by Congress. He argues that a
statute effectively terminating lawsuits against defense
contractors by substituting the United States as the
defendant was passed without hearings and based on what he
believes are misrepresentations about its operation. That
alone would be sufficient to strike down the statute.'' The
article Mr. Jipping refers to is ``Atomic Bomb Testing and
the Warner Amendment: A Violation of the Separation of
Powers,'' 65 Wash. L. Rev. 285 (1990).
Brief statement: I believe no such thing. I argued that the
presumption of constitutionality normally accorded to a
statute should not be accorded to the Warner Amendment, based
on the following factors: (1) The only body in Congress that
considered the Amendment was a subcommittee of the House
Judiciary Committee, which held hearings and concluded that
it was unconstitutional; (2) when the Amendment was later
attached as a rider to an unrelated defense appropriations
bill, it was consistently described as doing the opposite of
what it actually did.
Elimination of the presumption does not mean that a statute
is unconstitutional. A statute is unconstitutional only if it
independently violates some provision of the Constitution.
I did not argue--and do not believe--that inadequate
consideration by Congress ``alone would be sufficient to
strike down a statute.''
Extended analysis: At the outset, I note that I wrote the
article as an advocate for the American military veterans and
civilian downwinders. My involvement as advocate is indicated
at the beginning of the article at 285, *fn.
Between 1946 and 1963, the United States conducted a little
over 300 atmospheric tests of atomic bomb, about 200 of them
in Nevada. Over 200,000 soldiers and an undetermined number
of civilians were exposed to significant amounts of radiation
during the tests. Atmospheric tests were discontinued in 1963
after the United States signed a test ban treaty. In the
1980s, a number of suits were filed against the private
contractors who had assisted the government in the tests.
Seeking to short-circuit the suits, the contractors sought a
statute that would protect them. Joined by the executive
branch, they sought a statute that would substitute the
United States as a defendant in their place, and would then
permit the United States to obtain a dismissal on grounds of
sovereign immunity.
[[Page S11877]]
In 1983, a subcommittee of the House Judiciary Committee
held hearings on the proposed statute and issued a written
report concluding that it would be unconstitutional. The
following year, Senator Warner attached the proposed statute
as a rider to a defense appropriation bill. The conference
committee report said that the amendment ``would provide
remedy against the United States,'' even though it was clear
that the intent, and ultimate effect, would be to deprive the
plaintiffs of any remedy at all. After the passage of the
Amendment, the District Court substituted the United States
as a defendant and dismissed the suits. In re Consolidated
United States Atmospheric Testing Litigation, 616 F.Supp. 759
(N.D. Calif. 1985), aff'd sub nom. Konizeski v. Livermore
Labs, 820 F.2d 982 (9th Cir. 1987), cert. den., 485 U.S. 905
(1988).
I argued that the Warner Amendment violated separation of
powers by interfering with the judicial function in violation
of United States v. Klein, 80 U.S. 128 (1872). I contended
the Warner Amendment should not enjoy the normal presumption
of constitutionality: ``[C]ourts ordinarily accord a strong
presumption of constitutionality to any legislation that is
enacted in accordance with the formally required process. We
should be very reluctant to abandon the presumption when a
statute has fulfilled the formal prerequisites, but in
certain circumstances such an abandonment may be justified. .
. . [In the case of the Warner Amendment] we have . . .
affirmative evidence that the one body in Congress that
seriously considered the amendment found it unconstitutional.
Moreover, we know that the bill was passed thereafter only by
avoiding hearings and misrepresenting the bill's character.
Under such circumstances, the Warner Amendment can hardly lay
claim to the traditional presumption in favor of a statute's
constitutionality.'' at 320 (emph. added).
(4) separation of powers
Mr. Jipping wrote: ``Finally, Mr. Fletcher rejects perhaps
the most important limitation on government power established
by the Constitution's framers, the separation of powers. The
Supreme Court has said what the Framers said, namely, that
each branch has relatively defined and exclusive areas of
authority and power. In a 1987 article, Mr. Fletcher
condemned these decisions as `fundamentally misguided'. Why?
The Court `read the Constitution in a literalistic way to
upset what the other two branches had decided, under the
political circumstances, was the most workable arrangement.'
In other words, political circumstances can trump
constitutional principles.'' The article Mr. Jipping refers
to is a review of Chief Justice Rehnquists's book, The
Supreme Court: How It Was, How It Is, 75 Calif.L.Rev. 1891
(1987).
Brief statement: I do not reject separation of powers.
Indeed, I relied on separation of powers to argue the
unconstitutionality of the Warner Amendment, calling it a
``vital check against tyranny.'' 65 Wash.L.Rev. at 310. In
the review I criticized two separation of powers decisions by
the Supreme Court, Immigration and Naturalization Service v.
Chadha, 462 U.S. 919 (1983), and Bowsher v. Synar, 478 U.S.
385 (1986), in which the Court found unconstitutional two
Acts of Congress. Believing in judicial restraint, Justice
White dissented because he found no clear constitutional text
invalidating what Congress had done. I agreed with Justice
White.
Extended analysis: In Immigration and Naturalization
Service v. Chadha, the Supreme Court struck down the use of
the one-house veto by Congress. In Bowsher v. Synar, the
Court struck down the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Act providing for
federal deficit reduction. I wrote: ``I think both decisions
fundamentally misguided, for essentially the reasons given by
Justice White in his dissenting opinions. . . . Justice White
pointed out that [Chadha] invalidated, at one stroke, almost
200 statutes on the basis of a highly debatable reading of
the Constitution. Invoking Justice Jackson's emphasis on a
`workable government' in his concurrence in the Steel Seizure
Case, Justice White reminded the Court that the `wisdom of
the Framers was to anticipate that . . . new problems of
governance would require different solutions.' . . . Justice
White, [dissenting in Bowsher], again invoked Justice
Jackson's view of the Constitution as a charter for a
`workable government,' and objected to what he saw as the
Court's `distressingly formalistic view' in attaching
dispositive significance to what should be regarded as a
triviality.' '' at 1894.
Justices White and Jackson firmly believed in a non-
activist judiciary. As a matter of interpretive principle,
they deferred to the judgment of the political branches
unless the clear text of the Constitution commanded
otherwise. I agree with them.
I thank you for the opportunity to correct these
mischaracterizations.
Very truly yours,
William A. Fletcher.
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, University of California law professor
Charles Alan Wright, one of the Nation's leading conservative
constitutional scholars, had this to say about Dr. Fletcher:
Too many scholars approach a new issue with preconceptions
of how it should come out and they force the data that their
research uncovers to support the conclusion that they had
formed before they did the research. I think that is
reprehensible for a scholar and it is dangerous for a judge.
I am completely confident that when Fletcher finishes his
service on the ninth circuit we will say not that he has been
a liberal judge or a conservative judge but that he has been
an excellent judge, one who has brought a brilliant mind,
greater powers of analysis, and total objectivity to the
cases that came before him.
I believe that the nomination of William Fletcher will add
strength to the ninth circuit and I hope very much that he is
confirmed.
I would like to also quote Stephen Burbank of the University of
Pennsylvania Law School:
His work is both analytically acute and painstaking in its
regard for history. Indeed, love of and respect for history
shine through all his work, as the history itself illuminates
the various corners of the law he enters.
Interestingly enough, the New Republic wrote in an editorial in 1995:
Fletcher is the most impressive scholar of Federal
jurisdiction in the country. His path-breaking articles on
sovereign immunity and Federal common law have transformed
the debates in these fields; and his work is marked by the
kind of careful historical and textual analysis that should
serve as a model for liberals and conservatives alike. If
confirmed, Fletcher will join his mother--
And as we know now his mother is going to take senior status --
but his judicial philosophy is more constrained than hers. We
hope he is confirmed as swiftly as possible.
That was back in 1995 when he was nominated. It is now almost the end
of 1998, and as this man has gone through the scrutiny of 3 years of
delay, I must say I very much hope that this body will confirm him this
afternoon. I believe, as another has said, that he will, in fact, be an
excellent, thoughtful and commonsense judge.
I thank the Chair. I yield the floor.
Mrs. BOXER. Mr. President, I am very happy to finally have the
opportunity to come to the floor today and vote on the nomination of
Professor William Fletcher to the U.S. Court of Appeals in the Ninth
Circuit. I urge my colleagues in the Senate to vote for Professor
Fletcher, who is eminently qualified to serve on the federal appeals
court. Professor Fletcher was first nominated on April 26, 1995. He had
a hearing and was reported out in May of 1996, and has been patiently
waiting for a debate and vote on his nomination ever since.
Some members of the Senate oppose this nomination because his mother
sits on this court. However, his mother, the Honorable Betty Fletcher,
has already agreed to take senior status and not sit on panels with her
son if he is confirmed. So, again, I am very happy to once again
exercise my duties as a U.S. Senator and cast a vote on the nomination
of a federal judge.
To give a little history, the 104th Congress never acted on Professor
Fletcher's nomination the first time, so he had to be renominated on
January 7, 1997. He waited more than a year for a second hearing, and
has continued to wait for a confirmation vote, until today. One look at
his record, and I am sure my colleagues will see that Professor
Fletcher is eminently qualified to sit on the federal bench, and
deserves swift Senate confirmation.
In 1968, Professor William Fletcher received his undergraduate
degree, magna cum laude, from Harvard College. He spent the next two
years at Oxford University on a Rhodes Scholarship, receiving another
B.A. in 1970. After Oxford, he spent the following two years on active
duty military service in the United States Navy. He was honorably
discharged as a Lieutenant in 1972. Professor Fletcher then attended
Yale Law School, graduating in 1975. While at Yale, he was a member of
the Yale Law Journal.
After graduating from law school, Professor Fletcher clerked for a
year for U.S. District Judge Stanely A. Weigel in the Northern District
of California, and another year for U.S. Supreme Court Justice William
J. Brennan, Jr. He began teaching at the University of California,
Berkeley, School of Law, also known as Boalt Hall, in the fall of 1977,
immediately after his second clerkship. While at Boalt Hall, Professor
Fletcher has been teaching a broad range of courses, including
Property, Administrative Law, Conflicts, Remedies, and Constitutional
Law.
Professor Fletcher is widely praised by his students and his fellow
academics for his fair-minded and balanced approach to legal problems.
He promises to bring the same careful fair-mindedness to the federal
bench.
[[Page S11878]]
I believe professor Fletcher will make an exceptional addition to the
federal bench. I believe his intelligence, broad experience, and
professional service qualify him to sit on the federal bench with great
distinction. I am sure my Senate colleagues will be equally impressed,
and I urge my colleagues to vote for his confirmation.
Mr. SESSIONS addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Alabama is recognized.
Mr. SESSIONS. I yield up to 10 minutes to the distinguished Senator
from Ohio.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Ohio is recognized.
Mr. DeWINE. Mr. President, I rise this afternoon to oppose the
nomination of William Fletcher to be a U.S. Circuit Court judge for the
Ninth Circuit. On May 21, 1998, the Senate Judiciary Committee
favorably reported out this nominee by a vote of 12 to 6.
I voted against the nominee. I would like to take a moment this
afternoon to explain to my colleagues in the Senate why I voted no on
that date and why I intend to vote no today. I intend to vote no today,
Mr. President, and I base my opposition on the fact that Mr. Fletcher's
writings and statements simply do not convince me that he will help to
move the Ninth Circuit closer to the mainstream of judicial thought.
And that is the criteria that I applied and will continue to apply in
regard to the Ninth Circuit.
Although some Senators oppose this nominee because of their reading
of the antinepotism statute and their concerns in that area, the fact
that Mr. Fletcher's mother also serves on the Ninth Circuit, who, as my
colleague pointed out, will take senior status, does not trouble me. As
I said in the Judiciary Committee, I am not in favor of legislation
that, based on family relationships, restricts the power of the
President or the power of the Senate to either nominate or confirm
judges.
Having said that, Mr. President, let me restate what does concern me
about this nomination. All of us--all of us--should be concerned about
what has been going on in the Ninth Circuit over the last few years.
Based on the alarming reversal rate of the Ninth Circuit, I have said
before and I will say it again for the Record today, I feel compelled
to apply a higher standard of scrutiny for Ninth Circuit nominees than
I do for nominations to any other circuit.
Mr. President, I will only support nominees to the Ninth Circuit who
possess the qualifications and whose background shows that they have
the ability and the inclination to move the circuit back towards the
mainstream of judicial thought in this country. Before we consider
future Ninth Circuit nominees, I urge my colleagues to take a close
look at the evidence, evidence that shows that we have a judicial
circuit today that each year continues to move away from the
mainstream.
I believe the President of the United States has very broad
discretion to nominate to the Federal bench whomever he chooses, and
the Senate should give him due deference when he nominates someone for
a Federal judgeship. However, having said that, the Senate does have a
constitutional duty to offer its advice and consent on judicial
nominations. Each Senator, of course, has his or her own criteria for
offering this advice and consent. However, given that these nominations
are lifetime appointments, all of us take our advice and consent
responsibility very seriously.
We should keep in mind that the Supreme Court of our country has time
to review only a small number of decisions from any circuit. That
certainly is true with the Ninth Circuit as well. This means that each
circuit, the Ninth Circuit in this case, in reality is the court of
last resort. In the case of the Ninth Circuit, they are the court of
last resort for the 45 million Americans who reside within that
circuit. To preserve the integrity of the judicial system for so many
people, I believe we need to take a more careful look at who we are
sending to a circuit that increasingly--increasingly--chooses to
disregard precedent and ultimately just plain gets it wrong so much of
the time.
Consistent with our constitutional duties, the Senate has to take
responsibility for correcting this disturbing reversal rate of the
Ninth Circuit. I think we have an affirmative obligation to do that.
And that is why I will only support those nominees to the Ninth Circuit
who possess the qualifications and who have clearly demonstrated the
inclination to move the circuit back towards the mainstream.
Mr. President, I will want to apply a higher standard of scrutiny to
future Ninth Circuit nominees to help ensure that the 45 million people
in that circuit receive justice, and justice that is consistent with
the rest of the Nation, justice that is predictable and not arbitrary
nor dependent on the few times the Supreme Court reviews and ultimately
reverses an erroneous Ninth Circuit decision.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Sessions). The Senator from Vermont.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I reserve our time on this side. I know on
the other side the Senator from Missouri, I assume, will speak on their
time. I will withhold my statement. I am kind of stuck here anyway. I
yield to the Senator from Missouri, on their time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Missouri.
Mr. ASHCROFT. Mr. President, with the permission of the Senator from
Alabama, I yield myself as much time as I might consume in opposition
to the nomination.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator is recognized.
Mr. ASHCROFT. Mr. President, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals is in
serious need of improvement. The court is the epicenter of judicial
activism in this country. The Ninth Circuit's unique blend of
distortion of text, novel innovation, and disregard for precedent
caused it to be reversed by the U.S. Supreme Court 27 out of 28 cases
in the term before last. That is something very, very serious. When
this court's cases were considered by the U.S. Supreme Court in the
term before last, 27 out of 28 decisions were considered to be wrong.
If the people of this country found out that 27 out of 28 decisions
of the Senate were considered to be wrong, Senators would not last very
long. No tolerance would be provided for virtually any institution that
was wrong that much of the time. The Ninth Circuit Court's record
improved last year, but barely. According to the National Law Journal,
the court was reversed in whole or in part in 14 out of 17 cases last
year. Over the last 2 years, that amounts to a reversal rate of 90
percent. In the last 2 terms, 9 out of 10 times the Ninth Circuit has
been wrong.
The Ninth Circuit's disastrous record before the Supreme Court has
not been lost on the Justices of the Supreme Court. In a letter sent
last month supporting a breakup of the Ninth Circuit, Justice Scalia
cited the circuit's ``notoriously poor record on appeal.'' Justice
Scalia explained, ``A disproportionate number of cases from the Ninth
Circuit are regularly taken by this court for review, and a
disproportionate number reversed.''
The Ninth Circuit's abysmal record cannot be dismissed or minimized
because the Supreme Court is there to correct the Ninth Circuit's
mistakes. In a typical year, the Ninth Circuit disposes of over 8,500
cases. In about 10 percent of those cases, over 850 cases, the losing
party seeks to have a review in the Supreme Court. Although appeals
from the Ninth Circuit occupy a disproportionate share of the docket,
the Supreme Court grants only between 20 and 30 petitions from the
Ninth Circuit in a given year. If they are reversed 90 percent of the
time because they are wrong in those cases that have been accepted, I
do not know what the error rate would be in the other 8,500 cases that
they litigate or consider on appeal, or what would be the error rate in
the 850 cases that are sent, begging the Supreme Court to review the
cases. But it is very likely, in my judgment, if their error rate is 90
percent in those cases that are accepted by the Supreme Court, that
there are a lot of other individuals simply denied justice because of
the extremely poor quality of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals.
This really places upon those of us in the U.S. Senate a very serious
responsibility, a responsibility of seeking to improve the quality of
justice that people who live in the Ninth Circuit receive. Accordingly,
of the 8,500 cases decided by the Ninth Circuit in a year, only 20 or
30, or about three-tenths of 1 percent, are reviewed by the Supreme
[[Page S11879]]
Court. So, if there are errors in the other cases, they are just going
to remain there.
Only three-tenths of 1 percent of the cases decided by the court are
reviewed by the Supreme Court. So if we say it is OK for that circuit
to be full of error, it is OK for that circuit to be absent the quality
and the kind of correctness that is appropriate in the law, if we
predicate our approval on the basis that there can be an appeal, the
truth of the matter is, the Supreme Court takes only about three-tenths
of 1 percent of the cases for appeal.
The Supreme Court, moreover, selects cases for review predominantly
to resolve splits among the circuits, not to correct the most egregious
errors. So some of the cases the Supreme Court does not even take may
be more blatant injustices than the ones that the Supreme Court does
take, because the Supreme Court is trying to resolve differences
between the Ninth Circuit and the Second Circuit, or the Eighth Circuit
and the Ninth Circuit, or something like that. So we have a real
shortfall of justice that exists as a potential whenever we have a
court that is so error ridden, and its error-ridden nature is
demonstrated because of the correction responsibility that has to be
exercised by the U.S. Supreme Court.
The truth of the matter is, for virtually all litigants within the
Ninth Circuit, the decisions of the Ninth Circuit are the final word.
How would you like knowing that you were going to court and that the
appellate court which would oversee your day in court was reversed 90
percent of the time when it was considered by the Supreme Court, but
you only had a three-tenths of 1 percent chance of getting an injustice
in your case reversed because the Supreme Court only takes three-tenths
of 1 percent of the cases? I think America deserves to have more
confidence in its judicial system than that.
The Ninth Circuit is an activist court in desperate need of therapy
and help. After a thorough review of its record, it is my judgment that
Professor Fletcher would do more harm than good in the Ninth Circuit,
would move that court further outside the judicial mainstream.
There has been a great deal of discussion about the applicability of
Federal antinepotism statutes to this nominee. I commend individuals
for raising this issue. It is critical to the respect for law.
I have heard some people say they do not really care whether this is
against the law or not. Frankly, I think we ought to care. I think a
disregard for the law, especially as it relates to the appointment of
judges, is a very, very serious matter. It is critical to the respect
for law in a society as a whole that we in the Senate respect the laws
that apply to us.
However, one of the principles of judicial restraint identified by
Justice Brandeis many years ago is that a court should not decide a
difficult constitutional or statutory question if there is another
straightforward basis for resolving the case. Applying that principle
to this nomination, I have concluded that whether or not the statute
precludes confirmation of Professor Fletcher, there is ample basis in
the record to suggest that Professor Fletcher would exacerbate the
Ninth Circuit's activism and I plan to oppose his nomination on that
basis.
A number of Professor Fletcher's writings suggest a troubling
tendency toward judicial activism. For example, Professor Fletcher has
written in praise of Justice Brennan's mode of constitutional
interpretation. He also has criticized the Supreme Court for reading
the Constitution in a literalistic way. This is troubling, to say the
least. Justice Brennan, as even his admirers would admit, is the
godfather of the evolving Constitution and the primary critic of the
literal reading of the constitutional text.
You know, there are those who believe the Constitution can be
stretched, and grows, and amends itself to mean what someone wants it
to mean at the time a crisis arises. I reject that. I reject Brennan's
approach. Professor Fletcher embraces it. Those who believe that the
Constitution can be an evolutionary document really are those who would
be able to put their stamp of meaning anywhere they want anytime they
choose.
The debate over whether evolving standards of decency or the text
should guide judicial decisions is at the heart--the very heart--of my
concern over judicial activism. Nowhere in the country is the
Constitution ``evolving'' more rapidly than in the Ninth Circuit. We
cannot afford to send another activist to this court.
Although a number of Professor Fletcher's writings focus on
relatively esoteric subjects, they display a disturbing tendency toward
activism on the issues addressed.
He has criticized the current limitations on standing and has
advocated an approach that would focus more on the legislative intent--
an inherently dubious guide--and would afford standing to plaintiffs
excluded by the current doctrine.
Likewise, he has written that the procedural history of an
amendment's enactment can lessen the presumption of constitutionality
that would otherwise attach to the enactment. Frankly, we ought to be
evaluating the constitutionality on the basis of the Constitution, not
the procedural history. This is particularly disturbing in light of the
Ninth Circuit's apparent tendency to apply a presumption of
unconstitutionality to popular initiatives and other legislation the
judges dislike on policy grounds.
In an opinion piece written in the midst of Justice Thomas'
confirmation process, Professor Fletcher wrote that ``the Senate must
insist nominees articulate their constitutional views as a condition of
their confirmation.''
Professor Fletcher's articles and answers to written questions
``articulate'' his view of the Constitution. Let's look at them. It is
a view with which I disagree and which, in my judgment, will only
exacerbate the problems of the Ninth Circuit.
Finally, I want to acknowledge that I realize we do not appear to
have the votes to defeat this nomination. Nonetheless, I believe it is
important to come to the floor and debate this nomination, rather than
approve it in a midnight session.
Those of us on the Judiciary Committee have had the opportunity to
reflect on the problems of the Ninth Circuit--the shortfall and the
injustice for people who live in the Ninth Circuit, the likelihood that
they get bad decisions and only three-tenths of 1 percent of them will
ever be considered by the U.S. Supreme Court. This nominee would only
make that problem worse. I urge my colleagues to oppose the nomination
on that basis.
I yield the floor and reserve the remainder of the time for those
opposing the nomination.
Mr. SPECTER addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
Mr. SPECTER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may speak
for up to 5 minutes on the serious question of steel imports and
introduce a piece of legislation.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, does the Senator ask for that time outside
the time of the Fletcher matter?
Mr. SPECTER. Mr. President, I do.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Ashcroft). Without objection, it is so
ordered. The Senator from Pennsylvania is recognized.
Mr. SPECTER. I thank the Chair.
(The remarks of Mr. Specter pertaining to the introduction of S. 2580
are located in today's Record under ``Statements on Introduced Bills
and Joint Resolutions.'')
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senate will now resume debate of the
nomination of Judge Fletcher.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I ask the Chair, how much time is available
to this side, the proponents of the Fletcher nomination?
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Smith of Oregon). Twenty-three minutes 16
seconds.
Mr. LEAHY. I yield myself such time as I may need.
We heard discussion about the Ninth Circuit. There was a suggestion
that it is reversed all the time.
In the year ending March 31, 1997, they decided 8,701 matters; the
year ending March 31, 1996, 7,813 matters; in 1995, 7,955 matters.
Well, 99.7 percent of those matters were not overturned.
I ask unanimous consent that an article by Judge Jerome Farris of the
U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[[Page S11880]]
The Ninth Circuit--Most Maligned Circuit in the Country--Fact or
Fiction?
(By Hon. Jerome Farris*)
*Footnotes at end of article.
The Honorable Jerome Farris argues that the reason the
Supreme Court overturns such a high percentage of Ninth
Circuit cases accepted for review is not because the Circuit
is ``too liberal.'' Rather, Judge Farris emphasizes the high
volume of cases heard by the Ninth Circuit and its
willingness to take on controversial issues. He suggests that
any objective observer would conclude that the Ninth Circuit
is functioning well and that the system is working precisely
as the Framers of the United States Constitution intended.
The shell game has survived over the centuries because
there are always those who are not merely willing, but
delighted, to be deceived. If the game is played often enough
and mindlessly enough, one can come very close to fooling
``all of the people all of the time.''
The Ninth Circuit--most maligned circuit in the country--
fact or fiction? It is absolutely true that the United States
Supreme Court accepted twenty-nine cases from the Ninth
Circuit for review in 1997 and reversed twenty-eight of those
decisions, affirming only one. The prior year, the Supreme
Court reviewed twelve Ninth Circuit cases and reversed ten.
In 1995, the Supreme Court reviewed fourteen Ninth Circuit
decisions and reversed ten. During that period, no other
circuit had so many decisions reversed or so high a
percentage of reversals of cases accepted for review.\1\
According to these statistics, the Supreme Court reversed
ninety-six percent of the Ninth Circuit cases it reviewed in
1997, an all time high.\2\
In the year ending March 31, 1997, the Ninth Circuit
decided 8701 matters. In the same period ending in 1996, the
Ninth Circuit decided 7813 matters. In 1995, the Ninth
Circuit decided 7955 matters. If one considers the number of
Ninth Circuit decisions reversed by the Supreme Court against
the total number of cases decided by the Ninth Circuit, an
entirely different picture emerges. Under this analysis, the
Supreme Court let stand as final 99.7 percent of the Ninth
Circuit's 1996 cases. No circuit in history has decided so
many cases, and no circuit in history has had so low a
percentage of cases reversed.
The point is not that one statistic is right and that the
other statistic is wrong, but that statistics can be
deceiving and can be used to paint almost any picture one
wants. Courts issue ``opinions''; they do not decide right
and wrong in an absolute sense. Courts cannot determine right
and wrong in an absolute sense because the law is not
absolute. Deciding a legal rule is not like figuring out an
immutable law of physics--a court always strives for ``the
right answer,'' but because the law has a life of its own,
time determines what is correct. Courts on occasion reverse
themselves for just that reason.
Any Ninth Circuit judge worthy of the title would want to
revisit the decisions that were taken for review to determine
whether in any single instance Supreme Court precedent was
ignored. One cannot expect newspaper reporters to make that
kind of review. News articles report the facts and others
analyze the facts. It is my view that no responsible
``expert'' would comment before making such a review. What
the review would reveal is no mystery because all decisions
are in the domain of the public.
In 1997, the Supreme Court unanimously reversed twenty-one
cases (eight of those decisions were per curiam). In the one
Ninth Circuit case that the Supreme Court affirmed (the vote
was eight to one), the majority held that the opinion
properly followed Supreme Court precedent.\3\ In one case
that the Supreme Court unanimously reversed, the Ninth
Circuit followed a Tenth Circuit decision. The Eighth
Circuit, however, decided the issue a different way and the
Supreme Court resolved the split.\4\
In Saratoga Fishing Co. v. J.M. Martinac & Co., \5\ a six
to three reversal, Justice Scalia, joined by Justice Thomas,
noted in dissent that ``an impressive line of lower court
decisions applying both federal and state law'' \6\ has, like
the Ninth Circuit, precluded liability in analogous
situations. \7\
In eight of the reversed Ninth Circuit cases, the Supreme
Court resolved conflicts between the circuits: Old Chief v.
United States; \8\ California Division of Labor Standards
Enforcement v. Dillingham Construction; \9\ United States v.
Brockamp; \10\ Regents of the University of California v.
Doe; \11\ Inter-Modal Rail Employees Ass'n v. Atchison,
Topeka, & Santa Fe Railway; \12\ United States v. Hyde; \13\
Glickman v. Wileman Bros. & Elliott; \14\ Quality King
Distributors, Inc. v. L'anza Research International, Inc.
\15\ Thus, in many of the cases that were reversed, the Ninth
Circuit was not alone in concluding a different result than
the result the Supreme Court reached. Make no mistake,
however, the Supreme Court did critcize the Ninth Circuit in
some of its reversals. In one reversal, the Supreme Court
stated that the Ninth Circuit failed to follow Supreme Court
precedent. \16\
Courts are bound to follow Supreme Court precedent.
However, what we write are opinions. The sin is not being
wrong, but being wrong when the guidance was clear and when
there was a deliberate failure to follow the guidance.
Two cases illustrate the dilemma of circuit courts:
Washington v. Glucksberg, \17\ regarding physician-assisted
suicide, and Printz v. United States, \18\ regarding the
Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act. \19\ The Supreme Court
reversed both of these Ninth Circuit decisions.
The Brady Act was widely discussed publicly and received
much political interest. At issue in Printz v. United States
was whether the Brady Handgun Act violated Article I, Sec. 8
and the Tenth Amendment of the United States Constitution by
commanding chief law enforcement officers to conduct
background checks of handgun purchasers. In a two to one
decision, the Ninth Circuit found no constitutional
violation. The Supreme Court, by a vote of five to four,
reversed. Justice Scalia delivered the opinion of the Court
in which Rehnquist, O'Connor, Kennedy, and Thomas joined;
O'Connor filed a concurring opinion; Thomas filed a
concurring opinion; Stevens filed a dissenting opinion, in
which Souter, Ginsburg, and Breyer joined; Souter filed a
separate dissenting opinion; and Breyer filed a dissenting
opinion, in which Stevens joined. One might reasonably
conclude that the solution was less than obvious.
Physician-assisted suicide has also been soundly debated in
both public and political arenas. The question for decision
in Glucksberg was whether a Washington statue that imposes a
criminal penalty on anyone who ``aids another person to
attempt suicide'' denies the Fourteenth Amendment's Due
Process Clause liberty interest of mentally competent,
terminally ill adults to choose their time and manner of
death. The Ninth Circuit, in an eight to three en banc panel
decision, found a liberty interest in the right to die and
then weighed the individual's compelling liberty interest
against the state's interest. The Ninth Circuit found the
statute unconstitutional. The Supreme Court unanimously
reversed the Ninth Circuit decision with five separate
concurring opinions.
Was the Ninth Circuit ``wrong'' in either of these cases?
The Circuit would have been, in my opinion, if it had not
resolved each of the complex issues and given them full,
careful, and decisive consideration. The Supreme Court
reversed these decisions, but who would say that the system
is not functioning as it was intended to function? Everyone
is entitled to their own views, but the conclusion, in my
view, is that the system envisioned by the Framers of the
Constitution continues to function properly.
The decisions of the Supreme Court become the law of the
land because our system of government requires settled law.
It is therefore necessary that one court make a final
decision, and, right or wrong, that decision governs our
society.
That the Supreme Court can be ``wrong'' is evident to any
student of American law, history, politics, or society. This
county's jurisprudential history is filled with famous cases,
affecting our entire society, in which the Supreme Court
decided that it had previously reached an erroneous result:
Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka; \20\ Bunting v.
Oregon; \21\ Garcia v. San Antonio Metropolitan Transit
Authority; \22\ and twice reversing itself on death penalty
cases in the 1970s, to name a few.
The Supreme Court also reverses itself in many less well-
known cases. This term it reversed a decision regarding
public school teachers in parochial schools. \23\ The term
before that it reversed itself in Seminole Tribe of Florida
v. Florida, \24\ and the year before that in Hubbard v.
United States. \25\ Justice Brandeis's dissent in the 1932
case, Burnet v. Coronado Oil & Gas Co., \26\ argued that the
Supreme Court should overrule an earlier decision \27\ and
cites thirty-five cases in which the Supreme Court overruled
or qualified its earlier decisions.
This list of Supreme Court reversals--in no way meant to be
comprehensive--actually constitutes a high reversal rate
considering that the Supreme Court currently averages about
eighty to ninety decisions a year, or one percent of the
number of cases that the Ninth Circuit hears. This comparison
suggests that the Supreme Court would have to reverse one
hundred Ninth Circuit cases a year in order to reverse the
Ninth Circuit at as high a rate as the Supreme Court reverses
itself (which it does about once a year).
In other instances, Congress has decided that the Supreme
Court had the wrong answer and enacted legislation to
effectively overrule the decision, such as the Religious
Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 (RFRA) \28\ and the 1982
Voting Rights Act Amendments.\29\ The Supreme Court upheld
the constitutionality of the 1982 Voting Rights Act
Amendments \30\ and it found RFRA unconstitutional.\31\
Do these results prove that Congress was right and that the
Supreme Court was wrong? Or do these results prove that the
Supreme Court was right and that Congress was wrong? Of
course not. Rather, the results provide examples of the
checks and balances designed in the Constitution to make our
government run properly. Similarly, when the Supreme Court
reverses an appellate court decision, it does not mean that
the decision was wrong in an absolute sense, and more
importantly, it does not mean that the appellate court was
not functioning properly in its role in the judiciary and in
the United States government.
Part of the cause of the misperception about right and
wrong is created in the training of lawyers at law school.
Most law schools begin teaching law in a formalistic manner:
the student learns the law, and there is only one correct
law. This formalism gets carried on as law students enter the
legal profession. Lawyers often argue before
[[Page S11881]]
me that there is only one possible result (``The law dictates
this result!''). This is rarely true, and is never true in
complicated cases. There are always some arguments for each
side, otherwise the case would be frivolous. The bottom line
is that reasonable minds can differ and can each still be
reasonable.
The Ninth Circuit deals with more cases than any other
circuit. It is not surprising, then, that the Ninth Circuit
would deal with more complicated and important issues than
any other circuit. Both of these factors contribute to the
Supreme Court's review and reversal of more Ninth Circuit
cases than cases from other circuits.
Some observers contend that the Ninth Circuit is reversed
so often because it is the most liberal circuit in the
country and because the Supreme Court is currently
conservative. This hypothesis also provides ammunition to
those now arguing that the Ninth Circuit should be split (a
topic for another article).\32\ However, these observers have
failed to review the facts. Of the opinions signed by Ninth
Circuit judges that were reversed this year by the Supreme
Court, eleven were authored by Democratic presidential
appointees, and nine were authored by Republican presidential
appointees. Apparently the Supreme Court is an equal
opportunity reverser.
To function properly, each court must do its duty to the
best of its ability. Parties must be able to rely on the full
resolution of cutting edge issues in each court to which the
issues are submitted. There is always the risk of reversal,
but that risk should not--cannot--drive the system. The
Supreme Court was better able to treat the question of
physician-assisted suicide and the issue of the Brady Act
because it had decisive opinions to review. One could assume
that these issues are closed, and they certainly may be for
the immediate future. History reminds us, though, that
serious controversial issues are revisited from time to time.
This comment is written by a circuit judge whose life would
certainly have been different had the Dred Scott \33\
decision not been revisited.
I make no prediction for the future of any of the Ninth
Circuit reversals, but one commentator was not so cautious.
Writing while Glucksberg \34\ was pending before the Supreme
Court, Roger S. Magnusson \35\ in the Pacific Rim Law and
Policy Journal, predicted:
Although an adverse Supreme Court opinion could potentially
retard the process of pro-euthanasia law reform, this would
be a temporary delay only which could not survive
generational change. In the United States and beyond, the
development of a legal right to die with medical assistance,
appears inevitable.\36\
What is important to remember is that opinions, unlike
arithmetic solutions, may vary. Our system under the
Constitution is designed to put an end to variations because
the Supreme Court makes the final decision. The danger is not
that an appellate court gets reversed, but that a court might
let possible reversal deter decisive, full, and reasoned
consideration of important issues. An even greater danger is
that the high regard in which all courts must be held if our
system is to be a rule of law, not of judges, is threatened
if those who are personally ambitious can dismiss a reasoned
decision of any court with the throwaway phrase--``Oh well,
that decision is just the irresponsible act of a coterie of
liberal judges.'' All tyrants first seek to malign the rule
of law.
footnotes
*Judge, United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.
\1\ The Supreme Court decided a total of ninety-one cases in
the 1996 term, reversing sixty-five, affirming twenty-three,
and otherwise disposing of three. See Thomas C. Goldstein,
Statistics for the Supreme Court's October Term 1996, 66
U.S.L.W. 3068 (U.S. July 15, 1997).
\2\ All other circuits outside of the Ninth Circuit suffered
a combined reversal rate of sixty-one percent. See Bill
Kusliak, Reversal Rate Keeps Getting Uglier, San Francisco
Recorder, July 2, 1997, at 1.
\3\ See Babbitt v. Youpee, 117 S. Ct. 727, 732 (1997). In
Babbitt, the Supreme Court affirmed the Ninth Circuit's
holding that a provision of the Indian Land Consolidation Act
worked an unconstitutional taking by requiring escheat to the
tribe of certain fractional interests in allotment upon the
owner's death. See id.
\4\ See California Div. of Labor Standards Enforcement v.
Dillingham Constr., 117 S. Ct. 832 (1997). The Ninth Circuit
held that a California prevailing wage law governing wages of
apprentices was preempted by ERISA. See Dillingham Constr. v.
County of Sonoma, 57 F.3d 712, 722 (9th Cir. 1995). In
reversing, the Supreme Court found that the law at issue
neither referred to nor was connected with ERISA. See
Dillingham Constr., 117 S. Ct. at 834. Thus, the Court held
that the law did not ``relate to'' an ERISA plan for purposes
of preemption. See id.
\5\ 117 S. Ct. 1783 (1997).
\6\ Saratoga Fishing, 117 S. Ct. at 1791.
\7\ The Ninth Circuit decision employed the East River
doctrine, see East River S.S. Corp. v. Transamerica Delaval,
Inc., 476 U.S. 858, 870 (1986), to preclude liability for
property damage sustained on a vessel. See Saratoga Fishing
Co. v. Marco Seattle, Inc., 69 F.3d 1432, 1446 (9th Cir.
1995). The Ninth Circuit found that equipment added to a
vessel after purchase was part of the ``product itself.'' See
id. In reversing, the Supreme Court concluded that the after-
acquired equipment constituted ``other property,'' and was
not a part of the ``product itself.'' See Saratoga Fishing,
117 S. Ct. at 1784.
\8\ 117 S. Ct. 644 (1997). In United States v. Old Chief, the
Ninth Circuit found that, despite a defendant's offer to
stipulate, the government was entitled to present evidence of
a prior felony to prove the current charge of felon in
possession of a firearm. See No. 94-30277, 1995 WL 325745
(9th Cir. Apr. 14, 1995) (basing the decision on 18 U.S.C.
Sec. 922(g)(1)). The Supreme Court disagreed, finding that
the rejection of a defendant's offer to stipulate to a felony
conviction constituted an abuse of discretion where the name
or nature of the underlying conviction raised the risk of
tainting the jury's verdict. See Old Chief, 117 S. Ct. at
645.
\9\ 117 S. Ct. 832 (1997). See supra note 4 and accompanying
text.
\10\ 117 S. Ct. 849 (1997). In Brockamp, the Supreme Court
reversed the Ninth Circuit holding which allowed equitable
tolling of the statutory limitations period for tax refund
claims. The Supreme Court concluded that the strong language
of the statute precluded the Ninth Circuit's application of
the presumption favoring equitable tolling. See id. at 851.
\11\ 117 S. Ct. 900 (1997). In Doe v. Lawrence Livermore
National Laboratory, 65 F.3d 771, 776 (9th Cir. 1995), the
Ninth Circuit held that the University of California's right
to indemnification from the federal government divested the
university of Eleventh Amendment immunity. The Supreme Court
reversed, holding that a state entity's potential legal
liability, rather than financial responsibility for
judgments, triggered the application of the Eleventh
Amendment. See Regents of the Univ. of Cal., 117 S. Ct. at
904.
\12\ 117 S. Ct. 1513 (1997). In this action, the Supreme
Court held that an ERISA provision prohibiting interference
with protected rights applied to welfare plans. See id. at
1515. The Ninth Circuit found that the provision applied only
to interference with the attainment of rights capable of
vesting. See Inter-Modal Rail Employees Ass'n v. Atchison,
Topeka, & Santa Fe Ry. Co., 80 F 3d 348, 351 (9th Cir. 1996).
\13\ 117 S. Ct. 1630 (1997). In Hyde, a criminal defendant
attempted to withdraw his guilty plea after the plea was
accepted, but prior to acceptance of the plea agreement. The
Ninth Circuit reversed the district court's refusal to allow
withdrawal without a showing by defendant of a ``fair and
just reason.'' See Hyde v. United States, 92 F.3d 779, 781
(9th Cir. 1996). The Supreme Court held that a showing of
``fair and just reason'' by defendant was necessary. See
Hyde, 117 S. Ct. at 1631.
\14\ 117 S. Ct. 2130 (1997). In Clickman, the Court reversed
the Ninth Circuit determination that mandatory assessments on
growers, handlers, and processors of California tree fruits
to pay for generic advertising violated the First Amendment.
See id. at 2142. The Supreme Court rejected the use of a
heightened First Amendment scrutiny and the Ninth Circuit's
finding that the law compelled financial support of others'
speech, See id. at 2138-39.
\15\ 117 S. Ct. 2406 (1997) (mem.).
\16\ See Suitum v. Tahoe Reg'l Planning Agency, 117 S. Ct.
1659, 1665 (1997).
\17\ 117 S. Ct. 2258 (1997).
\18\ 117 S. Ct. 2365 (1997).
\19\ 18 U.S.C. Sec. 922 (1994).
\20\ 347 U.S. 483 (19954) (overruling Plessy v. Ferguson, 163
U.S. 537 (1896)).
\21\ 243 U.S. 426 (1917) (overruling Lochner v. New York, 198
U.S. 45 (1995)).
\22\ 469 U.S. (1985) (overruling National League of Cities v.
Usery, 426 U.S. 833 (1976)).
\23\ See Agostini v. Felton, 117 S. Ct. 1997 (1997)
(overruling Aguilar v. Felton, 473 U.S. 402 (1985), and
School Dist. of Grand Rapids v. Ball, 473 U.S. 373 (1985)
(overruled as to the portion addressing the ``Shared Time''
Program).
\24\ 4116 S. Ct. 114 (1996) (overruling Pennsylvania v. Union
Gas Co., 491 U.S. 1 (1989)).
\25\ 514 U.S. 695 (1995) (overruling United States v.
Branblett, 348 U.S. 503 (1995)).
\26\ 285 U.S.C. 393 (1932), overruled by Helving v. Mountain
Producers Corp., 303 U.S. 376 (1938).
\27\ See Gillespie v. Okla, 257 U.S. 501 (1922) overruled by
Helvering, 303 U.S. at 376.
\28\ 42 U.S.C. Sec. 2000bb (1994).
\29\ 42 U.S.C. Sec. 1973b (1994).
\30\ See Reno v. Bossier Parish School Bd. 117 S. Ct. 1491
(1997).
\31\ See Boerne v. Flores, 117 S. Ct. (1997).
\32\ This argument, like most of the arguments for splitting
the circuit, has never made sense to me. Accepting arguendo,
the hypothesis that the Ninth Circuit is reversed often
because it is to ``too'' liberal or ``too'' often wrong, a
split will still leave at least one, and perhaps two,
circuits that are too liberal or too often wrong.
\33\ Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393 (1856) (superseded
by the adoption of the 13th and 14th Amendments of the U.S.
Constitution after the Civil War).
\34\ 117 S. Ct. 2258 (1997).
\35\ Lecturer, University of Sydney School of Law; B.A. LL.
B. (Hons) (A.N.U.) (1988), Ph.D. (Melb), (1994).
\36\ Roger S. Magnusson, The Sanctity of Life and the Right
to Die: Social and Jurisprudential Aspects of the Euthanasia
Debate in Australia and the United States, 6 Pac. Rim & Pol'y
J. 1, 5 (1997).
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, it has been suggested that if a court is
overturned by the Supreme Court, that people ought to start asking
whether those judges should be thrown out. And one Senator said,
``Suppose we were overturned like that, how long would we last here in
the Senate?'' Well, it seems to me that the U.S. Senate voted very
strongly--84 Senators voted for the so-called Communications Decency
Act even though it was obviously unconstitutional. That went to the
Supreme Court and was overturned.
A majority of the U.S. Senators voted for the line-item veto--again,
blatantly unconstitutional but popular back home. That was overturned
by the U.S. Supreme Court.
Eighty-five percent of the people, according to a poll, said they
wanted some form of the Brady bill. This Senate voted for that
overwhelmingly, knowing that it was probably unconstitutional. That was
overturned by the Supreme Court.
I can think, since I have been here, of a number of times when this
body went pell-mell forward on a number of bills because it was so
popular to vote for them. Many times I found myself as a lone dissenter
on matters that went to the U.S. Supreme Court and were then overturned
as unconstitutional.
The same Senators who criticize judges who from time to time have an
opinion reversed by a higher court ought to be careful with respect to
what they advocate. If that standard were applied to Senators should
all Senators who voted for a bill that gets
[[Page S11882]]
overturned as unconstitutional have to resign? Maybe not the first time
they vote for something declared unconstitutional; maybe they shouldn't
have to leave the first time, because everybody is allowed a mistake.
If they did it a second time, do they have to go then? I come from a
tolerant State. I belong to a religion that believes in redemption and
forgiveness. So we will let them get away with two.
We are in the baseball season. Suppose they voted for three
unconstitutional bills because they were popular but they get
overturned as unconstitutional. Well, we are now considering
perspectives beyond religion and politics, we are going to baseball.
Three times, three strikes--are you out? Let's be a little careful when
we use some of these analogies about who should or should not serve on
a court depending on how many times they get reversed.
Senators may not want to go back and ask how many times they voted
for something, how many times they gave wonderful speeches in favor of
something, how many times they sent out press releases, sent feeds back
to their TV station, maybe used them in their reelection ads, and then,
guess what? The U.S. Supreme Court overturned that legislation as
unconstitutional.
Especially, I say to some of my friends on the other side, when the
majority of those voting to declare those laws unconstitutional were
Republican members of the U.S. Supreme Court, reported by Republican
Presidents, and extolled as great conservatives. In each one of the
cases I have referenced, I agreed with them. They were the true
conservatives. What they wanted to conserve was the Constitution of the
United States.
Sometimes when we want to stand up here and tell how conservative we
are, we ought to say: Are we conservative with regard to the
Constitution of the United States? Are we prepared to conserve the U.S.
Constitution?
I recall one day on a court-stripping bill on this floor years ago an
effort was made to pass a court-stripping bill, a bill to withdraw
jurisdiction from the courts over certain matters of constitutional
remedies, because the polls showed how popular it would be. One Friday
afternoon, three Senators stood on this floor and talked that bill into
the ground.
I was proud to be one of those three Senators. As I walked out with
the other two--one, the Senator from Connecticut, then an independent,
Senator Lowell Weicker; the third Senator who had joined with us to
talk down that court-stripping bill, my good friend, now deceased,
Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona. Senator Goldwater put his arms
around the shoulders of both of us, and we were both a little bit
taller than he, and said, ``I think we are the only three conservatives
in the place.''
I can't speak for Senator Weicker, how he might have felt about that;
I took it as a heck of a compliment--not because I go back and claim to
be a conservative in my politics back home. I only claim to be a
Vermonter, doing the best I can for my State. When I stand up for the
U.S. Constitution, as I have so many times for the first amendment, I
do it because I try to conserve what is best in our country.
Professor William Fletcher is a fine nominee. He is a decent man. He
was first nominated to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit,
May 7, 1995, over 3 years ago. I don't know of any judicial nominee who
has had to endure the delay and show the patience of this nominee. He
was nominated May 7, 1995. We are only a few months away from 1999.
I have spoken on many occasions about how the Republican Senate is
rewriting the record books in terms of delaying action on judicial
nominees, but Professor Fletcher's 41 months exceeds the 33-month delay
in the consideration of the nomination of Judge Richard Paez and
Anabelle Rodriguez; or the 26 months it took to confirm Ann Aiken; or
the 24 months it took to confirm Margaret McKeown; or the 21-month
delay before confirmation of Margaret Morrow and Hilda Tagle who found,
unfortunately, in this Senate, that if you are either a woman or a
minority, you seem to take a lot longer to get through the Senate
confirmation process.
In the annual report on the judiciary, the Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court observed:
Some current nominees have been waiting a considerable time
for a Senate Judiciary Committee vote or a final floor vote.
The Senate confirmed only 17 judges in 1996 and 36 in 1997,
well under the 101 judges it confirmed in 1994.
He went on to note:
The Senate is surely under no obligation to confirm any
particular nominee, but after the necessary time for inquiry
it should vote him up or vote him down.
Mr. President, 3\1/2\ years is a long time to examine a nomination
and to leave a judgeship vacant. Even at the pace of the U.S. Senate,
3\1/2\ years is long enough for us to make up our mind.
Around Mother's Day in 1996, the Judiciary Committee did report the
nomination of Professor Fletcher to the Senate, but that year the
majority, Republican majority, decided not to vote on any nominees to
courts of appeals, so the nomination was not considered by the Senate.
The committee vote, though, in 1996 was more than 2-1 in favor,
including Senator Hatch, Senator Specter, Senator DeWine, and Senator
Simpson. This year, the vote was delayed until past Mother's Day. The
vote was taken May 21, 1998. The committee's second consideration of
the nominee resulted in a vote of 2-1.
I know some do not like Judge Betty Binn Fletcher. They do not agree
with her decisions. In our Federal judicial system, there are
mechanisms for holding judges accountable. There are panels of judges
at the courts of appeals. There are en banc considerations. There is
ultimately the controlling authority of the U.S. Supreme Court. Judge
Fletcher's decisions are subject to review and reversal, just like
every other judge.
No one should turn their anger with Judge Betty Fletcher into a
reason to delay or oppose the appointment of Professor William A.
Fletcher. No one should try to get back at Judge Betty B. Fletcher
through delay of the confirmation of her son.
Senate Republicans have continued their attacks against an
independent Federal judiciary and delayed in filling longstanding
vacancies with qualified persons being nominated by the President.
Professor Fletcher's nomination has been a casualty of their efforts.
Forty-one months--41 months--and two confirmation hearings have been
enough time for examination to bring the Fletcher nomination to a vote.
Professor Fletcher is a fine person and an outstanding nominee who has
had to endure years of delay and demagoguery as some chose to play
politics with our independent judiciary.
Professor Fletcher has the support of both Senators from California.
The ABA gave him the highest rating. He is supported by many judges and
lawyers and scholars from around the State, the Ninth Circuit, and the
country. I commend the distinguished chairman of the Senate Judiciary
Committee, the senior Senator from Utah, Senator Hatch, and many other
Republican Senators who have continued to support this fair-minded
nominee.
I look forward to Senate action this afternoon and I look forward to
the fact that he will be confirmed.
Mr. President, I withhold the remainder of my time.
I yield the floor.
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I rise today in opposition to the
nomination of William Fletcher for the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals.
When this nomination was first considered in the Judiciary Committee
in 1996, I opposed it because I believed that the anti-nepotism
statute, 28 U.S.C. 458, prohibited him from serving on the Ninth
Circuit based on the fact that his mother, Betty Fletcher, is a judge
on the same court. There has been some dispute about whether this
statute applies to judges rather than only inferior court employees,
and the Senate yesterday passed legislation by Senator Kyl to clarify
that the statute does apply to judges. However, the revision is
prospective in nature and does not apply to Professor Fletcher. In my
view, Professor Fletcher's nomination violates the statute as it
existed before the Senate's clarification. Thus, I must oppose this
nomination because I believe it violates the anti-nepotism laws.
[[Page S11883]]
Moreover, I have serious reservations about Professor Fletcher's
judicial philosophy. I believe we have a duty to oppose nominees who do
not have a proper respect for the limited role of a judge in our system
of government.
One of the strongest and most influential advocates for an activist
Federal judiciary in this century was Supreme Court Justice William
Brennan. He believed that the Constitution was a living document and
that judges should interpret the Constitution as though its words
change and adapt over time. I have always believed that this view of
the Constitution is not only wrong but dangerous to our system of
government. The words of the Constitution do not change. They have an
established meaning that should not change based on the views of a
judge. They should change only through an amendment to the
Constitution. It is through the amendment process that the people can
determine for themselves what the Constitution says, rather than
unaccountable, unelected judges making the decisions for them.
Professor Fletcher has written in strong support of Justice Brennan
and his activist judicial philosophy. In a 1991 law review article, he
praised Justice Brennan for his, quote, ``sense that the Constitution
has meaning beyond the bare words of the text.'' He stated that some
parts of the Constitution are, quote, ``almost constitutional truths in
search of a text.'' He even approvingly quoted Justice Brennan's famous
statement regarding Constitutional interpretation that, quote, ``the
ultimate question must be what do the words of the text mean in our
time.''
I firmly believe that the role of the judge is to interpret the law
as the legislature intended, not to interpret the law consistent with
the judge's public policy objectives. A judge does not make the law and
is not a public policy maker. Professor Fletcher has been critical of
the modern Supreme Court for its lack of political and governmental
experience. In a 1987 law review article, he criticized recent landmark
Supreme Court decisions on the separation of powers, saying the Court,
quote, ``read the Constitution in a literalistic way to upset what the
other two branches had decided, under the political circumstances, was
the most workable arrangement.'' What is convenient in a political
sense is irrelevant to a proper interpretation of the Constitution.
Moreover, Professor Fletcher has been nominated to the Ninth Circuit,
and the Supreme Court routinely finds it necessary to reverse the Ninth
Circuit. Indeed, in recent years, the Ninth Circuit has been reversed
far more often than any other circuit. This trend will be corrected
only if we confirm sound, mainstream judges to this critical circuit. I
do not see that problem abating with nominees such as the one here, who
even characterizes himself as being in his words, quote, ``fairly close
to the mainstream.''
If Professor Fletcher is confirmed, I sincerely hope that he turns
out to be a sound, mainstream judge and not a judicial activist from
the left. I hope he helps to improve the dismal reversal rate of the
Ninth Circuit.
However, we must evaluate judges based on the record we have before
us. As I read Professor Fletcher's record, it does not convince me that
he is an appropriate addition to the Court of Appeals. Therefore,
because of my interpretation of the anti-nepotism statute and my
concerns about judicial activism, I cannot support this nominee.
Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, I rise today to express my strong support
for the nomination of William A. Fletcher to the U.S. Court of Appeals
for the Ninth Circuit. Mr. Fletcher has proven himself superbly
qualified for this position. A man of deep personal integrity, of sound
judgement and a well respected legal scholar, Mr. Fletcher's nomination
is certainly deserved and given that five judgeships remain vacant on
the Ninth Circuit, his confirmation is well past due.
Mr. Fletcher's qualifications for this position are truly remarkable,
Mr. President. He is a graduate of Harvard University and a Rhodes
Scholar. William Fletcher earned his law degree from Yale, clerked at
the United States Supreme Court, and has dedicated himself to a career
of exploring legal theories as a professor and as an esteemed author.
Fletcher has been a professor at Boalt Hall since 1977 where he was
awarded the Distinguished Teaching Award in 1993, an honor bestowed
annually upon the five finest faculty members on the Berkley campus.
Fletcher has also served as a visiting professor at the University of
Michigan, Stanford Law School, Hastings College of Law, and the
University of Cologne, and he has served as an instructor at the
Salzburg Seminars.
Professor Fletcher's scholarly works include influential law review
articles that have been immensely useful to both academics and
practitioners. His works include published articles relating to the
topics of civil procedure and federal courts, such as standing and the
Eleventh Amendment, sovereign immunity and federal common law. In
exploring the law and authoring these esteemed articles, Fletcher
demonstrates his uncanny powers of analysis and steadfast objectivity.
In addition to my support Mr. President, William Fletcher's
nomination enjoys broad support across political and ideological
spectrums. He has been endorsed not only by an extensive array of his
peers throughout the country, but also by a number of non-partisan
observers and the American Bar Association, all of whom comment on the
centrist, pragmatic approach he brings to the law. I am completely
confident that Mr. Fletcher is the best possible candidate to the U.S.
Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.
So again Mr. President I would like to express my unequivocal support
for William A. Fletcher as a highly qualified nominee to the U.S. Court
of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. I will conclude by quoting one of Mr.
Fletcher's colleagues in saying ``If Willy Fletcher presents a problem
[for the Judiciary Committee], there is no academic in America who
should get a court appointment.''
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. President, how much time remains?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Alabama has 6 minutes 40
seconds.
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. President, there have been several speakers,
including the Senator from Ohio and the Senator from Missouri, who have
talked about the unique circumstances that are at foot here in dealing
with the Ninth Circuit, and that we have a responsibility and a duty to
make sure that we use our advise and consent authority wisely to
improve the courts in America, and the Ninth Circuit is in need of,
severe need of reform. It has been reversed in nearly 90 percent of its
cases in the last 2 years--an unprecedented record that no circuit, to
my knowledge, has even been suggested to have approached. The New York
Times has referred to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals--which
includes California and most of the west coast--and they said that a
majority of the Supreme Court considers the Ninth Circuit a rogue
circuit.
Now, some Senators suggest this is politics. Mr. President, I was
elected by the people of my State to come here, and one of my duties is
to evaluate Federal judges. I have affirmed and voted for the
overwhelming majority of the Clinton nominees. I am willing to vote on
this one. I have agreed to this nomination to come up and be voted on.
But I want to have my say. I am concerned about this. I don't think
that is politics.
As a matter of fact, let me quote to you from an article that Mr.
Fletcher, the nominee, wrote a few years ago referring to the
confirmation process involving Justice Clarence Thomas. What he said
about the role of the Senate was this:
Does the Senate have the political will--
That is us, me--
to come down here and do the unpleasant duty of standing up
and--
And talk about a gentleman who is charming, I am sure, and a nice
fellow--
talking about the unpleasant fact that he may not be the
right nominee for the court?
He said:
Does the Senate have the political will to insist that its
constitutional advise and consent role become a working
reality?
Mr. President, I have been here 2 years. One nominee withdrew before
a vote, and we hadn't voted on any nominees. So we are not abusing our
advise and consent power. As a matter of fact, I don't think we have
been aggressive enough in utilizing it to ensure that the nominees to
the Federal bench are mainstream nominees.
[[Page S11884]]
That is what we are talking about. He said, ``The Senate must be
prepared to persuade. . . .'' This is Mr. Fletcher, who wrote this
article. He is an academic, a professor, so he can sit around and find
time to write these articles. We are not dealing with a proven
practitioner, a person who served as a State or Federal judge, as we
normally have. We are dealing with a nominee who has never practiced
law in his life, has never tried a lawsuit, has never been in court and
had to answer to a judge. Yet, he is going to be superintending the
largest Federal circuit in the country. This is what he wrote:
The Senate must be prepared to persuade the public that an
insistence on full participation in choosing judges is not a
usurpation of power.
That is all we are doing. We are telling the President of the United
States--and it is going to get more serious with additional nominees to
this circuit--that we have to have some mainstream nominees. We have to
do something about the Ninth Circuit, where 27 out of 28 cases were
reversed in the term before last, and 13 out of 17 were reversed in the
last term. That has been going on for 15 or 20 years. It is not even a
secret problem anymore. It is an open, acknowledged problem in American
jurisprudence. The U.S. Supreme Court is trying to maintain uniformity
of the law.
For example, this summer, the Ninth Circuit was the only circuit to
rule that the Prison Litigation Reform Act--passed here to improve some
of the horrendous problems we were having with litigation by
prisoners--was unconstitutional. Every other circuit that addressed the
issue upheld the constitutionality of this act, including the First,
Fourth, Sixth, Eighth, and Eleventh Circuit have affirmed the
constitutionality of the Prison Litigation Reform Act. But not the
Ninth Circuit. It is out there again.
As a matter of fact, I have learned that they utilize an
extraordinary amount of funds of the taxpayers on defense of criminal
cases. In fact, they have approved one-half of the fees for court-
appointed counsel in the entire United States. There are 11 circuits in
America. This one is the biggest, but certainly not more than 20, 25
percent of the country--probably less than that. They did half of the
court-appointed attorney's fees because they are turning criminal cases
into prolonged processes where there is no finality in the judgment--a
problem that America is coming to grips with, the Supreme Court is
coming to grips with, and the people of this country are coming to
grips with. That is just an example of what it means to have a problem
there.
Mr. President, I will just say this: This nominee was a law clerk, in
addition to never having practiced, and he clerked for Justice Brennan,
who was widely recognized as the epitome of judicial activism. His
mother is on this court today, the Ninth Circuit, and she is recognized
as the most liberal member of the court. Perhaps one other is more
liberal. It is a problem we have to deal with.
I would like to mention this. In talking about the confirmation
process, he made some unkind and unwise comments about Justice Thomas
in a 1991 article. He questioned, I think fundamentally, the integrity
of Justice Thomas. What kind of standard do we need to apply here? He
believed a very high standard. This is what he said:
Judge Clarence Thomas did have a record, although not
distinguished enough to merit President Bush's accolades. But
Thomas backed away from that record, pretending he meant none
of what he had written, and said that he never talked about
Roe v. Wade with anyone and, of course, he didn't talk dirty
to Anita Hill either.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. All of the Senator's time has expired.
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. President, I think that was an unkind comment. I
don't believe he is the right person for this circuit, and I object to
his nomination.
I yield the floor.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, how much time do I have remaining?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has 11 minutes 4 seconds.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, Mr. Fletcher has waited a long, long time--
nearly 3\1/2\ years--for this moment. He has been voted out of the
Senate Judiciary Committee by an overwhelming margin twice. He is
strongly supported by both Republicans and Democrats in this body. He
has waited long enough.
I yield back the remainder of my time so we can go to a vote on
Professor Fletcher.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the nomination.
Are the yeas and nays requested?
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I think the other side has forgotten to ask
for the yeas and nays.
To protect them, I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There is a sufficient second.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is, Will the Senate advise and
consent to the nomination of William A. Fletcher, of California, to be
a United States Circuit Judge for the Ninth Circuit? On this question
the yeas and nays have been ordered, and the clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from Ohio (Mr. Glenn) and the
Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Hollings) are necessarily absent.
The result was announced--yeas 57, nays 41, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 309 Ex.]
YEAS--57
Akaka
Baucus
Bennett
Biden
Bingaman
Boxer
Breaux
Bryan
Bumpers
Byrd
Chafee
Cleland
Collins
Conrad
D'Amato
Daschle
Dodd
Domenici
Dorgan
Durbin
Feingold
Feinstein
Ford
Gorton
Graham
Harkin
Hatch
Inouye
Jeffords
Johnson
Kennedy
Kerrey
Kerry
Kohl
Landrieu
Lautenberg
Leahy
Levin
Lieberman
Lugar
Mack
Mikulski
Moseley-Braun
Moynihan
Murray
Reed
Reid
Robb
Rockefeller
Roth
Sarbanes
Smith (OR)
Specter
Stevens
Torricelli
Wellstone
Wyden
NAYS--41
Abraham
Allard
Ashcroft
Bond
Brownback
Burns
Campbell
Coats
Cochran
Coverdell
Craig
DeWine
Enzi
Faircloth
Frist
Gramm
Grams
Grassley
Gregg
Hagel
Helms
Hutchinson
Hutchison
Inhofe
Kempthorne
Kyl
Lott
McCain
McConnell
Murkowski
Nickles
Roberts
Santorum
Sessions
Shelby
Smith (NH)
Snowe
Thomas
Thompson
Thurmond
Warner
NOT VOTING--2
Glenn
Hollings
The nomination was confirmed.
Mr. WARNER addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair recognizes the Senator from
Virginia.
If the Senator will withhold for one moment.
____________________