[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 138 (Tuesday, October 6, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S11570-S11571]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
ENSURING ECONOMIC PROSPERITY
Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I rise today to make a few observations
regarding the state of the American economy and the steps policy makers
should take to ensure continued prosperity in the future.
Right now we have some good news about the state of the economy.
Overall employment growth is strong. Unemployment is low at 4.5 percent
nationally and an even lower 3.9 percent in my home state of Michigan.
Family incomes continue to rise. And the technological and information
age revolution continues to increase productivity and wealth throughout
America.
Hi-tech companies in particular are growing fast and creating
thousands of spin-off jobs. Economist Larry Kudlow reports that the
hardware and software industries combined account for about one third
of real economic growth. What is more, this industry is increasing
productivity throughout our economy in ways we can't even measure.
So, on the surface things look pretty bright right now, Mr.
President. But there are economic storm clouds on the horizon. Stock
market investors are riding a roller coaster of volatility. The August
Employment Report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics shows a drop in
manufacturing jobs of 55,000--indeed, the number of manufacturing jobs
in this country has declined for 5 straight months. Bankruptcies have
accelerated. On the international front, the Russian economy is in deep
distress. And our Asian economic partners continue in a state of crisis
that threatens our balance of payments and our general economic health.
As Federal Reserve Chairman Greenspan noted recently in a speech at
the University of California at Berkeley, ``it is just not credible
that the United States can remain an oasis of prosperity unaffected by
a world that is experiencing greatly increased stress.''
I wholeheartedly concur in Chairman Greenspan's analysis. And that is
why I believe it is necessary for us to look closely and seriously at
our current economic policies so that we can face coming economic
uncertainties from a position of strength. We must, in my view, address
a number of problems in current policy, lest they undermine continued
economic growth and prosperity.
[[Page S11571]]
To begin with, Mr. President, we should consider the current state of
our monetary policy. The Fed's recent quarter point cut in the federal
funds (or overnight lending) rate was followed by a significant drop in
the stock market. A number of analysts have observed that this may have
been caused by investors' conviction that, even with the cut, short
term interest rates remain too high, and that the Federal Reserve
should seriously consider cutting them further.
The fed funds rate remained at 5.5 percent for two and a half years
despite a drop in inflation to 1.7 percent. Even at its current 5.25
percent, the real, after-inflation rate is about 3.5 percent--much
higher for example than between 1992 and 1994, when it was only 0.6
percent.
Chairman Greenspan, along with former Chairman Paul Volcker, deserve
great credit for reducing inflation through sound monetary policies.
But real interest rates have remained high in the face of indications
that we may be entering an era of deflation, and this cannot continue
if we are to maintain price stability and a strong economy.
Gold prices have fallen by more than 30 percent since early 1996.
Commodity prices have fallen to 21 year lows. Corporate profits have
declined on a year-over-year basis for the first time in a decade. Farm
prices are plummeting.
What is more, Mr. President, a number of economies in recent months
have experienced significant currency devaluations. These devaluations
have produced increasing demands for U.S. dollars. But, by keeping
short term interest rates high, the Fed has refused to supply these
dollars, precipitating a liquidity crisis around the globe.
I firmly believe that the best environment for business, workers, and
consumers is one of price stability. Price stability allows for
accurate planning and investment over the long term. But price
stability requires that we avoid both extremes, of deflation as well as
inflation.
Monetary policy is a matter for Alan Greenspan and his colleagues at
the Federal Reserve. But it is my hope that they will examine the
overall economic picture and conclude that it is time to lower interest
rates in the interests of long term price stability and global economic
growth.
We should not look solely to the Fed, however, in seeking to ensure
prosperity for the future. In addition to excessively tight monetary
policy, the American economy and the American people are being put at
risk from too-tight fiscal policy. Specifically, Mr. President, the
current high and rising federal tax burden is keeping the economy from
reaching its full potential.
In 1997 federal taxes took 20 percent of the Gross Domestic Product
of this country, the highest percentage since World War II. Federal
taxes on the American people increased by almost a third in just four
years--going up from $1.2 trillion in fiscal year 1993 to $1.6 trillion
over the course of President Clinton's first term. In 1997 Americans
paid 45 percent more in income taxes than they had in 1993. And, unless
we act, this burden will increase. During the fourth quarter of 1997
federal receipts approached a record 22 percent of GDP.
Neither the American people nor the American economy can sustain this
crushing tax burden. It discourages people from working, saving,
investing, and engaging in the entrepreneurial activities that keep our
economy growing. It must be lowered substantially, expeditiously, and
in a way that encourages economic growth.
Early on in the next Congress, Mr. President, I believe we should
seriously consider significant pro-growth tax cuts, including:
Using revenues from our budget surplus to save Social Security and
encourage investment by lowering the payroll tax and allowing workers
to put some of their own money in Personal Retirement Accounts.
Marriage penalty tax relief.
A capital gains tax rate reduction, perhaps to 15 percent as proposed
by Majority Leader Lott.
Estate tax relief.
Widening the current 15 percent income tax bracket to apply it to all
middle class American families.
Expanding tax free savings accounts for education, health care, and
retirement.
Reducing income tax rates across-the-board--perhaps up to 10 percent,
and allowing businesses to more quickly write-off the costs for
investment in plant and equipment. This pro-growth tax incentive would
be especially beneficial to America's struggling manufacturing sector.
These tax suggestions are neither new nor radical, Mr. President. But
it is time for us to implement them. They would spur savings and
investment, and encourage work and entrepreneurial activity, assuring
economic growth.
But they are not enough. Over the long term, Mr. President, we must
move toward more fundamental tax reform. We need to design an income
tax that applies a lower rate to income, reduces the current bias
against saving and investment, lowers the tax burden on working
families, simplifies the code, and reduces the cost of compliance. Only
this kind of fairer, flatter, simpler and more investment-friendly tax
system can give us the sound fiscal policy we need to build a bright,
sustainable economic future.
Congress needs to institute other pro-growth reforms as well.
We must reform our tort system to lower the ``tort tax'' from
frivolous lawsuits. The Rand Corporation recently reported that the
average lawsuit costs a company $100,000. Thus even a frivolous lawsuit
can put a small company out of business, and a good number of workers
out of a job.
We need to institute serious cost-benefit analysis for federal
regulations and federal unfunded, private sector mandates. Regulations
cost our economy $647 billion per year, according to the GAO, and that
is simply too much.
We have to do more to improve our children's education so that they
can qualify for good paying jobs in our technological, information age
economy.
We have to bring in a limited number of highly trained immigrants to
fill some of the important positions our high-tech companies cannot
currently fill and to help us solve the year 2000 or ``Y2K'' problem
before it damages our economy.
And within the next few days the Senate will pass and President
Clinton will sign the American Competitiveness and Workforce
Enhancement Act. This legislation will increase the number of temporary
high-tech visas and provide scholarships and job training so that more
Americans can gain the skills necessary to fill these positions in the
long term.
We also must continue to build on America's pro-free trade
tradition--by extending fast track negotiating authority, and
aggressively negotiating trade agreements that open markets for
American products.
We must reform the lending policies of the International Monetary
Fund. All too often, the Fund requires developing countries to raise
taxes and devalue currencies as a condition for receiving loans. These
anti-growth policies only worsen a developing country's economic and
debt problems. The Fund should instead promote policies that spur
economic growth in these countries--lower tax rates, free markets, the
rule of law, and sound currencies.
In general, Mr. President, we must do more to encourage hard work and
entrepreneurship so that all of us can benefit from the income and the
jobs they create.
Through prudent steps ensuring price stability and reducing
governmental burdens on the private sector, we can sustain economic
growth for the foreseeable future. But the time to act is now. The
warning signs are there for us to see. I hope we will not wait until it
is too late.
I plan to work for pro-growth reforms whenever and wherever possible.
I believe it is my duty to the people of Michigan, as it is our duty to
the people of America, to safeguard their economic security by
unleashing the entrepreneurial spirit that built this nation, and that
can build a bright future of growth and opportunity.
I yield the floor.
Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Gorton). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
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