[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 137 (Monday, October 5, 1998)]
[House]
[Page H9350]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONGRESS MAINTAINS POWER TO DECLARE WAR
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 21, 1997, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Skaggs) is
recognized during morning hour debates for 5 minutes.
Mr. SKAGGS. Mr. Speaker, as the country and this body battles to find
some clarity in the back and forth between the salacious and the
fallacious, there are actually some significant and important things
going on in Washington and in Congress.
One of those has to do with the fact that we may be on the verge of
launching a NATO attack under United States leadership against the
country of Yugoslavia because of the awful, awful conduct of the
security forces of Yugoslavia under the direction of President
Milosevic in going after innocent civilians in Kosovo.
One of the important aspects of this unfolding story and policy has
to do with the question of whether, as the United States undertakes
this effort, whether we do so in compliance with the requirements of
our own Constitution.
Article I Section 8 of the Constitution provides very clearly that it
is Congress that has the power to make war, whether it is a limited war
or a more general war. The power to initiate offensive military action
against another country with which we are at least nominally at peace
is not a question that resides in the Executive Branch of government
but here in the Legislative Branch.
Unfortunately, the history of the post World War II era in the United
States is a history of the disuse and the disregard of this very
important responsibility provided for in the Constitution and assigned
to the Congress. Basically we have had a succession of Presidents who
have asserted an ever broader definition of their exclusive authority
to initiate military action.
We encounter now, in the face of the pending Kosovo matter the
argument of, ``Well, everyone else has done it, why can President
Clinton not assert this very broad reach of presidential authority?''
The Secretary of State in testimony to Congress earlier this year
basically said that it is the Administration's view that the President
as commander in chief has the inherent power under the Constitution to
take military action in defense of United States interests abroad as
the President sees and defines them.
In the face of this post World War II history, we have a parallel and
unfortunate history of congressional acquiescence. There are lots of
reasons for that. Suffice it to say that, if it is in fact our
responsibility that is at stake here, it is up to Congress to assert it
and to protect it.
The situation in Kosovo presents a pretty stark set of facts to which
this provision of our Constitution ought to apply. We recognize
Yugoslavia as a sovereign independent nation. The United States
recognizes Kosovo as an integral part of Yugoslavia. It does not
recognize a right to an independent Kosovo. There has been no attack by
Yugoslav forces against the United States or our allies. And yet, we
nonetheless propose as U.S. policy with our NATO allies to initiate an
attack against Yugoslavia.
Let me say it may very well be that the behavior of Yugoslav security
forces and President Milosevic is an adequate cause for war. But,
again, if there were ever a case in which the war power responsibility
of the Congress is clear and ought to be invoked, it is under these
facts and circumstances. It is not that Congress has ``a'' role, is
supposed to be consulted or whatever: we have ``the'' role in making
this decision.
Remember the inherent wisdom that the framers of the Constitution had
in drafting this provision as they did. They realized it would be
unwise to leave with any single individual, the President of the United
States, the power to take the country into war. They realized it was
essential to involve the people's Representatives in Congress in such a
momentous decision and to have them examine thoroughly the implications
and consequences of initiating warfare. They realized that it would be
important for the American people, through their representatives, to be
involved from the beginning in such an undertaking because it is the
people's wealth and lives that will be put at stake in any military
undertaking.
We have learned since then that our own military leadership
recognizes the importance of Congress taking this step at the
beginning, because it means that there will be a full debate and a full
effort to make sure that there is national support for such a military
undertaking.
So this is the right thing for us to do. It is the right way for us
to do it. It would be wrong for Congress to stand by again and permit
President Clinton to take the country into war without prior
authorization.
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