[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 135 (Thursday, October 1, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S11238-S11239]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[[Page S11238]]
STROM THURMOND NATIONAL DEFENSE AUTHORIZATION ACT FOR FISCAL YEAR
1999--CONFERENCE REPORT
The Senate continued with the consideration of the conference report.
Mr. CONRAD addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from North Dakota.
Mr. CONRAD. Mr. President, I yield myself such time as remains on our
side in the stead of the Democratic leader, as manager on this issue.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. CONRAD. I thank the Chair.
Mr. President, I rise in support of the defense authorization
conference report that is before us today.
In particular, I would like to thank the conferees for their support
of an amendment I offered in the Senate dealing with Russia's tactical
nuclear weapons. I was pleased to have the cosponsorship of Senators
Kempthorne, Kennedy, Bingaman, and Levin when this amendment was passed
by the Senate in June. I would like to thank them again for their
support.
Mr. President, my amendment focuses on an issue that I believe has
received too little attention. That is the question of the tactical
nuclear weapons in the Russian arsenal. Those weapons, that are
thousands in number, are among the most vulnerable to acquisition by
terrorists and dictators.
The conferees' approval of my amendment is timely. Recent stories in
the Washington Post have indicated that the international terrorist,
Bin Laden, may have made attempts to purchase Russian nuclear weapons
and that Iraq's nuclear program is much further along than previously
expected. Unfortunately, the chances are increasing that the Bin Ladens
and Saddam Husseins of the world may acquire nuclear weapons. That
danger increases as Russia's economic meltdown continues. As Russian
soldiers go unpaid and funding for security systems comes under
pressure, Russia's massive tactical nuclear arsenal becomes the world's
best source of warheads for terrorists and others who wish this world
ill.
Mr. President, the threat of tactical nuclear warheads being sold and
the threat of them being stolen is growing.
This chart refers to a CIA comment on the ``loose nukes'' question.
As they responded to an inquiry from my office:
We cannot rule out the possibility that a small number of
nuclear warheads are missing. The Russian nuclear accounting
system is archaic and inefficient. Years of crisis have left
once-elite troops impoverished. . . . We take claims of lost
warheads seriously.
On the question of tactical nuclear warheads, I offer these
observations--the first from the Congressional Research Service:
Questions exist about the locks employed on [Russia's
tactical nuclear weapons] and possible breaches in security
at storage facilities. Many now believe that the risk of
acquisition or use by rebels, criminals, or rogue military
leaders may be greater for tactical nuclear weapons than it
is for strategic nuclear weapons.
From the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, I quote:
Because of their larger numbers, smaller size, and in some
cases simple design and relative ease of employment, non-
strategic nuclear weapons pose more difficult command,
control, and safety concerns than do strategic nuclear
weapons.
Mr. President, the point is that there is a threat. There is a threat
of these thousands of tactical nuclear weapons that the Russians still
have in their arsenal being diverted to the uses of those who are a
danger to all of us. Terrorist use of a tactical nuclear warhead could
be devastating.
This is a comparison to what happened out in Oklahoma City. That
fertilizer bomb was .0002 of a kiloton. The ``Fat Man'' atomic device
dropped in 1945 was 14 kilotons. The smaller tactical weapons of today
are 10 kilotons. The larger tactical nuclear weapons of today have a
yield of as much as 300 kilotons.
I think we need to understand the destructive potential of these
weapons in the Russian arsenal.
Russia's tactical nuclear arsenal is still massive. We can go back to
1991. The United States had roughly 15,000 tactical nuclear weapons at
that time; the Soviet Union had 20,000. If we look today, the United
States is down to 1,600 tactical nuclear weapons; the Russians still
have from 7,000 to 12,000.
My colleagues know that there are treaties that deal with strategic
systems and conventional systems. There is nothing on tactical nuclear
systems. That is why I believe the amendment that is in this bill is
important.
I believe it is time for Congress to:
No. 1, go on record as concerned about the significant ``loose nuke''
dangers associated with Russia's tactical nuclear stockpile and its
growing strategic relevance;
No. 2, call for the Russians to make good on the 1991 and 1992
Gorbachev and Yeltsin promises to deeply reduce tactical nuclear
weapons, just as the United States has followed through in good faith
on President Bush's promises in September of 1991;
And, No. 3, get more information from the Pentagon and the
intelligence community about this threat.
This chart perhaps sums it up best. The bottom line on Russian
tactical nuclear arms is, to quote General Eugene Habiger, former
Commander in Chief of the U.S. Strategic Command, on March 31, 1998:
It is time for us to get very serious about tactical
nuclear weapons.
Indeed, it is time for us to get very serious. This amendment is a
beginning.
I thank the Armed Services Committee for their support for this
amendment.
I would like to take a moment more to thank those members of the
Armed Services Committee who will no longer be in the positions they
currently occupy. We are going to miss Senator Dirk Kempthorne of
Idaho, a wonderful man, somebody who has become a good friend. I am
going to miss him very much. And Senator Dan Coats will also be
retiring, and is also a terrific person. Dan Coats has been in many
ways the conscience of the Senate, somebody we can look to time and
time again for moral leadership.
Of course, I also want to recognize the chairman. This is the last
bill that we will have before us with Senator Thurmond as chairman of
the committee.
Senator Thurmond, we want to recognize the enormous contribution that
you have made to this body and the enormous assistance that you have
provided to all of us.
I also want to recognize Senator Glenn who will be retiring. He will
be going into space. Senator Glenn has been rock solid on these issues.
We are certainly going to miss him in this Chamber.
Senator Thurmond is not leaving us, thank goodness. I have a feeling
Senator Thurmond will probably be here long after I have left and
perhaps long after most other Members have left. He has been able to
stay in this Chamber for longer than anyone else in our history. Even
though he is stepping down as chairman of the Armed Services Committee,
I have no doubt that Senator Thurmond will continue to lead us in many
other ways.
I want to recognize those who will be either changing their roles or
leaving the Senate as we consider this bill for the final time this
year.
I thank the Chair.
I yield the floor.
Mr. THURMOND addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Carolina.
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I wish to thank the able Senator from
North Dakota for his kind remarks and commend him for the great service
that he has rendered to the Senate during his tenure.
Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays on this defense bill.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There is a sufficient second.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I yield any time I have remaining.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time is yielded back. The question is on
agreeing to the conference report. On this question, the yeas and nays
have been ordered, and the clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from Ohio (Mr. Glenn) and the
Senator from Illinois (Ms. Moseley-Braun) are necessarily absent.
The result was announced--yeas 96, nays 2, as follows:
[[Page S11239]]
[Rollcall Vote No. 293 Leg.]
YEAS--96
Abraham
Akaka
Allard
Ashcroft
Baucus
Bennett
Biden
Bingaman
Bond
Boxer
Breaux
Brownback
Bryan
Bumpers
Burns
Byrd
Campbell
Chafee
Cleland
Coats
Cochran
Collins
Conrad
Coverdell
Craig
D'Amato
Daschle
DeWine
Dodd
Domenici
Dorgan
Durbin
Enzi
Faircloth
Feinstein
Ford
Frist
Gorton
Graham
Gramm
Grams
Grassley
Gregg
Hagel
Harkin
Hatch
Helms
Hollings
Hutchinson
Hutchison
Inhofe
Inouye
Jeffords
Johnson
Kempthorne
Kennedy
Kerrey
Kerry
Kohl
Kyl
Landrieu
Lautenberg
Leahy
Levin
Lieberman
Lott
Lugar
Mack
McCain
McConnell
Mikulski
Moynihan
Murkowski
Murray
Nickles
Reed
Reid
Robb
Roberts
Rockefeller
Roth
Santorum
Sarbanes
Sessions
Shelby
Smith (NH)
Smith (OR)
Snowe
Specter
Stevens
Thomas
Thompson
Thurmond
Torricelli
Warner
Wyden
NAYS--2
Feingold
Wellstone
NOT VOTING--2
Glenn
Moseley-Braun
The conference report was agreed to.
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote by which
the conference report was agreed to.
Mr. LEVIN. I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mr. LOTT addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Smith of Oregon). The majority leader.
____________________