[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 132 (Monday, September 28, 1998)]
[House]
[Pages H9088-H9089]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANORS
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Petri). Under the Speaker's announced
policy of January 21, 1997, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Stearns) is
recognized during morning hour debates for 5 minutes.
Mr. STEARNS. Mr. Speaker, I come here on the floor today to talk
about the definition and the meaning of ``high crimes and
misdemeanors.'' The Constitution states that the ``President and all
civil officers of the United States shall be removed from office on
impeachment for conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes
and misdemeanors.''
This is the standard under which the House Judiciary Committee is
currently evaluating Judge Starr's report. But Mr. Speaker, what
exactly are high crimes and misdemeanors? To define ``high crimes and
misdemeanors'' is to
[[Page H9089]]
get to the heart of the task of the Committee on the Judiciary.
Constitutional provisions related to impeachment arise from English
practice, wherein impeachment was employed to remove an official who
had abused his office but was under the protection of the crown.
To answer that question, I looked to the intent of the framers of the
Constitution. They envisioned a government where the only type of
person who could achieve the office of the President would, by
definition, be a virtuous person. Should a lack of virtue result, the
impeachment process was designed to remedy resulting serious offenses
against the public trust and our system of government.
In fact, James Madison said that the aim of the Constitution was to
``prevent the degeneracy of our leaders. The method of this prevention
is the impeachment process.''
Our Founding Fathers adopted this view of impeachment from English
law. In English law, the phrase ``high crimes and misdemeanors'' was
used since the 14th century to address political crimes. This is over
600 years of history. Thus, the phrase ``high crimes and misdemeanors''
actually had nothing to do with criminal law. In the Federalist Papers,
Hamilton described impeachment crimes as ``those offenses which proceed
from the misconduct of public men, or, in other words, from the abuse
or violation of some public trust.''
The report of the Committee on the Judiciary in the Nixon impeachment
proceedings in 1974 rejected criminality as a necessary element of
impeachment. Thus, impeachment is not a criminal proceeding. It charges
only ``political'' crimes and imposes purely political punishments.
Thus, one not need commit a crime to have committed an impeachable
offense.
In defending the President, some say that the ``treason, bribery, or
other high crimes and misdemeanors'' language in Article II, Section 4
of the Constitution has a very narrow and precise meaning. And
Democrats warn us that the framers of the Constitution would be
appalled today if Americans deviated from the meaning they had in mind
and impeached a President over something as minor, in their opinion, as
sex and lies.
The reality is that the definition of ``high crimes and
misdemeanors'' is a term which is open to significant interpretation in
light of 600 years of history. So, eventually, the American people had
the responsibility to ask themselves whether they are witnessing
behavior unbecoming an American President and whether the law and
simple decency have rightful places in the conduct of our leaders and
public officials.
We work very hard to teach our children the difference between right
and wrong. We must, therefore, insist on the same from our leaders. In
this case, if impeachable offenses were committed, the President must
be held accountable.
Furthermore, Congress has a constitutional duty to the public to
investigate and remedy breaches of the public trust. Mr. Speaker,
holding the President accountable would ensure that future holders of
the office would also be held accountable. To neglect to do so would
debase our Constitution.
In America, no one is above the law. As former Representative Peter
Rodino, a Democrat from New Jersey, a House Judiciary Committee
chairman during the Watergate hearings, said, ``We cannot turn away,
out of partisanship or convenience, from problems that are now our
responsibility to consider.''
Has the President demeaned the Office of the presidency? That is the
question. If so, then we must consider impeachment. Let the courts
decide after the impeachment process what punishment should apply
thereafter.
____________________