[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 130 (Friday, September 25, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S10975-S10977]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                        NORTH KOREA MISSILE TEST

  Mr. MURKOWSKI. Mr. President, I would like to address one more issue, 
with the agreement of my colleagues. I see a number of them on the 
floor--

[[Page S10976]]

Senator Byrd--so I will try to be very brief. But I want to talk a 
little bit about our national security interests and what is occurring 
in North Korea. It does not just affect my State of Alaska, although 
this recent three-stage rocket did generate a little interest in my 
State because on August 31, 1998, the North Koreans fired a rocket 
which we now believe is a three-stage rocket carrying a satellite over 
the sovereign territory of Japan and it evidently came down very close 
to my home State of Alaska.
  Although initial reports indicated that this was a two-stage rocket 
with a range of approximately 1,200 miles, now there is acknowledgment 
in the U.S. intelligence community that it was likely a three-stage 
rocket carrying a satellite. The third stage malfunctioned, 
consequently the satellite was not launched. But the point is that it 
has been identified that, indeed, the North Koreans have the rocket 
capability to carry some type of armament to the shores of the United 
States.
  The Asian press reported that the rocket traveled 3,700 miles, or 
6,000 kilometers, and landed in the ocean near Alaska. On September 17, 
the U.S. Department of Defense spokesman Kenneth Bacon responded to 
this report by saying:

       The only way to track this is by radar tapes and there's 
     considerable disagreement among experts on how to interpret 
     this.

  Let's think about what this really means. The only way we have to 
track this is by radar tapes; in other words, after the fact. But 
intelligence sources have been quoted as acknowledging that a three-
stage rocket could have a range three times that of the two-stage Taepo 
Dong I rocket. Particularly concerned about this latest missile test, a 
number of us have recognized that there seems to be a breakdown on 
whether the administration was either caught off guard by the 
sophistication of the North Korean technology, or was reluctant to 
share this information with lawmakers.
  I am reminded of President Clinton's comments last year, when he said 
``[t]he possibility of a long-range missile attack on U.S. soil by a 
rogue state is more than a decade away.''
  That does not appear to be the case--as a consequence of the 
occurrence in August, the last day of August, relative to the North 
Korean missile which did land within shouting distance of my State of 
Alaska.
  This would ignore the testimony in 1994 by John Deutch, then-Deputy 
Secretary of Defense:

       If North Koreans field the Taepo Dong 2 missile, Guam, 
     Alaska and parts of Hawaii would potentially be at risk.

  It appears the North Koreans have gone beyond even what Mr. Deutch 
envisioned by launching a three-stage rocket carrying a satellite.
  There is truly an immediate need for missile defense, Mr. President. 
MIT professor Daniel Fine has an interesting take on why we need 
immediate action on a National Missile Defense System which protects 
all of the United States, including Hawaii, Alaska and our territories. 
He conclusion is that:

       If the $32 billion infrastructure [associated with oil 
     production in my State] in Prudhoe Bay--which produces 1.6 
     million barrels of oil . . . is subjected to a credible 
     missile threat . . . then the cost to the American economy of 
     a missile threat as economic blackmail would reach $4 
     billion--$6 billion in the first ten days.

  Well Mr. President, I for one do not think it is far fetched to think 
of Prudhoe Bay as a potential target. After all, it accounts for 
approximately 20 percent of the total domestic production of crude oil 
in the United States. While I have not reviewed how the professor 
reaches the $4 to 6 billion figure, I think it should serve as a wake-
up call to those who continue to oppose a National Missile Defense 
System. It is not just Alaskans, Hawaiians and those in Guam who should 
be concerned about the launch. Monday's test was the first of a 
multistage missile. According to experts, the ability to build rockets 
in stages opens the doors to intercontinental missiles that would have 
virtually unlimited range and which would carry payloads capable of 
nuclear, chemical or biological weapons. Such missiles, and the threat 
of them, certainly puts U.S. citizens at risk as a consequence of any 
attack coming from North Korea or any other area with a missile that 
carries weapons of mass destruction.
  I think we have to reflect a little bit on the North Koreans. Some 
would dismiss the threat from North Korea because that country is on 
the verge of an economic collapse. But I remind my colleagues that 
North Korea has a history.
  Mr. President, we have seen in the past, irrational actions by the 
North Koreans. You recall this is a country that in 1950 launched an 
invasion on South Korea, resulting in the deaths of 3 million of her 
countrymen and 54,000 American troops.
  Recall the detonation of a bomb in Rangoon killing 16 South Korean 
officials; a country whose agents blew up a Korean Airlines flight 
killing 115 passengers and crew; and a country whose military hacked 
U.S. personnel to death in the DMZ.
  I think we have to recognize there is still a great deal of 
uncertainty relative to the objectives of North Korea.
  Furthermore, as we look at the crisis on the Korean peninsula, the 
United States has given over $250 million in combined food aid and 
support for KEDO. The North Koreans have received 1.3 million metric 
tons of heavy fuel oil.
  While the United States has provided humanitarian assistance from 
time to time, as well as technical assistance, we have also promised 
large contributions to the $5 billion light water reactor program and 
also have given food and aid and contributed over $50 million to KEDO.
  What have the North Koreans done in return for this assistance? They 
launched a missile in August. Intelligence photos show work on vast 
underground construction complexes.
  In July of 1998, GAO reported that North Korea has taken actions to 
hinder work of international inspectors sent to monitor North Korea's 
nuclear program.
  It goes on and on.
  As a consequence, I think it is fair to say the administration has 
treated each of these incidents as if North Korea is merely an innocent 
child throwing a harmless tantrum, not a terrorist nation home to the 
world's fourth largest army, just miles away from the 37,000 American 
troops.
  Incident after incident is dismissed by this administration as ``not 
intentional'' or not ``serious'' enough to derail U.S. assistance under 
the Agreed Framework.
  The administration called latest missile launch `` a matter of deep 
concern to the U.S. because of its destabilizing impact in Northeast 
Asia and beyond,'' but reiterated its commitment to provide funds under 
the Agreed Framework.
  The administration refuses to say that newly disclosed evidence of 
underground facility would violate the 1994 accord because ``concrete 
has not been poured.''
  When a sub full of North Korean commandos landed in South Korea, the 
administration asked both sides to ``show restraint''--as if South 
Korea was in the wrong.
  The administration responded to violations of the Military Armistice 
Agreement by asking that the issue not be ``blown out of proportion.''
  Issuing polite reprimands from the State Department, while the 
Administration continues to seek increased funds for activities that 
benefit North Korea, only encourages bad behavior.
  Mr. President, enough is enough. Congress should block further 
funding for KEDO until the President can certify that North Korea's 
nuclear program is, indeed, frozen and not simply an ongoing 
clandestine operation. The United States is a global power with vested 
interests both politically and commercially all over the world. We 
simply cannot allow policy to be determined by those who practice 
missile blackmail.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor, and wish the President a good day 
and a good weekend.
  Mr. GRAMM addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas.
  Mr. GRAMM. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to proceed as in 
morning business for 25 minutes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, reserving the right to object.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. A reservation of the right to object is heard.
  Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I will not object. I have been waiting here 
and

[[Page S10977]]

am very happy to wait longer. I understood the Chair wanted to be 
recognized for 2 or 3 minutes, also.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair did, but it has gotten too late and 
he has abandoned that desire.
  Mr. GRAMM. Is the Senator from West Virginia waiting to speak? I will 
be glad to withhold and let him speak and then I will speak.
  Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, the Senator is very kind and considerate. I 
was waiting to speak, but the Senator from Texas may have to go 
farther, a greater distance than I would have to go if I were going to 
West Virginia today. I ask unanimous consent that I may be recognized 
at the completion of the remarks by the distinguished Senator from 
Texas, Mr. Gramm.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. BYRD. I am delighted to listen to what the distinguished Senator 
from Texas has to say.
  Mr. GRAMM. Mr. President, let me reiterate, in fact, when the Senator 
from Alaska finished his speech, Senator Byrd and I were having a 
conversation. I had thought as I left my office that he had spoken. I 
assumed that he was simply here listening to the Senator from Alaska.
  Again, I reiterate, if the Senator from West Virginia had come over 
to speak, he was on the floor before I was, and I believe he should be 
recognized.
  Mr. BYRD. No, no, Mr. President, I hope he will not be under the 
burden of thinking that I have a feeling about this. I am perfectly 
agreeable to wait a little longer, just so I can get in line 
immediately after the Senator from Texas.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas has the floor.
  Mr. GRAMM. Mr. President, this reminds me of the time when I was on 
the elevator for the first time with Senator Thurmond, and Senator 
Thurmond insisted that I get off the elevator before he did. I 
determined when I was on the elevator with Senator Thurmond again that 
I would not get off the elevator before Senator Thurmond did. But I was 
wrong. I stood there for almost 2 minutes insisting that Senator 
Thurmond get off the elevator before I did. In the end, Senator 
Thurmond had more patience. I got off the elevator first.
  Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?
  Mr. GRAMM. I will be happy to.
  Mr. BYRD. I like to try to live according to the Scriptures, which 
say that the first should be last and the last should be first. I thank 
the Senator.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Sessions). The Senator from Texas.

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