[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 129 (Thursday, September 24, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S10939-S10940]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                            CTBT ANNIVERSARY

 Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, today marks the two-year 
anniversary of the opening for signature of the Comprehensive Test Ban 
Treaty. On September 24, 1996, President Clinton was the first to the 
sign the CTBT at the United Nations in New York. A total of 150 nations 
have not signed the treaty, including all five declared nuclear weapons 
states, and 21 nations have ratified the CTBT.
  This week also marks one year since the President transmitted the 
CTBT to the Senate for its advice and consent to ratification. 
Unfortunately, one year later the Senate Foreign Relations Committee 
has yet to hold its first hearing on this historic treaty.
  Mr. President, this delay in considering the Treaty not only hinders 
the Senate from carrying out its constitutional duties; in light of the 
events in India and Pakistan, it is irresponsible for the Senate to 
continue to do nothing. It is irresponsible for the security of this 
nation and the world.
  The Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests in May served as a wake up 
call for the world. We are confronted with the very risk of a nuclear 
arms race beginning in South Asia. India and Pakistan, as well as their 
neighbors, have emerged less secure as a result of these tests. I 
believe that these tests demonstrate the tragic significance of the 
Senate's failure to take action on the CTBT. We can no longer afford to 
ignore our responsibility to debate and vote on the treaty.
  Today's press reports that both India and Pakistan have stated their 
intention to sign the CTBT by September 1999. I want to welcome these 
announcements by India and Pakistan. The steps are in part the result 
of an intensive U.S. diplomatic effort, and I congratulate the 
Administration on this success. India's and Pakistan's commitment to 
halt nuclear testing is critical to reducing tensions and preventing a 
nuclear arms race in South Asia.
  The adherence of India and Pakistan to the CTBT will also enhance 
prospects for the treaty to enter into force sooner. According to its 
provisions the CTBT will enter into force when 44 countries have 
nuclear technology have ratified it. With India's and Pakistan's 
signatures, all 44 of these countries except one, North Korea, will 
have signed the CTBT. The addition of India and Pakistan as Treaty 
signatories marks a significant step toward making the CTBT a reality.
  Now more than ever, it is imperative that the Senate begin its 
consideration of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. Senate action on 
the CTBT would send a clear signal to India and Pakistan that nuclear 
testing must stop. It would strengthen U.S. diplomatic efforts to 
reduce tensions between these two countries and persuade them to give 
up their nuclear ambitions. But signature of the CTBT by India and 
Pakistan is only the first step in the process of bringing stability to 
South Asia. Senate action on the CTBT can help build momentum as 
additional measures are sought for defusing the violative situation.
  Ratification of the CTBT is also critical to U.S. leadership in 
strengthening the international nonproliferation regime. The risk of 
nuclear proliferation remains a clear and immediate security threat to 
the international community as a whole.
  Our efforts to reduce the threat of nuclear proliferation have 
produced significant successes this decade. Several countries, 
including South Africa, Brazil, and Argentina have abandoned nuclear 
weapons programs. Under the START Treaty nuclear weapons have been 
withdrawn from Belarus, Ukraine, and Kazakhstan.
  The United States must continue to lead international efforts to halt 
and reverse the spread of nuclear weapons. For the United States to be 
effective in strengthening international nonproliferation measures, we 
need to demonstrate our own commitment to a universal legal norm 
against nuclear testing.
  U.S. ratification of the CTBT is in our national security interest. 
The United States has observed a testing

[[Page S10940]]

moratorium since 1992. The other declared nuclear weapons states, 
Britain, France, Russia, and China, have joined us in halting their 
nuclear testing programs. It is in our interest for these countries to 
continue to refrain from such testing, which might otherwise contribute 
to their designing more advanced weapons that are smaller and more 
threatening.
  The treaty would not prevent the United States from doing anything we 
otherwise would plan to do, There is no need for renewed U.S. nuclear 
testing. Nuclear weapons experts from my home State of New Mexico tell 
me that they have a high level of confidence in the reliability and 
safety of the U.S. nuclear stockpile.
  We are committed through the Stockpile Stewardship Program to 
ensuring the future safety and reliability of our stockpile in the 
absence of nuclear testing. Our strong support for this program in the 
years ahead is critical for U.S. national security under a 
comprehensive test-ban regime.
  Mr. President, the American people recognize the grave danger that a 
new nuclear arms race in South Asia would pose, not only to U.S. 
national security but also to the security of the international 
community. They understand that further nuclear testing threatens to 
undermine international efforts to prevent the proliferation of nuclear 
weapons. That's why a recent nationwide poll conducted by the Mellman 
Group found that 73 percent of the American public believe that the 
Senate should approve the CTBT, while only 16 percent believe we should 
disapprove the treaty (11 percent responded ``don't know''). This 
finding of overwhelming support for the treaty occurred after India 
conducted is nuclear tests.
  Therefore, I urge the Senate to begin debate on the Comprehensive 
Test Ban Treaty. I have sent a letter to the Chairman of the Armed 
Services Committee requesting that the Committee begin holding hearings 
on this historic treaty. We need to bring in the experts from the 
military, intelligence, and scientific communities so we can hear what 
they have to say. I believe that through such hearings Senators' 
concerns will be resolved in favor of a CTBT.
  For the sake of our security and that of future generations, we must 
not let this historic opportunity to achieve a global end to nuclear 
testing slipaway.

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