[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 128 (Wednesday, September 23, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S10829-S10831]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                                 KOSOVO

  Mr. WELLSTONE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that a letter 
which I sent to the President about Kosovo be printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

                                               September 22, 1998.
     President Bill Clinton,
     The White House,
     Washington, DC.
       Dear Mr. President: As NATO Defense Ministers, including 
     Secretary Cohen, gather in Portugal this week to consider the 
     situation in Kosovo, I write to express my deep concern over 
     the growing humanitarian crisis there. Unless immediate and 
     determined action by the U.S. and our western allies is taken 
     to address this situation, it is clear we will begin to face 
     a catastrophic loss of civilian lives with the onset of 
     winter in the region as early as mid-October.
       Despite tight constraints on their reporting by the 
     government of Serbia, the western media daily offers new 
     reports on the rapidly deteriorating situation there. Candid 
     assessments by Administration officials acknowledge the 
     growing crisis. Systematic and brutal military action by 
     Serbian forces, accelerated during their summer-long 
     offensive against UCK forces, has forced an estimated 300,000 
     or more ethnic Albanians to flee their homes. While many have 
     fled as refugees to neighboring countries, most of these 
     displaced persons remain inside Kosovo and are now vulnerable 
     to exposure, starvation, disease and further Serb military 
     attack. I understand that Assistant Secretary for Refugees 
     Julia Taft concluded during her recent visit there that over 
     210 villages in the region have already been looted, and many 
     torched, by Serbian security forces.
       Serbia has failed utterly to comply with the persistent 
     demands of the Contact Group to: (1) cease attacks on 
     civilian populations, and withdraw its forces used to repress 
     civilians; (2) permit the establishment of an effective 
     international observer group in Kosovo; (3) allow refugees 
     and displaced persons to return to their homes safely, under 
     international supervision; (4) allow unimpeded access for 
     humanitarian organizations and supplies; and (5) make rapid 
     progress in the dialogue with the Kosovar leadership.
       While Ambassador Hill is to be commended for his persistent 
     diplomatic efforts, it is clear that the time has come for a 
     more vigorous and sustained high-level multilateral effort to 
     pressure President Milosevic to comply fully with Contact 
     Group demands. I urge you therefore to proceed immediately 
     with a series of steps designed to prevent the looming 
     humanitarian crisis and to prepare for possible 
     implementation of more forceful options developed by NATO 
     planners. These actions include:
       Moving forward now, under NATO auspices, with the pre-
     deployment phase of NATO military plans on Kosovo, including 
     securing base rights agreements in the region, immediately 
     assessing the contributions of each NATO member in the event 
     military action is necessary, and then forward-deploying 
     appropriate levels of NATO military forces and equipment, 
     thus preparing us to take any appropriate military action 
     that may be necessary to secure Serb compliance with Contact 
     Group demands, and with international law regarding the 
     treatment of Kosovar civilians;
       Bolstering border security efforts through preventive NATO 
     force deployments which can increase regional stability and 
     assist in international monitoring and anti-arms smuggling 
     efforts;
       Leading an immediate multilateral effort, at the United 
     Nations and through regional bodies like the European Union, 
     to tighten the existing sanctions regime on Serbia, and to 
     re-impose the trade embargo, total airflight and investment 
     bans, and other sanctions lifted after signing of the Dayton 
     Peace Accords, coupled with renewed enforcement initiatives 
     to prevent the flourishing of black markets under a full 
     embargo;
       Accelerating U.S. and NATO logistical support for the 
     ongoing international humanitarian aid effort in Kosovo, 
     including pre-deployment of humanitarian supplies in Kosovo 
     in anticipation of winter distributions by NGOs--but only in 
     a way which avoids absolutely the prospect of a repeat of the 
     disgraceful ``safe haven'' disaster of Srebenica;
       Pressing for more extensive access for human rights 
     monitoring in Kosovo by internationally-recognized 
     organizations, including the Organization for Security and 
     Cooperation in Europe, and non-governmental monitors, and 
     providing appropriate support and assistance for their 
     efforts;
       Encouraging the International Criminal Tribunal for the 
     Former Yugoslavia immediately to send its Chief Prosecutor to 
     Belgrade and Kosovo; increasing aid and intelligence support 
     to the Tribunal; and assisting them in placing forensics 
     teams on the ground there, thus signaling to all parties that 
     the Tribunal is committed to prosecuting war crimes committed 
     in Kosovo, including attacks on innocent civilians, and has 
     begun to actually gather evidence to support potential 
     indictments against perpetrators--and their commanders and 
     political leadership to whom they answer;
       I believe it is essential that these actions be taken as 
     quickly as possible. We must act now, before the onset of 
     winter in Kosovo, to prevent a potential humanitarian tragedy 
     of historic proportions. I also recognize that these steps in 
     themselves may not be sufficient to force Serbia to comply 
     with the Contact Group's demands in a timely manner,

[[Page S10830]]

     and that further NATO military actions may need to be 
     considered if the situation in Kosovo has not substantially 
     improved, the massacres of civilians continues, and unimpeded 
     access for humanitarian relief workers has not be granted.
       Thanks you for your consideration.
           Sincerely,
                                                Paul D. Wellstone,
                                            United States Senator.

  Mr. WELLSTONE. Mr. President, I thank my colleagues who have come to 
the floor today to speak about Kosovo for their words.
  Mr. President, I rise to call for urgent Presidential action to 
forestall a humanitarian catastrophe in Kosovo. Unless immediate and 
determined action by the U.S. and our western allies is taken to 
address this situation, it is clear we will begin to face a massive 
loss of civilian lives with the onset of winter in the region as early 
as mid-October.
  The western media offers new reports daily on the rapidly 
deteriorating situation there. Candid assessments by Administration 
officials acknowledge the growing crisis. Systematic and brutal 
military action by Serbian forces, accelerated during their summer-long 
offensive against UCK forces, has forced an estimated 300,000 or more 
ethnic Albanians to flee their homes. In recent weeks Serb forces have 
shelled entire villages, not just rebel positions, forcing more 
civilians to flee. While many have fled as refugees to neighboring 
countries, most of these displaced persons remain inside Kosovo and are 
now vulnerable to exposure, starvation, disease and further Serb 
military attack. I understand that Assistant Secretary of State for 
Refugees Julia Taft concluded during her recent visit there that over 
210 villages in the region have already been looted, and many torched, 
by Serbian security forces.
  With winter approaching, international relief agencies now fear that 
tens of thousands of refugees without food or shelter could face death. 
By some estimates there are 50,000 to 100,000 people in Kosovo living 
out in the open, without any shelter. Unless they can return to their 
homes or be provided adequate shelter within the next few weeks they 
may die of exposure.
  Our respected former colleagues Senator Bob Dole recently returned 
from Kosovo warning that there is a ``human catastrophe in the 
making.'' President Clinton said last week that there is a potential 
for a ``major humanitarian disaster'' in Kosovo and that it is 
``important that we move as quickly as possible with our allies to 
avert a tragedy.'' The President cautioned: ``We don't want a repeat of 
Bosnia.''
  The President is right. We cannot wait any longer to take more 
vigorous action to force Serbia to cease making this crisis worse and 
to allow necessary humanitarian relief into the area. Serbia must 
comply with the persistent demands of the Contact Group: (1) cease 
attacks on civilian populations, and withdraw its forces used to 
repress civilians; (2) permit the establishment of an effective 
international observer group in Kosovo; (3) allow refugees and 
displaced persons to return to their homes safely, under international 
supervision; (4) allow unimpeded access for humanitarian organizations 
and supplies; and (5) make rapid progress in the dialogue with the 
Kosovar leadership.
  In recent days there have been some positive developments in the UN 
Security Council and in NATO which indicate that those organizations 
may be ready to take necessary action. The Security Council is 
contemplating a resolution stating that the situation in Kosovo 
``constitutes a threat to peace and security'' that impels the council 
to demand an immediate cease-fire. This demand would be in accordance 
with Chapter 7 of the UN charter. There are indications that Russia may 
be willing to support this resolution. The resolution does not call for 
the use of force, but I note that Chapter 7 authorizes the use of armed 
force by NATO members to compel compliance with the council's orders.
  Parallel progress is being made at NATO headquarters in Brussels 
where the U.S. has asked the North Atlantic Council to canvass member 
countries to determine which countries are willing to provide personnel 
and equipment to military operations in Kosovo. This action will be 
useful in precipitating consultations between NATO governments and 
their respective parliaments and bringing into the open the debate on 
military options.
  I applaud these developments and call on the UN and NATO to 
accelerate them.
  I also want to commend U.S. Ambassador Chris Hill for his persistent 
diplomatic efforts. The U.S. should continue to work toward a political 
solution to this problem along the lines pursued by Ambassador Hill. At 
the same time, though, we must also proceed with a more vigorous and 
sustained high-level multilateral effort to pressure President 
Milosevic to comply fully with Contact Group demands.
  Mr. President, I want to outline some steps that I hope the 
administration will proceed with.
  I urge the Administration therefore to proceed immediately with a 
series of steps designed to prevent the looming humanitarian crisis and 
to prepare for possible implementation of more forceful options 
developed by NATO planners.
  I urge the administration today on the floor of the U.S. Senate to 
proceed immediately with these steps.
  These actions include: Moving forward now, under NATO auspices, with 
the pre-deployment phase of NATO military plans on Kosovo, including 
securing base rights agreements in the region, immediately assessing 
the contributions of each NATO member in the event military action is 
necessary, and then forward-deploying appropriate levels of NATO 
military forces and equipment, thus preparing us to take any 
appropriate military action that may be necessary to secure Serb 
compliance with Contact Group demands, and with international law 
regarding the treatment of Kosovar citizens; bolstering border security 
efforts through preventive NATO force deployments which can increase 
regional stability and assist in international monitoring and anti-arms 
smuggling efforts; leading an immediate multilateral effort, at the 
United Nations and through regional bodies like the European Union, to 
tighten the existing sanctions regime on Serbia, and to re-impose the 
total airflight and investment bans, and other sanctions lifted after 
signing of the Dayton Peace Accords, and to consider reimposing the 
trade embargo, coupled with renewed enforcement initiatives to prevent 
the flourishing of black markets under a full embargo; accelerating 
U.S. and NATO logistical support for the ongoing international 
humanitarian aid effort in Kosovo, including pre-deployment of 
humanitarian supplies in Kosovo in anticipation of winter distribution 
by NGOs--but only in a way which avoids absolutely the prospect of a 
repeat of the disgraceful ``safe haven'' disaster of Srebenica; 
pressing for more extensive access for human rights monitoring in 
Kosovo by internationally recognized organizations, including the 
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and non-
governmental monitors, and providing appropriate support and assistance 
for their efforts; and encouraging the International Criminal Tribunal 
for the Former Yugoslavia immediately to send its Chief Prosecutor to 
Belgrade and Kosovo; increasing aid and intelligence support to the 
Tribunal; and assisting them in placing forensics teams on the ground 
there, thus signaling to all parties that the Tribunal is committed to 
prosecuting war crimes committed in Kosovo including attacks on 
innocent civilians, and has begun to actually gather evidence to 
support potential indictments against perpetrators--and their 
commanders and political leadership to whom they answer.

  I believe it is essential that these actions be taken as quickly as 
possible. We must act now, before the onset of winter in Kosovo, to 
prevent a potential humanitarian tragedy of historic proportions. I 
also recognize that these steps in themselves may not be sufficient to 
force Serbia to comply with the Contact Group's demands in a timely 
manner, and that further NATO military actions may need to be 
considered if the situation in Kosovo has not substantially improved, 
the massacres of civilians continues, and unimpeded access for 
humanitarian relief workers has not been granted.
  Mr. President, again, I thank my colleagues who have spoken today on 
this matter. I do think it is important that we speak out. I think in 
the last couple of days we have seen positive developments in the U.N. 
Security Council and

[[Page S10831]]

NATO which indicate that these organizations may be ready to take 
necessary action. But I wanted to outline today some options which I 
believe we need to consider and which I think will communicate a 
message to Milosevic that we are deadly serious; to talk actually about 
taking military action is very serious. It is always the last option. 
But I believe, at the minimum, we can do some predeployment phases of 
NATO military plans.
  I think we can bolster some of our border security efforts. I think 
we can tighten the sanctions regime on Serbia. I think we can 
accelerate United States and NATO logistical support for international 
humanitarian aid efforts in Kosovo. I think we can press for more 
extensive access for human rights monitoring by some internationally 
recognized organizations. And I think we can make it clear that we are 
going to give the International Criminal Tribunal all the support it 
needs as well.
  None of this may be enough--I want to say this one more time in this 
Chamber. None of these steps may be sufficient to force Serbia to 
comply with the contact group's demands in a timely manner and further 
military action may be necessary. But if these actions are not taken as 
quickly as possible, we are--Senator Dole is right--going to see a 
humanitarian crisis of tragic proportions. We are going to see a lot of 
men, women and children who are going to die unless we take action.
  I yield the floor.
  Mr. FORD. Mr. President, we are about----
  Mr. WELLSTONE. Mr. President, could I ask my colleague for his 
indulgence for 2 minutes?
  Mr. FORD. I have no objection.
  Mr. WELLSTONE. I know it is the end of the day and colleagues are 
anxious to go home.
  Mr. FORD. Mr. President, we are trying to wrap up the aviation bill.
  Mr. WELLSTONE. I am sorry.
  Mr. FORD. We gave the Senator time off the aviation bill. We have 
some amendments.
  Mr. WELLSTONE. I did not realize that.
  Mr. FORD. But the 2 minutes are fine.
  Mr. WELLSTONE. I thank the Senator.

                          ____________________