[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 121 (Monday, September 14, 1998)]
[House]
[Pages H7649-H7653]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




           SENSE OF THE CONGRESS REGARDING SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC

  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to 
the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 304) expressing the sense of 
the Congress regarding the culpability of Slobodan Milosevic for war 
crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in the former Yugoslavia, 
and for other purposes.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                            H. Con. Res. 304

       Whereas there is reason to mark the beginning of the 
     conflict in the former Yugoslavia with Slobodan Milosevic's 
     rise to power beginning in 1987, when he whipped up and 
     exploited extreme nationalism among Serbs, and specifically 
     in Kosovo, including support for violence against non-Serbs 
     who were labeled as threats;
       Whereas there is reason to believe that as President of 
     Serbia, Slobodan Milosevic was responsible for the conception 
     and direction of a war of aggression, the deaths of hundreds 
     of thousands, the torture and rape of tens of thousands and 
     the forced displacement of nearly 3,000,000 people, and that 
     mass rape and forced impregnation were among the tools used 
     to wage this war;
       Whereas ``ethnic cleansing'' has been carried out in the 
     former Yugoslavia in such a consistent and systematic way 
     that it had to be directed by the senior political leadership 
     in Serbia, and Slobodan Milosevic has held such power within 
     Serbia that he is responsible for the conception and 
     direction of this policy;
       Whereas, as President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 
     (Serbia and Montenegro), Slobodan Milosevic is responsible 
     for the conception and direction of assaults by Yugoslavian 
     and Serbian military, security, special police, and other 
     forces on innocent

[[Page H7650]]

     civilians in Kosovo which have so far resulted in an 
     estimated 300 people dead or missing and the forced 
     displacement of tens of thousands, and such assaults 
     continue;
       Whereas on May 25, 1993, United Nations Security Council 
     Resolution 827 created the International Criminal Tribunal 
     for the former Yugoslavia located in The Hague, the 
     Netherlands (hereafter in this resolution referred to as the 
     ``Tribunal''), and gave it jurisdiction over all crimes 
     arising out of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia;
       Whereas this Tribunal has publicly indicted 60 people for 
     war crimes or crimes against humanity arising out of the 
     conflict in the former Yugoslavia and has issued a number of 
     secret indictments that have only been made public upon the 
     apprehension of the indicted persons;
       Whereas it is incumbent upon the United States and all 
     other nations to support the Tribunal, and the United States 
     has done so by providing, since 1992, funding in the amount 
     of $54,000,000 in assessed payments and more than $11,000,000 
     in voluntary and in-kind contributions to the Tribunal and 
     the War Crimes Commission which preceded it, and by supplying 
     information collected by the United States that can aid the 
     Tribunal's investigations, prosecutions, and adjudications;
       Whereas any lasting, peaceful solution to the conflict in 
     the former Yugoslavia must be based upon justice for all, 
     including the most senior officials of the government or 
     governments responsible for conceiving, organizing, 
     initiating, directing, and sustaining the Yugoslav conflict 
     and whose forces have committed war crimes, crimes against 
     humanity and genocide; and
       Whereas Slobodan Milosevic has been the single person who 
     has been in the highest government offices in an aggressor 
     state since before the inception of the conflict in the 
     former Yugoslavia, who has had the power to decide for peace 
     and instead decided for war, who has had the power to 
     minimize illegal actions by subordinates and allies and hold 
     responsible those who committed such actions, but did not, 
     and who is once again directing a campaign of ethnic 
     cleansing against innocent civilians in Kosovo while treating 
     with contempt international efforts to achieve a fair and 
     peaceful settlement to the question of the future status of 
     Kosovo: Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate 
     concurring), That it is the sense of the Congress that--
       (1) the United States should publicly declare that it 
     considers that there is reason to believe that Slobodan 
     Milosevic, President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 
     (Serbia and Montenegro), has committed war crimes, crimes 
     against humanity and genocide;
       (2) the United States should make collection of information 
     that can be supplied to the Tribunal for use as evidence to 
     support an indictment and trial of President Slobodan 
     Milosevic for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and 
     genocide a high priority;
       (3) any such information concerning President Slobodan 
     Milosevic already collected by the United States should be 
     provided to the Tribunal as soon as possible;
       (4) the United States should provide a fair share of any 
     additional financial or personnel resources that may be 
     required by the Tribunal in order to enable the Tribunal to 
     adequately address preparation for, indictment of, 
     prosecution of, and adjudication of allegations of war crimes 
     and crimes against humanity posed against President Slobodan 
     Milosevic and any other person arising from the conflict in 
     the former Yugoslavia, including in Kosovo;
       (5) the United States should engage with other members of 
     the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and other interested 
     states in a discussion of information any such state may hold 
     relating to allegations of war crimes and crimes against 
     humanity posed against President Slobodan Milosevic and any 
     other person arising from the conflict in the former 
     Yugoslavia, including in Kosovo, and press such states to 
     promptly provide all such information to the Tribunal;
       (6) the United States should engage with other members of 
     the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and other interested 
     states in a discussion of measures to be taken to apprehend 
     indicted war criminals and persons indicted for crimes 
     against humanity with the objective of concluding a plan of 
     action that will result in these indictees' prompt delivery 
     into the custody of the Tribunal; and
       (7) the United States should urge the Tribunal to promptly 
     review all information relating to President Slobodan 
     Milosevic's possible criminal culpability for conceiving, 
     directing, and sustaining a variety of actions in the former 
     Yugoslavia, including Kosovo, that have had the effect of 
     genocide, of other crimes against humanity, or of war crimes, 
     with a view toward prompt issuance of a public indictment of 
     Milosevic.
       Sec. 2. The Clerk of the House of Representatives shall 
     transmit a copy of this resolution to the President.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) and the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Hamilton) 
each will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter).
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, for most of this year, we have witnessed a repeat of the 
carnage and the havoc that the world experienced during the conflict in 
the former Yugoslavia at the beginning of the decade. Some people, not 
this Member, had a degree of optimism with the signing of the Dayton 
Peace Agreement some 3 years ago. However, now once again we are faced 
with the tragic spectacle of hundreds of thousands of innocent 
civilians made homeless, towns and villages in ruins, unknown numbers 
of persons dead or missing in Kosovo.
  The architect of this misery is of Slobodan Milosevic, the very same 
individual who produced the Bosnian tragedy or at least contributed 
mightily to it and presided over the dissolution of what was once 
Yugoslavia, who brought poverty and misery to his own Serbian people by 
his policy and actions and who has sown the seeds of strident 
nationalism throughout the Balkans. Yet, despite this disgraceful 
record and his undeniable responsibility for what has occurred in the 
former Yugoslavia and what continues to this very day, the 
international community has been hesitant to indict Milosevic for 
crimes at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former 
Yugoslavia, ICTY.
  The distinguished chairman of our Subcommittee on International 
Operations and Human Rights, our distinguished colleague, the gentleman 
from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), has introduced a resolution that simply 
puts the Congress on record that if anyone deserves to be indicted, it 
is Slobodan Milosevic.

                              {time}  1315

  An identical measure, S. Con. Res. 105, passed the Senate in July. We 
need to put Milosevic, and others who may be responsible for the 
savagery in Kosovo, on notice that they cannot escape culpability. It 
is important that Milosevic fully understands that the Congress is 
supportive of U.S. efforts to curb his vicious assaults on ethnic 
Albanian civilians in that area. Whatever his reasons, wanton attacks 
on civilians constitutes a grave breach of international law.
  Our chairman, the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) 
has also called upon Secretary Albright to provide whatever 
collaborative information the U.S. might possess regarding any 
atrocities in Kosovo. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) is 
requesting a review of the options, that the administration is prepared 
to pursue to make Mr. Milosevic cooperate with the international 
efforts to provide humanitarian assistance to those in need in Kosovo, 
and to permit displaced persons to return to their homes in safety.
  Mr. Speaker, I understand Chairman Gilman is awaiting the Secretary's 
response in view of the mounting severity of the situation and the 
approach of winter. Unless the United States and the international 
community acts swiftly in the next few weeks, we face the prospect of 
hundreds of thousands of displaced persons, women, children, and the 
elderly, becoming ill and dying in the cold which will soon set in the 
mountains of Kosovo.
  Mr. Speaker, this is unacceptable, of course, and we must act now to 
prevent such a catastrophe. It is imperative that the House join our 
colleagues in the Senate and agree to this resolution today in order to 
send a strong message that Milosevic is accountable. I urge my 
colleagues to unanimously support H. Con. Res. 304.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the distinguished 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) the author of the resolution.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from 
Nebraska (Chairman Bereuter), my good friend, for his excellent remarks 
and for yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, the newspapers each day report on the brutality and the 
military attacks on the civilians in Kosovo, and the prospects of a 
rising death toll are more and more likely unless we press for a cease-
fire and make certain that Milosevic understands that we will not allow 
the situation to drag on and on.
  The news from the Kosovo front seems like deja vu, reminiscent of the 
wars in Croatia and Bosnia. The common thread in all of this 
destruction and war is Slobodan Milosevic. Today, Congress can go on 
record. Slobodan

[[Page H7651]]

Milosevic must be held accountable for war crimes against humanity and 
genocide. The United States leadership must not ignore the compelling 
case of complicity which has been compiled against Milosevic.
  In the prima facie case for Milosevic's indictment prepared by Paul 
Williams and Norman Cigar, they conclude that this, and I quote, ``is a 
compelling and legal factual case that Slobodan Milosevic, through 
forces and agencies under his control, is responsible for directing and 
aiding and abetting war crimes on an extensive scale.''
  The prima facie case focuses on evidence from years of both the 
Croatian war and the Bosnian war. Mr. Williams directs the Public 
International Law and Policy Program at the Carnegie Endowment for 
International Peace, and Dr. Cigar, a research fellow at the Balkan 
Institute, was professor of national security studies at the U.S. 
Marine Corps School of Advanced Warfighting in Quantico, Virginia, and 
a senior political-military analyst for the Army Staff at the Pentagon. 
For the benefit of my colleagues, I submit a summary of their statement 
for the Record:

 War Crimes and Individual Responsibility: A Prima Facie Case for the 
                    Indictment of Slobodan Milosevic

   (Prepared by Paul Williams and Norman Cigar, The Balkan Institute)


                           executive summary

       When queried as to whether Slobodan Milosevic is ultimately 
     responsible for the widespread and systematic atrocities that 
     have been committed in the former Yugoslavia, most policy-
     makers will readily indicate that of course everyone 
     ``knows'' that Slobodan Milosevic is responsible for the 
     worst atrocities to plague Europe since WWII. They often add, 
     however, that there is simply no ``proof'' that he ordered 
     the commission of these atrocities.
       Recognizing that it is not possible to orchestrate ethnic 
     cleansing and genocide on the scale that has occurred in the 
     former Yugoslavia without leaving some proof of one's 
     responsibility, this study seeks to examine whether there is 
     sufficient information available in the public domain to 
     establish a prima facie case that Slobodan Milosevic is 
     individually responsible for the commission of war crimes in 
     the former Yugoslavia.
       In order to ascertain Slobodan Milosevic's individual 
     responsibility for war crimes, this study does not seek to 
     develop any creative legal devices for attaching liability, 
     but rather limits itself strictly to legal avenues as set 
     forth in the statute, rules of procedure and evidence, and 
     the previous indictments of the International Criminal 
     Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Similarly, the study 
     relies upon information that is widely available in the 
     public domain, including accounts from senior Serb 
     paramilitary leaders--such as ``Arkan'' and Vojislav Seselj--
     and officials in Slobodan Milosevic's own government, as well 
     as information collected by international organizations and 
     foreign governments.
       Based upon an examination of the legal precedent of the 
     International Criminal Tribunal and the publicly available 
     evidence, this study concludes that there is a compelling 
     legal and factual case that Slobodan Milosevic, through 
     forces and agencies under his control, is responsible for 
     directing and aiding and abetting war crimes on an extensive 
     scale. Specifically;
       Yugoslav Federal and Republic of Serbia forces and agencies 
     and their paramilitary agents committed widespread atrocities 
     in Croatia and Bosnia against both civilians and prisoners of 
     war. These atrocities included the criminal acts of killing, 
     expulsion, rape, detention in concentration camps, forced 
     labor, torture, mutilation, and the looting and destruction 
     of property. All of these acts were perpetrated on a large 
     scale, and often with severe brutality.
       Slobodan Milosevic, by virtue of his formal positions and 
     informal power base, exercised power, influence, and control 
     over the Yugoslav Federal and Republic of Serbia forces and 
     agencies and their paramilitary agents responsible for the 
     commission of war crimes.
       By virtue of Slobodan Milosevic's official and/or effective 
     control over forces responsible for the commission of war 
     crimes, he may be held individually responsible for ordering, 
     planning, or instigating those crimes.
       By virtue of Slobodan Milosevic's official and/or effective 
     control over Serbian Republic forces and agencies, such as 
     Serbia's Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Internal 
     Affairs, that were active in the initial organization of 
     Serbian paramilitary agents, including the provision of 
     financial resources and weapons, and that provided their 
     paramilitary agents with access to Croatia and Bosnia, 
     Slobodan Milosevic may properly be held individually 
     responsible for the war crime of aiding and abetting the 
     commission of war crimes.
       Slobodan Milosevic, as the superior authority over Yugoslav 
     Federal and Republic of Serbia forces and agencies, is 
     individually responsible for failing to prevent or punish 
     their commission of war crimes.
       This study therefore finds that it is possible and 
     reasonable to construct a prima facie case for the indictment 
     of Slobodan Milosevic for the commission of war crimes in the 
     former Yugoslavia.

  Mr. Speaker, the evidence of war crimes, brutal killings, and other 
atrocities in Kosovo is, as I said, mounting with each and every 
passing day.
  Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, 
John Shattuck, just returned in recent days from Kosovo. He makes a 
compelling case that, and I quote, ``there is substantial evidence of 
war crimes and crimes against humanity, and violations of international 
humanitarian law * * * [which are] * * * subject to the jurisdiction of 
the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.''
  Mr. Shattuck was accompanied by former Senator Bob Dole, head of the 
International Commission on Missing Persons in the former Yugoslavia. 
In Mr. Dole's opinion editorial printed in today's Washington Post, he 
reminds us that ``American officials have pledged not to allow the 
crimes against humanity that we witnessed in Bosnia to be repeated in 
Kosovo. From what [Mr. Dole] has seen, such crimes are already 
occurring,'' as he writes in the op-ed today. In fact, I would like to 
submit his very moving piece for the Record as well.
  Mr. Speaker, Mr. Dole recounts a scene that is reminiscent of my own 
experience with Mr. Milosevic when the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. 
Wolf) and I met with him in Belgrade in September of 1991. At that 
time, Milosevic claimed that Yugoslav forces were not sending military 
jets to threaten and bomb Croatia, and yet both the gentleman from 
Virginia and I had personally witnessed overflights by two Yugoslav MIG 
fighters a couple of days before in the besieged town of Vukovar. In 
fact, in order to get to that town, we had to go through a corn field 
because it was surrounded by tanks and artillery and snipers. We saw 
devastated schools and churches and homes that had been leveled in a 
``scorched earth'' policy. A couple of days later when we met with Mr. 
Milosevic, he denied it all and we had been eyewitnesses to it all.
  Mr. Dole, in a like fashion, reports that Milosevic denied any 
Serbian offensives were being planned or undertaken for Kosovo. Not 24 
hours after Mr. Dole and Mr. Shattuck departed, Serbian troops began a 
destructive offensive in the region of Pec. Milosevic thinks he can get 
away with lying. Certainly to date, the Serbian forces have escaped the 
scrutiny of the International Criminal Tribunal, and we need to make 
sure that does not continue to happen.
  Mr. Speaker, the chief prosecutor, Louise Arbour, has already stated 
that the ``nature and scale of the fighting [in Kosovo] indicate that 
an armed conflict, within the meaning of international law, clearly 
exists in Kosovo.'' As a consequence, she has said she intends to bring 
charges for crimes against humanity or war crimes if such evidence is 
established.
  Mr. Speaker, I believe the case for the commission of war crimes will 
be made easily when the political will is established to proceed down 
that path, and so far that has been lacking. While the resolution we 
are considering today focuses on Milosevic and his culpability, there 
are a multitude of others who are on the run, some in Serbia. Even in 
recent weeks the Department of State has publicly admitted the United 
States has reason to believe that Mladic is in Serbia and the United 
States continues to pressure Milosevic to surrender the three Yugoslav 
military members who were indicted by the Tribunal for their 
involvement in the destruction and crimes in Vukovar.
  Mr. Speaker, Milosevic needs to get the message loudly and clearly. 
The resolution calls for the U.S. to collect and provide evidence of 
Milosevic's culpability to the International War Crimes Tribunal, and 
to date, to the best of our knowledge, we have not done so. The measure 
affirms Congress' support for the Tribunal and calls on the U.S. to 
engage our NATO allies in the provision of evidence helpful in the work 
of the Tribunal.
  Mr. Speaker, I would alert Members that we are working to have a 
hearing on what is going on in Kosovo in the Helsinki Commission on 
Thursday. We hope to have Mr. Dole and Mr.

[[Page H7652]]

Shattuck testify. We are working on the details of that right now.
  This resolution, which I hope will pass unanimously, will put us 
clearly on record as saying let us collect that evidence and get it to 
the Tribunal. Let us stop putting the evidence aside, which is what we 
have been doing for all of these months and years with regard to 
Milosevic.
  Mr. Speaker, innocent civilians--women, children, and men--are losing 
their lives, their livestock, their homes and their hope. We are 
getting reports that Serbian forces are attacking and killing civilians 
and then food supplies are being destroyed and crops in the field are 
being torched. A couple of weeks ago, three members of the Mother 
Theresa Society who were driving tractors and trailers filled with 
relief supplies were killed when attacked by a Serbian armored vehicle. 
Serbian officials had shortly before cleared the relief vehicles at a 
checkpoint. The relief had been provided by Doctors of the World which 
has since announced suspension of its assistance in Kosovo.
  The Christian Science Monitor quoted a Kosovar school teacher, 
``First the police destroyed and looted our houses * * * Then they 
surrounded us with tanks and separated the men from the women and 
children. They beat the men and took them away.'' With the blockade of 
humanitarian assistance and the scorched earth policies of the armed 
forces, food and provisions are being used as weapons of the war.
  Mr. Speaker, I agree with Mr. Dole that Kosovo ``is a political and 
military crisis, whose most visible symptoms are humanitarian. There 
should be no doubt that this is a war against civilians for political 
purposes.'' Just last week, Julia Taft, Assistant Secretary of State 
for Population, Refugees and Migration estimated that we will see 
100,000 to 200,000 casualties in the next few months if the fighting 
and attacks are not brought to an abrupt end. With winter approaching, 
the hundreds of thousands of homeless and the estimated 50,000 or so 
who are living in the fields and forests will be particularly 
vulnerable. The numbers will only escalate.
  I encourage the House to unanimously approve the resolution before 
us.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume 
only to commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) on his 
excellent statement and on his initiative.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. 
Smith) for his leadership on this issue, and I am proud to join in 
support of this resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I think it is important we provide some background as to 
how the Congress got to the point where we are now considering 
declaring the President of Yugoslavia a war criminal. This process took 
many years.
  It was years ago, visiting the Province of Kosovo, that I met time 
and time again with a frail, peace-loving scholar of enormous 
capabilities and deep convictions, Dr. Ibrahim Rugova, who was and 
continues to be the leader of the ethnic Albanian community in Kosovo. 
This was at a time when the problems of Kosovo could have been worked 
out peacefully without bloodshed, without the vast numbers of innocent 
victims, without the hundreds of thousands of refugees. But, Slobodan 
Milosevic's ruthless, reckless, irresponsible behavior brought us to 
the point of a bloodbath in Bosnia and now a bloodbath in Kosovo.
  Fairness compels us, Mr. Speaker, to state categorically that 
Slobodan Milosevic is not the only person guilty of war crimes in the 
former Yugoslavia. There is plenty of guilt to go around and some 
leaders of all of the ethnic groups qualify for that designation. But 
today we are dealing with Slobodan Milosevic, the Yugoslav communist 
dictator who richly deserves to be branded a war criminal by the 
Congress of the United States.
  Mr. Speaker, I also want to express my personal appreciation to 
former Senator Bob Dole for having visited this region just within the 
last week or so, demonstrating his continued commitment to human rights 
and the creation of democratic societies in the Balkans.
  The United States, in this resolution, publicly declares that there 
is reason to believe that Slobodan Milosevic, President of the Federal 
Republic of Yugoslavia, has committed war crimes, crimes against 
humanity, and genocide.
  These, unfortunately, are incontrovertible facts, and I join the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) in expressing the hope that this 
body will approve this resolution unanimously.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. LANTOS. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman 
from California (Mr. Lantos), my good friend and colleague, the ranking 
member of the Subcommittee on International Operations and Human 
Rights, for his very eloquent statement. Sometimes there are 
differences of opinion, Democrats and Republicans. But when it comes to 
human rights, we do link arm and arm. We have worked very well together 
over the years, and nowhere is that more apparent than in the Balkans 
and now with Kosovo being an area under siege.
  Mr. Speaker, people literally are dying by the thousands. Refugees 
are in flight across and through Albania and elsewhere. I think we need 
to send as clear a message. Milosevic is laughing in our face. He has 
gotten away with it before. He has been, quote, our partner in peace at 
the Dayton Peace Accords. Regrettably, he gained stature through that 
and his gross misdeeds have been put under the table.
  This resolution, and the fact that it has passed on the Senate side 
as well, I think puts everyone on notice that we will push hard until 
he is brought to justice. And I want to thank the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Lantos) for his excellent statement.
  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no further speakers, and I yield 
back the balance of my time.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, 
simply to conclude by saying congratulations and to commend the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) for sponsoring this legislation. 
He has brought to bear his considerable knowledge and experience in 
this region in an extraordinary fashion, working very cooperatively 
with the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) and other colleagues.
  Joining the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) as original 
cosponsors were the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Porter) the gentleman 
from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the gentleman from Hawaii (Mr. 
Abercrombie), the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Brown), the gentleman 
from Ohio (Mr. Brown), the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin), the 
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Hall) and others.
  So, Mr. Speaker, I do thank my colleagues, and to the gentleman from 
New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) I 
say thank you for your excellent work. I urge my colleagues to give 
their unanimous support to this resolution.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, for most of this year we have witnessed a 
repeat of the carnage and havoc that the world experienced during the 
conflict in the former Yugoslavia at the beginning of this decade. We 
took some pride when we believed that conflict to have been ended with 
the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement some three years ago. Now, 
once again, we are faced with the tragic spectacle of hundreds of 
thousands of innocent civilians made homeless, towns and villages in 
ruins, unknown numbers of persons dead or missing in Kosovo.
  The architect of this misery is Slobodan Molosevic, the very same 
individual who produced the Bosnian tragedy, and who presided over the 
dissolution of what was one Yugoslavia; who brought poverty and misery 
to his own Serbian people, and who has sown the seeds of strident 
nationalism throughout the Balkans.
  The distinguished Chairman of our Subcommittee on International 
Operations and Human Rights, the gentleman from New Jersey, Chris Smith 
has introduced a Resolution that puts the Congress on record that if 
anyone deserves to be indicted it is Slobodan Milosevic. An identical 
measure, S. Con. Res. 105, passed the Senate in July. We need to put 
Milosevic and others who may be responsible for the savagery in Kosovo 
on notice that they cannot escape culpability.
  I commend to everyone's attention the article by Senator Bob Dole in 
the Op-Ed section of today's Washington Post. Senator Dole just 
returned from a fact-finding mission in Kosovo. I quote from his 
article, ``The war in Kosovo has many of the worst characteristics of 
the war in Bosnia. The primary victims of Serbian attacks are 
civilians. Humanitarian workers are denied access and often harassed 
and attacked. But it is not just the situation on the

[[Page H7653]]

ground that is hauntingly familiar; it is also American and European 
diplomacy.''
  ``Once again the victims are being asked to negotiate with those who 
are attacking them. In addition, there is an active attempt to impose a 
moral equivalence between Serbian forces and the small band of 
Albanians who have taken up arms against them.''
  I have written today to President Clinton the following letter:

       Dear Mr. President: The on-going conflict in Kosovo has 
     produced over a quarter of a million refugees and internally 
     displaced persons--women, children and the elderly--who have 
     been driven from their homes by a brutal Serbian campaign 
     that has haunting similarities to what occurred in Bosnia 
     earlier this decade. The President of Serbia and Montenegro, 
     Slobodan Milosevic, has failed to keep his pledges and 
     assurances throughout the course of this year to U.S. and 
     other diplomats to permit these people to return in safety to 
     their homes. Now, as the winter is fast approaching, we are 
     facing an impending humanitarian disaster with the real 
     prospect of seeing tens of thousands of vulnerable people 
     freezing to death on the mountains and in the forests of 
     Kosovo.
       Mr. President, you have said that the United States would 
     not permit another Bosnia to occur in the Balkans. I am 
     appealing to you now, before it is too late, to keep faith 
     with that commitment. It is imperative that the United 
     States, with or without other members of the international 
     community, act to force Milosevic to end his barbaric 
     policies aimed at civilians in Kosovo. What we are witnessing 
     now is not a diplomatic, political or military problem, it is 
     a humanitarian one and we should address it on that basis.
       As Senator Bob Dole has written in today's edition of the 
     Washington Post:
       ``Half-measures and interim deals will not do. * * * 
     American officials have pledged not to allow the crimes 
     against humanity that we witnessed in Bosnia to be repeated 
     in Kosovo. * * * What is urgently needed now is American 
     leadership and a firm commitment to a genuine and just 
     peace.''

  It is important that Milosevic fully understands that the Congress is 
supportive of U.S. efforts to curb his vicious assaults on Albanian 
civilians. Whatever his reasons, wanton attack on civilians constitutes 
a grave breach of international law.
  It is critical, therefore, that the House joins our colleagues in the 
Senate and agree to this resolution today in order to send a strong 
message that Milosevic is accountable. Accordingly, I urge our members 
to support House Concurrent Resolution 304.
  Mr. MORAN of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, with so much legislative business 
left to conduct this session, there may be some who are wondering why 
we should care about Slobodan Milosevic.
  We should care because on March 23, 1989, Slobodan Milosevic 
unilaterally changed the Yugoslav Constitution, revoking the autonomous 
status of Kosova.
  We should care because, in a referendum held in 1989, 87 percent of 
those Kosovars eligible to vote approved independence by an 
overwhelming 99 percent.
  We should care because two of the most devastating wars in history 
began in the Balkans.
  But most importantly, Mr. Speaker, we should care because Slobodan 
Milosevic has initiated his second genocidal campaign to maintain his 
dictatorship through terror.
  When Milosevic sought to tighten his grip in Bosnia the world stood 
by and watched. We watched as Milosevic drove three million Bosnians 
from their homes. We watched as Milosevic ordered the killing of more 
than 250,000 Bosnians. And we watched as Milosevic directed the rape of 
40,000 Bosnian women and girls.
  How long will we watch in Kosova?
  Although 90 percent of Kosovars are ethnically Albanian, Milosevic 
has denied them entry to schools, he has denied them access to jobs, 
and he has denied them access to government. By instituting his own 
police force, he has entrenched his generals of genocide in every 
Kosovan community.
  A recent Washington Post story tells of one home in Kosova. The home 
was burning to the ground. Reporters saw Milosevic's police force 
running from the scene. When asked how the fire started, one officer 
grinned and replied that the house was burning ``Because it was made of 
wood.''
  The Butcher of Belgrade is at it again. By inciting the worst 
elements of Serbian nationalism and by exploiting existing tensions 
between Albanians and Serbs, Milosevic has driven as many as 200,000 
Kosovars from their homes. Mass graves are again common in the Balkans. 
Civilians are being butchered when they can be caught and terrorized 
when they escape.
  There can be no doubt that Milosevic has proven he is unworthy of 
stewardship over this place. It is incumbent upon us to ensure that he 
is held accountable for these atrocities and that he never commits them 
again.
  Mr. Speaker, if we believe people have the right to be safe and 
secure in their homes--if we believe people have the right to live free 
from the fear of being murdered or raped because of their race--then we 
must stop this madman.
  I urge my colleagues to join me in strong support of this resolution.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support House Concurrent 
Resolution 304, which expresses the sense of Congress that the United 
States should publicly declare that it considers there to be probable 
cause that Slobodan Milosevic has committed war crimes, crimes against 
humanity and genocide. The resolution urges the International Criminal 
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to promptly review all information 
relating to Milosevic's possible criminal culpability with a view 
toward issuing an indictment. I am proud to be a cosponsor of this 
resolution
  Mr. Speaker, there is no justification for the massacre of hundreds 
of ethnic Albanians in Kosova. The pattern in Kosova is tragically all 
too familiar. The Serbian Army shells and burns villages. Among the 
dead are innocent men, women and children. More than a quarter of a 
million people in Kosova have already been driven from their homes 
since February. In addition, the U.S. government has received first-
hand reports that Yugoslav military forces are separating males and 
females in villages and refugee groups in Losova and taking the men and 
boys to unknown sites.
  This brutal, indiscriminate, disproportionate and unjustified use of 
violence must end. What Mr. Milosevic is about in Kosova, as in Bosnia 
before this, is ethnic cleansing on a massive scale.
  It is important that the international community stand united against 
death and destruction inflicted on Kosova by Serbia. The crisis in 
Kosova is not--as some have described it--an ``internal affair'' of 
Serbia. We must speak loudly and clearly. More than that, the time has 
come to back up words with actions. If the United States and the 
international community fail to take effective action to stop the 
violence in Kosova, the likelihood is that the conflict will grow and 
spread.
  I urge the President and Secretary Albright to take a hard line 
against Slobodan Milosevic's repressive policies. To that end, I 
recently joined more than 80 concerned Members of the House in writing 
a letter to the President that said, ``It is time to send a message to 
Milosevic that NATO will intervene if Serbian forces do not stop 
attacking ethnic Albanian citizens and destroying their villages.''
  Experience has shown that we cannot rely on Slobodan Milosevic's 
words. We must judge him by his actions and hold him accountable. House 
Concurrent Resolution 304 is an important step in that direction. It 
should by no means be the last step.
  The horrendous killing and shelling of civilians must stop. I urge 
all my colleagues to support House Concurrent Resolution 304.
  Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Petri). The question is on the motion 
offered by the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) that the House 
suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution, H. Con. Res. 
304.
  The question was taken.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and 
nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 5 of rule I and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceeding on this motion will be 
postponed.

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