[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 119 (Thursday, September 10, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S10143-S10144]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CALLING FOR THE RESIGNATION OF PRESIDENT CLINTON
Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I rise today to address a subject that
is both extraordinarily difficult and painful. In times of
international turmoil, the Nation should rally behind our leaders, and
we are in the midst of such times. But President Clinton's abdication
of the duties of leadership has made this impossible. The report of the
independent counsel is now under seal. When its contents are released
to the Members of Congress, questions of criminal wrongdoing will
unavoidably dominate this branch of government.
The Congress must determine whether the President will be impeached.
I will not prejudge that question. As a Member of the body that will
deliberate on this issue, I believe it is important to have access to
all the evidence before reaching a conclusion on the issue of
impeachment. Rather, I rise today to respectfully ask President Clinton
to do the right thing for our country and resign from his office
voluntarily.
There are three reasons why I believe this has become necessary at
this point in time.
First, the President's conduct has all but destroyed his ability to
lead as head of state and Commander in Chief.
Second, the President's actions have been corrosive to our national
character and have debased the Office of the Presidency.
Third, President Clinton should spare our Nation the debilitating
spectacle of impeachment hearings.
Over the last several weeks, we have witnessed the disastrous
consequences abroad of diminished American leadership. There are some
who have said that the President's conduct is purely a private matter.
They are wrong. Private actions have public consequences. They do for
all of us, but especially the President of the United States. In all of
governance, but with foreign policy in particular, credibility is
everything. Weakness is provocative; deceit can be deadly. When
American foreign policy is unpredictable, our allies are unreliable,
and tyrants are emboldened. These hypothetical dangers have become
tragic realities.
Yesterday afternoon, I chaired a hearing on U.S. foreign policy in
Iraq, for instance, and we heard from Jeane Kirkpatrick, former U.N.
Special Representative; James Woolsey, former CIA Director; and
Lawrence Eagleburger, former Secretary of State. What we heard was
deeply distressing. It appears that the President's policy toward Iraq
consists of paying lipservice to the importance of comprehensive and
unrestricted weapons inspections and then preventing the arms
inspectors from carrying out their mission.
[[Page S10144]]
Such abdication of leadership leaves Saddam Hussein free to build
weapons of mass destruction, thus jeopardizing the security of our
troops, our allies in the region, and ultimately the United States
itself. Nor is Iraq the only nation that has thumbed its nose at a
weakened United States.
Around the world, rogue nations are violating fundamental human
rights, waging wars of aggression, and flouting international treaties.
Our ability to deter these acts has been sadly compromised by an
absence of leadership, a total lack of credibility. Enemies of our
values and interests have judged the President's ability to lead the
United States and have found it wanting. As a result, the world is a
much more dangerous place.
Second, the President's actions have squandered his moral authority
to lead at home. The problems of family breakdown and moral decay are
the most significant that we face. Just one comes glaringly out into
mind: that nearly 30 percent of our children born in this country are
born to single moms, many of whom are teenagers having children.
Can the President, with the problems he has today, lead our fight in
that area? The President cannot address these problems when he himself
has contributed to the decay. One of the privileges and obligations of
high office is to act as a role model for children. We need our
President to set an example to be admired, not to be avoided. The
President's ongoing adultery with an intern of barely legal age, misuse
of the Oval Office, and repeated lies from he and his staff have done
enormous damage to the body politic. Unfortunately, at the very time
when most need strength, focused resolve, and moral leadership from our
President, he has been unable to supply it. We live in a volatile world
with very real dangers and very difficult problems. We cannot afford to
let these dangers go unnoticed and problems unresolved by a President
unable to lead.
I say all of this with great respect and with deep regret. President
Clinton is a talented man who believes in America and has spent his
life serving others.
Yet his immoral indiscretion, and months of lies to the Nation have
tarnished his leadership ability beyond repair. None of us are without
sin. But the high call of leadership demands a certain moral authority
that by the President's own actions is now lost.
There is a final point to be made. Very soon the contents of the
independent counsel's report will be made known publicly. The contents
of this report will result in impeachment proceedings. Such hearings
will surely take a heavy toll on the function of our government, on the
trust invested in our civic institutions, and on the American people
themselves. President Clinton could spare us this ordeal. He could
quickly and decisively enable our Nation to put this sorry chapter in
our history behind us and to move on. But at this point there is only
one way for him to do that. Sadly and reluctantly, I have concluded
that the only way for us to move forward as a Nation is for the
President to resign.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, I also ask unanimous consent that I be
allowed to speak on the issue of campaign finance reform, and that I be
allowed to complete my statement even if it runs into the period
designated for the campaign finance reform discussion.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
____________________