[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 107 (Monday, August 3, 1998)]
[House]
[Pages H6988-H6997]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




            24TH ANNIVERSARY OF TURKEY'S INVASION OF CYPRUS

  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Peterson of Pennsylvania). Under the 
Speaker's announced policy of January 7, 1997, the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Bilirakis) is recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of 
the majority leader.


                             General Leave

  Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their 
remarks on the subject of this special order.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Florida?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to acknowledge the 24th 
anniversary of Turkey's brutal invasion and illegal occupation of the 
Island of Cyprus. Five Americans lost their lives in the invasion and 
the illegal occupation continues today.
  Turkey continues to illegally occupy more than one-third of Cyprus 
with 40,000 troops. The current status quo is unacceptable. It is also 
unacceptable that the United States and the international community, 
while publicly denouncing the invasion and occupation, allow it to 
continue. The resulting instability between Greece and Turkey threatens 
the strength of NATO and could ignite into military conflict. It is 
time to demand, I repeat, demand a solution in Cyprus.
  I am hopeful that a solution to the division of a Cyprus is within 
reach. However, my optimism is tempered by the fact that I held my 
first Cyprus special order on the ninth anniversary of the invasion in 
1983. Although much has changed since then, many issues remain the 
same.
  In July 1974, Turkish forces, consisting of 6,000 troops and 40 
tanks, landed on Cyprus's northern coast and captured almost 40 percent 
of the island nation.
  I might add parenthetically that those 40 tanks were either American 
made tanks or certainly American made parts which went into them.
  Cyprus, which is roughly the size of Connecticut, has not been whole 
since the invasion. Churches have been plundered and ransacked, 
beautiful frescoes have been stripped off the walls of religious 
institutions. Some churches have been converted into mosques, while 
still others were turned into cinemas and recreation centers. The 
Cypriots have witnessed the intentional destruction of their cultural 
heritage over the past 24 years.
  Cyprus is an island divided by the green line, a 113-mile physical 
barrier which separates Greek Cypriots from the towns and communities 
where their families lived for generations. The division of Cyprus is 
most obvious in its divided capital city of Nicosia. It is the last 
truly divided city in the world. Armed guards stare at each other at 
check points around the city. In the center of the city bullet holes 
scar buildings and serve as a powerful reminder of the 1974 events.
  More than 200,000 men, women, and children were forcibly expelled 
from the northern portion of Cyprus during the invasion and occupation. 
They remain refugees today. A people without a home. There are still 
1,614 people missing from the invasion.
  Mr. Speaker, I would yield to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. 
Pappas) at this point.

                              {time}  2230

  Mr. PAPPAS. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, the gentleman from 
Florida, for yielding and for his leadership, not just tonight but for 
so many years, and not just in special orders marking the very 
unfortunate moment in human history but for his leadership day in and 
day out on this issue and so many others.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today along with my friend, the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Bilirakis) to call attention to an injustice that is 24 
years too old. On July 20, 1974, 6,000 Turkish troops and 40 tanks 
landed on the north coast of Cyprus, capturing nearly 40 percent of the 
island. Overnight, nearly 200,000 Greek Cypriotes became refugees, 
refugees in their own country.
  Today, in defiance of United Nations resolutions, nearly 35,000 
Turkish troops occupy the northern part of this island nation. The 
refugees that fled 24 years ago still cannot return to their homes. 
Sadly, over 1,600 people are still missing, including several 
Americans. A barbed wire fence known as the Green Line, which many of 
us have seen, cuts across the island separating communities and people 
that lived for generations together in peace.
  Aside from all of this, numerous human rights abuses are still taking 
place. Every year, Congress addresses this problem, denouncing the 
unlawful and tyrannical rule that Turkey has imposed on Cyprus. It is 
important that we continue to acknowledge the injustice of Turkey's 
actions.
  While this issue lacks the glamour that attracts mainstream media 
coverage, it does not make this issue any less important.
  Problems from this conflict reach beyond the island. Mistrust and 
animosity have grown between our NATO partners Greece and Turkey. Now 
more than ever action must be taken. The United States, the European 
Union, NATO and the United Nations must do more now.
  I remind my colleagues, though, that this problem began with a 
violent invasion, yes, a violent invasion, of Cyprus by Turkey, and 
that lasting peace and justice can only be restored when Turkish troops 
are fully removed.
  I hope and I pray, as I know many of us do here in this country, that 
the vision of a peaceful resolution on Cyprus is not lost. I urge this 
administration to be more active in seeking the peaceful resolution 
that is so desperately needed. A continuance of U.N. sponsored 
confidence-building measures can also help bring about peace.
  What will not bring peace, however, is complacency. Let us not stand 
by for another year, let us not allow ourselves to overlook this issue 
any longer. As long as the conflict continues, so will pain and human 
suffering.
  Next year, Congress will commemorate the 25th anniversary of these 
sad circumstances. I pray that we stand here and tell of progress 
rather than oppression and resolution rather than conflict.
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey for 
his contribution to this special order and his work. In the short 
period of time he has been here, he has become a true leader on this 
subject.
  In 1992, Mr. Speaker, I chaired hearings of the Congressional Human 
Rights Caucus and heard heart- wrenching stories of people who had 
relatives abducted during and after the invasion. As a result of 
legislation that I cosponsored, our government recently discovered the 
remains of one of the missing, a young American named Andrew Kasapis.

[[Page H6989]]

  Andrew disappeared when he was 17. His remains were recently found in 
a field in Cyprus. The administration's report to Congress on the 
whereabouts of the U.S. Citizens missing from Cyprus since the invasion 
concluded that the other four Americans are presumed dead. However, it 
is imperative that the administration maintain efforts to find the 
truth and account for these four Americans who along with 1,614 others 
have still not been found.
  I would yield at this point to the other gentleman from New Jersey 
(Mr. Pallone).
  Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Speaker, I just wanted to thank the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Bilirakis), who is the co-chair of our congressional 
caucus on Hellenic issues, for organizing this special order and for 
all that he does on a daily basis to try to resolve the situation in 
Cyprus.
  It has now been, as we know, 24 years since Turkey brutally invaded 
Cyprus and divided the island, and the facts surrounding that 
occurrence are well-known. Since the time of that invasion, not a 
single nation in the world, not one nation, has recognized this self-
proclaimed Turkish republic of northern Cyprus, with the exception of 
the regime in Ankara. The international community, rather, has 
unmistakably and unequivocally called for a negotiated peaceful 
settlement through a number of U.N. resolutions.
  I just wanted to say, if I could, to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. 
Bilirakis) that sadly, after nearly a quarter of a century's worth of 
attempts to resolve this conflict, the situation appears as far away 
from being resolved as it ever has been.
  Turkey continues to reject the Cypriot government's proposal for 
demilitarization of the island, a proposal that is supported by both 
Congress and the Clinton administration.
  On May 3, Mr. Speaker, a newly-attempted American effort to 
resuscitate the peace talks in Cyprus, headed by Ambassador Holbrooke, 
collapsed when the Turkish side change its position and began insisting 
that three new preconditions be met for reunification.
  These unfounded demands brought a public rebuke from Ambassador 
Holbrooke, who to his credit pointedly assailed the Turks for not being 
truly interested in resolving this dispute and blamed them for the 
collapse of the talks.
  The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Bilirakis) and my colleague, the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pappas) and others have pointed out how 
ridiculous these new Turkish demands are.
  Turkey's new demands represent a clear step backward and must be met 
with equal resolve by those who support an independent and sovereign 
state of Cyprus.
  I just wanted to say, if I could very quickly, that following the 
collapse of the May talks I sent a letter to the President which 
outlines the steps that I believe the U.S. should take in dealing with 
Turkey and I just wanted to read an excerpt from that, if I could, 
because I believe it describes what the true obstacle to peace in 
Cyprus is and what the United States needs to do.
  I wrote:

       Mr. President, I believe that the administration privately 
     shares my views that the key to progress lies in Ankara and 
     it is time to stop focusing public and private efforts on the 
     Turkish Cypriots and intensify American efforts to move the 
     peace process forward on the Turkish military, which has a 
     real and substantial influence on decision-making in the 
     Turkish government. To that end, I urge you to convey in 
     forceful and unequivocal terms that there will be direct 
     consequences in U.S.-Turkish relations if Ankara does not 
     prevail upon the Turkish Cypriot leader to abandon these new 
     conditions and return to the negotiating process set out in 
     the U.N. resolutions. It is also essential that the Turkish 
     government not be allowed to interfere in the accession 
     negotiations between Cyprus and the European Union. These 
     negotiations are already started and Turkey must not be 
     allowed to hold Cyprus hostage for its own political 
     purposes.

  Now, the latter part of what I just read is in response to the 
Turkish demand that the Cyprus government withdraw its application for 
membership in the European Union, and this was one of the preconditions 
that led to the collapse of the peace talks in May.
  If I could just say that I think that this special order is a small 
but important part of our overall efforts, and we just need to send a 
very clear signal to the administration that members of this body are 
steadfast in their determination to monitor this situation, are 
increasingly frustrated with the lack of progress and that we just are 
not going to stand for the Turkish government's intransigence anymore.
  I again want to thank the gentleman from Florida, who cochairs our 
caucus, for being so resolute in making it possible for us to continue 
to bring this point up.
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman. God knows, as the 
gentleman has already indicated, the Congress, the United States 
Government as a whole really, has to be more resolute. Otherwise a 
solution will never be found.
  As the gentleman has already said, no government on earth recognizes 
the illegal occupation of northern Cyprus, except Turkey. Turkey has 
stationed 40,000 troops on Cyprus and has transplanted 80,000 settlers 
there and it is likely that the Turkish settlers and troops will soon 
out number the indigenous Turkish population on the island.
  The Greek Cypriots have repeatedly attempted to find a just and 
lasting solution to this more than two decades old problem. In December 
of 1993, Cyprus President Glafcos Clerides submitted a reasonable and 
innovative proposal to the United Nations calling for the 
demilitarization of the island. In exchange for the withdrawal of 
Turkish troops, Cyprus would disband its national guard and transfer 
its military equipment to the U.N. peacekeeping force there. Cyprus 
would also fund an enlargement of the U.N. peacekeeping force. The 
money saved from defense spending would be used for development 
projects that would benefit both Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities.
  Unfortunately, the Turkish side rejected this effort to end the 
tragic division. We have to ask ourselves who is really seeking a true 
peaceful solution to the problem of Cyprus?
  I think it is obvious. In June, President Clerides renewed his call 
for the demilitarization of the island in a letter to U.N. Secretary 
General Kofi Annan. He asked the Secretary General to undertake a 
personal initiative to promote efforts to achieve progress in reducing 
military tensions.
  And this must be New Jersey evening because the gentleman from New 
Jersey (Mr. Andrews) is here to take part in this special order and I 
hereby yield to him.
  Mr. ANDREWS. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, the gentleman from 
Florida, for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to congratulate and thank the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Bilirakis) for his persistent and consistent guidance and 
leadership on this issue. I thank him for inviting me to speak tonight.
  Mr. Speaker, I had the opportunity to be in Cyprus with my wife and 
many of my friends about a year ago, and I was reminded, as I traveled 
there with many of my friends from New Jersey whose roots are in 
Cyprus, of the very real deprivation that they have felt as mothers and 
fathers and as grandparents.
  One of the things that we find the most enjoyment from and the most 
richness from is showing our children the places where we were as 
children, the schools we attended, the parks we played in, the homes 
that we lived in, and also it is important to show them the graves of 
their ancestors, of their grandmothers and grandfathers.
  I saw, Mr. Speaker, during that trip to Cyprus the very real 
heartache and very real pain of my friends who could not show their 
children those places where they had grown up, those places where they 
had been educated, indeed, those very places where their mothers and 
fathers had been buried, because as Cypriots, as citizens of a free and 
independent Cyprus, they were barred from crossing the Green Line and 
going to the occupied portion of the island.
  As a matter of fact, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez), 
the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Kennedy), the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Hinchey), the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), a number 
of us on the trip, we were also barred from crossing the Green Line, 
and meeting with officials north of the Green Line, unless we went 
through what we considered to be an inappropriate and ritualistic 
meeting where we could hear propaganda before we did so.

[[Page H6990]]

  We got a small taste, Mr. Speaker, on that trip of what the free 
people of Cyprus must feel every day.
  I think it is important that at this time we do more than just 
condemn the atrocities which commenced long before 24 years ago but 
which intensified 24 years ago and have been bad ever since then. I 
think it is important we talk about an idea and a plan for peace and 
justice and progress.
  These are ideas, Mr. Speaker, which I have conveyed to our diplomatic 
corps, to my colleagues here in the Congress, and I would like to 
convey them through the Speaker tonight to those who listen to us.
  I believe that the time has come for us to focus, as my colleague, 
the gentleman from New Jersey, just said, on Ankara and not on the 
puppet government in northern Cyprus. It is very clear to me that the 
decisions are made in Turkey and they are, in fact, made by the Turkish 
military leadership.
  I believe the United States should hold out to the Turkish military 
leadership not only the sanctions which we have all supported, 
including the elimination of military aid to Turkey in the foreign 
operations appropriations bill, which will be before us some time in 
the next few weeks, which I congratulate the chairman, the gentleman 
from Alabama (Mr. Callahan) for, but I also believe that we should hold 
out incentives as well to a just and reasonable course of action by 
Turkey.
  I believe that Cyprus' application for accession to the European 
Union should be supported by the United States and granted promptly, 
but I also believe we should hold out to Turkey the ultimate promise of 
its accession to the European Union, which I believe would be supported 
by the people of Greece as well, if the following conditions were met, 
and these conditions must be met:
  First, Turkey must cease the atrocities against the Kurds both within 
Turkey and outside of Turkey.
  Second, Turkey must cooperate to a peaceful solution for their 
Armenian people and stop its practice of perpetuating the difficulties 
and indeed atrocities that the Armenian people have so often felt.
  Third, Turkey must immediately cease the aggression in the Aegean and 
make sure that it acts responsibly toward Greece and its rightful 
claims in the Aegean.

                              {time}  2245

  Finally, and perhaps most importantly, Turkey must make sure that its 
surrogates and itself respond appropriately in international 
negotiations on Cyprus.
  I had, Mr. Speaker, the privilege of meeting President Clerides about 
a year ago and hearing firsthand the proposal that the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Bilirakis) just outlined. It was a bold proposal that was 
reminiscent of what President Sadat extended to the Israelis and that 
Prime Minister Begin reciprocated 20 years ago. It was reminiscent of 
what brave people have done in South Africa to bring peace and justice 
there. It was reminiscent of the bold steps that Senator Mitchell was 
able to bring about when he went to Northern Ireland last year.
  President Clerides, frankly to his own political disadvantage, 
offered disarmament, offered massive investment in the northern part of 
Cyprus so that its economy could rise and offered a long-term policy of 
cooperation and rapprochement. I believe that these are the terms that 
Turkey should accept, these are the terms that could lead us to peace, 
and I believe we, as Americans, Mr. Speaker, should be on record as 
saying that we fully embrace these positions and concur with their 
aims.
  And, Mr. Speaker, I would just conclude by saying that I believe that 
we need to do more as a Congress than simply protest, although protest 
we will when we adopt the foreign aid appropriations bill this year and 
zero is next to Turkey in that bill.
  We should do more than protest. We should facilitate a new growth and 
evolution toward peace, a path that will take Turkey toward the West, 
toward secularism, towards being a gateway to great promise in the 
Eastern part of the world, but on the conditions and only on the 
conditions that hostilities against the Kurds cease, that hostilities 
in the Aegean cease, that cooperation for the welfare of the Armenians 
commence and that once and for all we reach a settlement for a free, 
independent and sovereign Cyprus.
  Mr. Speaker, I commend and thank my friend, the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Bilirakis).
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. You put it so well, and you put it in a way that I 
think the average American and the average person in the world would 
understand.
  As my colleagues know, we talk constantly about negotiations, about 
the offer made by President Clerides, et cetera, et cetera, and you 
know when you stop to think about it, we are talking about a free 
republic that existed for a number of years which was invaded in an 
illegal invasion. There is no threat from Cyprus to Turkey, to the 
mainland of Turkey; the Turks just came over and invaded this country, 
and they took this land wrongfully, and yet we are talking about 
negotiating to get back what was roughly Cyprus' during those many 
years by a regime recognized by only one country in the world.
  Sort of blows your mind that really this is the situation. The 
Turkish side, led by Mr. Denktash, has dismissed efforts, as the 
gentleman said, by the United States and the international community to 
find a fair and comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem. It is 
clear that we will not have a solution, as again the gentleman said, we 
will not have a solution in Cyprus until Turkey itself agrees to be 
part of the solution instead of part of the problem.
  The Turkish-Cypriot leader recently issued two preconditions for a 
Cyprus solution. He demanded that his illegal entity in the occupied 
part of Northern Cyprus be recognized, and he also said that Cyprus 
must withdraw its application to join the European Union. Well, talk 
about something you cannot really get over. Who is he to demand that 
Cyprus withdraw its application, and I might add an application which, 
when successful, will benefit the Turkish Cypriots as well as the Greek 
Cypriots.
  I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
  Mr. ANDREWS. One point the gentleman just made, I would like to bring 
out and amplify.
  Do you know the precise number of persons that Cyprus has under arms 
in the southern part of the island?
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. I do not, but it is certainly a number considerably 
smaller. In fact, I am not sure that they really have an army; they 
have a national guard.
  Mr. ANDREWS. I think probably the better description would be a 
national guard.
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. Yes, a national guard.
  Mr. ANDREWS. And, if the gentleman would yield, it is my 
understanding, and I repeat what he said, that there are 40,000, 40,000 
Turkish troops in the northern part of Cyprus.
  I recall sitting in the presidential residence with President 
Clerides, and he pointed out to the visiting delegation that if Turkey 
were to launch an attack it would take less than 5 minutes for Turkish 
fighter planes to reach the presidential residence where we sat that 
day.
  This is someone who really is in a position of disadvantage 
militarily but who is willing to give up even his meager defenses that 
he has right now in order to boldly go after the cause of peace.
  And again I commend what the gentleman has said. I think it 
explicitly and accurately states what happened, and I encourage him to 
continue his leadership.
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. And following up what the gentleman said, and I plan 
to talk about this later, but a big thing is being made these days by 
the Turks, and I might add by our government here, regarding the 
ordering of S-300 missiles, defensive missiles. I emphasize defensive 
missiles by Cyprus, and the fact is this is going to destabilize things 
and what not.
  Now here is a country which is really completely defenseless, as we 
have already indicated. They have no army to speak of. It is all a 
national guard, and they want to do what Turkey has been doing for 
years. They have certainly a defense system set up, and how, again with 
the use of American dollars and American arms in Turkey. So Cyprus 
wants to order some defensive missiles, and of course that is being 
resented as a destabilizing force against peace.
  And so this is really what the real world is like regarding Cyprus, 
and it

[[Page H6991]]

is just amazing to me that the United States Government, which is the 
only entity that can really do something about this, is not showing a 
stronger hand.
  Mr. ANDREWS. If the gentleman would yield just one more time, I want 
to re-emphasize what he just said, that there is a definite difference 
between self-defense and provocation, and I think it is very clear that 
the decision by President Clerides to try to defend the free people of 
Cyprus is self-defense and not provocation, and I am disappointed that 
our government has gone on record indicating its reluctance to see that 
happen. I believe that the proper policy should be for us to recognize 
the right of the free people of Cyprus to have that self-defense.
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman, and the demands 
that we have spoken about made by Mr. Danktesh, the Turkish leader in 
the occupied portion of the island, are clearly unacceptable to 
Congress and to the administration and to the international community 
and to President Clerides and his government of Cyprus, as well it 
should be.

  I was pleased that U.S. presidential envoy and newly nominated U.S. 
ambassador to the U.N., Richard Holbrooke, flatly rejected the demands 
and signaled that neither were acceptable.
  So why is it then, we have to ask ourselves, the division of Cyprus 
in America's best interest? It is fundamentally important to have 
international stability in the increasingly global economy. That is 
why. A divided Cyprus continues to cause tension between two of our 
NATO allies, Greece and Turkey. The two countries have come perilously 
close to war several times since that 1974 invasion. The Aegean Sea is 
home to the world's busiest shipping lanes. Cyprus is in a key 
strategic position relative to the Mediterranean region and the Suez 
Canal which is instrumental in supplying oil and other materials vital 
to the stability of the entire region. Any conflict between Greece and 
Turkey could disrupt trade in the region and have extremely serious 
consequences for many nations including the United States.
  If the situation in Cyprus continues to deteriorate, there could be 
serious repercussions among other NATO members. These nations could be 
forced to choose between two allies, Greece or Turkey. A divided Cyprus 
also weakens American security interests in the region and serves as a 
source of instability in an important part of the world.
  The recent dispute over Cyprus' plan to purchase, and we have just 
talked about, but I will repeat it, to purchase defensive antiaircraft 
missiles from Russia to protect itself illustrates why we must unify 
Cyprus. President Clerides intends to purchase a defensive system to 
protect Cyprus, as we have already said, from Turkish aggression. 
Turkey falsely claims that the missiles represent a threat to its 
security, and they are defensive missiles, and has made it clear that 
it will use force to block the scheduled deployment in November.
  A Turkish Cypriot newspaper reported that Mr. Danktesh stated that, 
and I quote him, our position today stands at a point that you will get 
a response whatever you do, whatever you do you will get a response, 
end quotes. The United States should not lend credence to Turkey's 
unjustified claim that Cyprus' attempt to defend itself is a 
provocative action which threatens Turkey. This diverts attention from 
the real cause of instability in the region, and that is the illegal 
Turkish occupation of Cyprus.
  The administration, as the gentleman from New Jersey just said, must 
act expeditiously to persuade Turkey to enter serious negotiations for 
a solution to the Cyprus problem. It should also send a clear and 
unmistakable message that the United States will respond swiftly and 
appropriately to threats of violence against Cyprus. President Clerides 
has already delayed the deployment once and he has offered to cancel 
deployment. Now this again is an indication of the fact that he really 
wants peace here. He has offered to cancel deployment if serious and 
constructive reconciliation talks with the Turkish Cypriots resume. And 
yet the Turkish side remains intransigent in its refusal to renew 
negotiations and continues to threaten Cyprus with military action.
  All of the administration has pledged that finding a Cyprus solution 
is one of its top priorities. Turkish demands have become so completely 
inflexible and unacceptable that we are no closer, I am afraid, to a 
Cyprus solution today than we were two decades ago, and, Mr. Speaker, I 
would yield to Mr. Payne for the time being as a member of this special 
order.
  Mr. PAYNE. Thank you very much, and I certainly commend the gentleman 
for continuing to keep this very serious issue before the American 
public and before people throughout the world who are looking for 
peaceful resolutions to situations. We should not allow aggression to 
be the manner in which nations operate.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join my colleagues in trying to bring a 
peaceful resolution to one of the most challenging foreign policy 
issues: Cyprus.
  Let me just say briefly before I came to Congress as a National 
President of the YMCA and Chairman of the World Refugee Committee in 
Geneva, I recall the day when the invasion occurred in Cyprus back in 
1974. In the capacity that I had as Chairman of the Refugee Committee, 
we immediately sent people to Cyprus to work in refugee camps. We sent 
several experts, Mr. Thompson from Scotland. We had an Australian who 
operated the U.N. program, Mr. Kohaut, and they also ran across the 
green line to meet with the Turkish authorities, the Minister of Social 
Services there, but they were rejected and told that their services 
would not be interested. The YMCA was interested in the people, people 
who were disrupted. And so refugee camps were set up, people were 
taught various crafts and set up ways and means to attempt to become 
self-sufficient. As I have indicated, we have always been concerned 
about the humanitarian issue and that we need to talk about a real 
solution to this problem.
  I might have mentioned earlier too that a New Jersey friend of mine 
and I visited the island and went up past the green line and visited 
his old neighborhood, Mr. Andy Comadomas, and we went to his former 
house which was at that time deserted. They said that the Turkish 
person living there was out of the country and went to the home a block 
away of his cousin. And we there were able to go into the house, and we 
had a very strong discussion about how can people come in and occupy 
other people's territory? And a heated discussion went on. But I could 
see the pain and the anguish of this man who had not been in that 
property at that time in over 20 years to see his neighborhood, his 
street, his block being occupied by other people who were settlers who 
came into that area.
  And so just as I conclude, last week Turkey was ordered by the 
European court of human rights in Strasbourg to pay $640,000 to a Greek 
Cypriot for the loss of property and mental stress. The court ruled in 
December 1996 that Turkey violated the convention on human rights of a 
person, Titina Loizidou, who had been denied access to her property in 
Kyrenia since 1974 but postponed a ruling on compensation for the 
victim.

                              {time}  2300

  In its ruling last week, the court awarded 300,000 Cypriot pounds, 
about $600,000, for material damage, with an additional 20,000 pounds 
for compensation for anguish and feelings of powerlessness and 
frustration which she suffered as a result of not being able to use her 
property. The court also awarded the costs and expenses to her, without 
specifying the amount, but rejected a similar cost claim made by the 
Cypriot government.
  So as we are looking at this, as we see Special Envoy Richard 
Holbrook describe the situation as being on the brink of war, with the 
lack of progress and talks between President Clerides and Mr. Denktash. 
We must have a solution. The recent geo-strategic maneuvers by Israel 
with Turkey also have caused some uneasiness.
  So we have neighbors, we have friends, we have allies in the region. 
We must have a firm solution to this problem. We must bring people 
together, because aggression should not be allowed, after 24 years, to 
still remain. Territory taken by war should be returned, and there must 
be a solution.
  Cypriots will be able to come up with a solution if it is left to 
Cypriots, and the outside forces from Turkey, with

[[Page H6992]]

the settlers who were not Cypriots who have come in, have created the 
problem.
  So, once again let me say I applaud the gentleman for his continued 
effort, his persistence. I know there must be a solution at hand, but 
only a right and just solution to this problem.
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. I thank the gentleman, and he has annually been a part 
of this special order. I might add, I do not think it is the same trip 
the gentleman referred to, but we were together in Cyprus once a few 
years ago.
  Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. That is right.
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. I thank the gentleman so very much.
  This past July 20, the very date of the invasion 24 years ago, 
Turkish Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz visited the illegally occupied area 
of Northern Cyprus and declared Turkey's support for Mr. Denktash and 
his illegal occupation force. He said Turkey intends to stop the 
missile deployment.
  The Republic of Cyprus, as we already said, has every right under 
international law to defend itself from outside aggression. However, 
Mr. Denktash and opponents of a unified Cyprus have used the issue to 
divert attention from the illegal occupation and thwart progress 
towards a Cyprus solution, and, darn it, it is working. It is working.
  Mr. Speaker, the Republic of Cyprus needs American support and active 
leadership by our government, as we have said so many times already 
tonight, to unify itself and stabilize the region.
  One of the most effective ways to achieve this goal is for the United 
States to support Cyprus membership in the European Community. This 
membership would promote stability by permanently linking Cyprus to 
Europe, both economically and strategically, and, as I have said 
previously and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews) has stated, 
this would greatly benefit both Greek and Turkish populations on the 
island.
  The European parliament indicated its desire for peace on the island. 
Cyprus has earned its place in the European Union, and now the 
international community must take steps to move the peace process 
forward. Unfortunately, Turkey has threatened to annex the occupied 
area of Cyprus if it joins the European Union. It has threatened to 
annex the occupied area of Cyprus if it joins the European Union. Mr. 
Denktash has gone as far as saying, ``There will be war if Cyprus joins 
the European Union.'' ``There will be war,'' he says. In fact, Turkey 
already signed a number of agreements with the illegal Turkish regime 
that lay the groundwork for the eventual annexation of the occupied 
area. The United States must prevent such belligerent rhetoric and 
oppose any attempt by Turkey to annex the illegally occupied area in 
Cyprus.
  Cyprus is ready to become an important trading partner with the 
United States. The Greek-Cypriot community is a democratic society 
known for its open and efficient economic system. Despite the violent 
blow dealt by the invasion, the Cypriot economy has strongly rebounded 
to become one of the strongest economist in the region.
  In the past, our Nation has pledged its support to developing free-
market democracies. The United States should consider offering trade 
incentives to Cyprus to allow the manufacturing sector to increase, the 
labor market to improve and the infrastructure to modernize.
  Congress must pledge its support to building a strong trade 
relationship between the United States and Cyprus. The continued growth 
of their economy will provide for a more stable country, which is a key 
in the peace process. The island has seen a tremendous amount of growth 
through the years, mainly from tourism. However, the heart of Cyprus's 
potential growth has yet to be tapped, and those of us who have been 
there, I know, believe in that.
  The case for American support of a unified and economically sound 
Cyprus is undeniable. That is why I was extremely dismayed that 
President Clinton called Greek Prime Minister Costas Simitis this past 
June to ask Greece to lift its reservations to Turkey's membership in 
the European Union. Greece should not have to change its policies on 
Turkey simply because Turkey refuses to participate in meaningful 
discussions on improving relations with Greece and demilitarizing 
Cyprus.
  I fully support the Prime Minister's position that it is Turkey, and 
not Greece, that must change. I might add that there are other 
countries that have played a part in Turkey's refused admission in the 
European Union. The very reason that opposition exists to Turkish 
membership in the EU is its atrocious record of human rights 
violations, its longstanding disputes with Greece, and its illegal 
occupation of Cyprus.
  It is not in the interest of U.S. foreign policy to reward Turkey, 
which I think is what we have been doing, for its hostile and 
inflexible stance towards Greece and Cyprus. It only serves to 
encourage Turkey to continue its opposition to progress in the region.
  A newspaper in my Congressional district, the St. Petersburg Times, 
recently published an article entitled ``Why U.S. pushes Turkey into 
Europe's unwilling arms.'' The story noted that ``Turkey isn't yet 
close, either politically or economically, to qualifying for EU 
membership.''
  In fact, Turkey's position on Cyprus is one of the major obstacles 
preventing it from membership in the EU. The European Community has 
made it clear that membership is contingent upon the resolution of the 
Cyprus problem.
  I am also very concerned about the possibility that Turkey may have 
violated, and we haven't talked enough about this, I think, about the 
possibility that Turkey may have violated the Arms Control Export Act 
by transferring American weapons to Northern Cyprus without the 
approval of the United States Government.
  In June, members of the Hellenic Caucus, which I cofounded with the 
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Maloney), met with the chairman and 
several members of the Defense and Foreign Affairs Committee of the 
Greek parliament. They suggested that American weapons were being sent 
to Northern Cyprus. If this is substantiated, and there are some of us 
who want to find out if it can be substantiated, it would destabilize 
an already unstable area of the world and would merit a reexamination 
of our own policies toward Turkey.

  I would like to close by sharing with my colleagues a portion of an 
Associated Press wire report about Turkish celebrations on the 
anniversary of the invasion several weeks ago.
  ``Thousands of people attended festivities in Turkish controlled 
Nicosia, holding up pictures of the founder of modern Turkey and 
waiving the Turkish flag. Parachutists landed to the cheers of the 
crowd and civilian Turkish planes flew low in salute. Six Turkish 
warships were docked in Northern Cyprus ports for the week-long 
celebrations.''
  We must ask ourselves, what were they celebrating? They were 
celebrating an illegal invasion which cost the lives of 5,000 people, 
including five Americans. They were celebrating 1,614 people who are 
still missing from the invasion. They were celebrating cultural 
destruction and violations of basic human rights. And they were 
celebrating their continued illegal occupation of an island and a 
people divided.
  Mr. Speaker, we have a responsibility to use our influence as 
Americans to reunite Cyprus with its heritage. As Americans, as 
defenders of democracy, as righteous human beings, we must not and 
cannot further stand idle while Cyprus remains divided.
  Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise once again today with the gentleman 
from Florida and my other colleagues to mark a somber anniversary--the 
24th Anniversary of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus on July 20, 1974.
  Time and time again over the last 24 years the United States Congress 
has reaffirmed its commitment to a just and peaceful resolution to the 
Cyprus conflict. Last year this Congress passed the ``Peace in Cyprus'' 
Resolution, by overwhelming majorities, calling for the full withdrawal 
of Turkish occupation troops and an early substantive resolution of the 
conflict. Last year at this time we expressed hope in the U.S. brokered 
talks on Cyprus.
  No matter how firm our commitment, no matter how deep our resolve, 
however, the breakdown of the most recent talks and indeed the repeated 
failures of the last 24 years, demonstrate that negotiations cannot go 
forward, progress cannot be made, if one of the parties is unwilling to 
negotiate. U.S.

[[Page H6993]]

Presidential Envoy Richard Holbrooke acknowledged as much, blaming the 
breakdown of negotiations on Turkish intransigence.
  Rather than negotiate in good faith, the Turkish side set ridiculous 
preconditions, demanding recognition as a state and withdrawal of the 
Cypriot application to the EU. Recognition of the puppet regime in 
occupied Cyprus would violate international law and legitimize Turkish 
aggression. The EU's historic decision to admit Cyprus could have 
opened a window of opportunity for negotiation, but Turkey has used 
this instead as a pretext for blocking the talks.
  Now Turkey threatens to attack Cyprus if the S-300 missiles are 
deployed. With regard to the missiles, one cannot deny a Nation's right 
to self-defense: Cyprus is a nation with small National Guard and no 
air force to speak of facing an occupation force of more than 35,000 
troops and Turkish fighters within striking distance. To his credit, 
President Clerides has offered repeatedly to cancel the missile order 
in exchange for demilitarization and genuine talks.
  While there has been some resolution with regard to the Americans 
missing in Cyprus, who we now know were killed in the Turkish invasion, 
key issues remain unresolved on this 24th Anniversary: the fate of the 
1600 missing Greek Cypriots, the status of Farmagusta, the situation of 
the enclaved, the desecration of Christian sites in occupied Cyprus and 
the list goes on.

  We can look to one victory tonight, however, as we mark this somber 
anniversary. In a historic decision last week, the European Court of 
Human Rights in Strasbourg ordered the government of Turkey to pay 
$640,000 in damages to a Greek Cypriot refugee, having found that 
Turkey violated the Convention on Human Rights. This acknowledgment, if 
belated, provides hope to the more than 200,000 Greek Cypriot refugees 
who lost so much in the invasion.
  This year Turkey marked the 24th Anniversary of the occupation of 
Cyprus in quite a different fashion, with a militaristic display of 
force presided over by none other than Turkish Prime Minister Yilmaz. 
This celebration and the presense of Prime Minister Yilmaz should not 
only offend the world community, it should also signal to the U.S. an 
essential truth: Unless we bring our influence to bear on the real 
center of power in all this--the Turkish General Staff in Ankara--there 
is little hope for a resolution on Cyprus. Turkey is ultimately 
responsible for the division and occupation of Cyprus. We must demand 
that Ankara withdraw its occupation forces, tear down the Green Line 
and reunite the divided city of Nicosia.
  Mr. Speaker, I do not want to stand here next year on the 25th 
Anniversary of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. Let us not reach the 
quarter-century mark.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, today I join my Colleagues in 
commemorating the recent 24th anniversary of the Turkish invasion and 
occupation of Cyprus. I thank Congressman Michael Bilirakis for the 
opportunity to make the public aware of the suffering of the Cypriot 
people.
  For over 24 years, one third of the island of Cyprus has been 
illegally occupied and divided by over 55,000 Turkish troops. During 
the invasion, over 1,600 people were taken prisoner, including five 
Americans, and except for one of those five Americans, Andreas Kasapis, 
whose remains were returned to his family in Detroit, Michigan, those 
prisoners are still missing today.
  The U.N. Secretary General has referred to the occupied area of 
Cyprus as one of the most highly militarized areas in the world. This 
area of the world remains a very volatile region and it would clearly 
meet anyone's criteria of a major U.S. interest that peace and 
stability be maintained in this area.
  I hope the Administration moves quickly to replace Ambassador Richard 
Holbrooke for the position of Special Envoy for Cyprus and that the 
person is equally familiar with the history, insecurities, and cultural 
sensitivities of the area.
  The geo-political issues are enough reasons for the US government and 
the American people to work with the international community to reunite 
Cyprus and end all foreign occupation on that little island.
  But there are other more personal reasons for this to happen. The 
people of Cyprus are suffering and being denied their human rights by a 
brutal police and military occupation.
  According to a United Nations report, Creek Cypriots in the occupied 
areas of the island, whom we call the Enclaved, suffer from a number of 
human rights violations and these abuses are also violations of the 
Vienna Three Agreement of 1975.
  I have filed H. Con. Res. 181, which seeks to restore certain 
freedoms and liberties, and end the violations of internationally 
recognized human rights which the world should not tolerate and help 
these innocent people suffering in the illegally occupied area.
  It is my firm belief that ending the suffering on the Enclaved is the 
first step and may make the over all Cyprus solution more attainable.
  H. Con. Res. 181 is necessary because it calls on the Administration 
to keep working on a solution fro Cyprus. We must all keep calling on, 
not just the Administration, but the United Nations and the European 
Union as well, to all continue their efforts to find a solution fro 
Cyprus.
  The present state of the negotiations does not appear too 
encouraging. The Turkish side is trying to stop Cyprus assession to the 
European Union even though the EU has stated it is prepared and is 
proceeding with negotiations with Cyprus for membership in the 
organization. The Turkish side has set certain preconditions before any 
discussions can proceed.
  These preconditions are totally unacceptable and include demanding 
that the international community accept Cyprus as a divided island and 
a divided people.
  Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots have made good on their threat to cut 
off all intercommunal discussions between Greek and Turkish Cypriots 
over issues such as talks to find the missing from the 1974 ware.
  Furthermore, in addition to the oppressive police-state conditions 
the Cypriot people must endure in the illegally occupied areas of the 
island, the Turkish side and others are expressing concern and 
opposition to the Cypriot plan to acquire the S-300 defensive missiles. 
This is like attacking the victim fro trying to defend itself.
  These critics of Cyprus make these complaints about the S-300 
missiles while expressing no concern or opposition to repeated and 
routine violation of Cypriot airspace by the Turkish air force or the 
constant threats made by the Turkish government to attack Cypus. Nor do 
these critics of Cyprus seem to be very concerned or active in ending 
the illegal occupation of Cyprus which is in violation of numerous UN 
resolutions and Congressional expressions of oppositions.
  It is the sovereign right of any nation, including Cyprus, to defend 
itself. It is not Cyprus that is the destabilizing element in this area 
but Turkish which is being provocative and amassing excessive military 
force in the illegal occupied areas of Cyprus.
  Turkey maintains approximately 55,000 troops on Cyprus, (40,000 plus 
15,000 Turkish-Cypriot soldiers), plus 400 heavy tanks, as well as 
heavy artillery, plus the Turkish air force is 4 minutes away. That is 
in stark contrast to Cyprus which maintains no standing army or air 
force, and only has 10,000 national guardsmen.
  It is clear that these missiles are intended solely as a defensive 
measure to stop the Turkish violation of their airspace.
  Not withstanding all the difficulties laying before, us, we must not 
be discouraged. We in the U.S. Congress and the American people want 
Cyprus to be free of foreign troops, united, and living in justice and 
peace, so we must keep up intransigent pressure on all parities to 
continue working towards a solution.
  The people of Cyprus will find an agreement acceptable only if it 
calls for a united Cyprus. Any agreement that calls for a divided 
island will only serve to engender anomocity between the two 
communities. History has shown us that no nation can endure a line 
cutting through its country and Cyprus will be no different.
  Mr. McGovern. Mr. Speaker, I rise to join my distinguished colleague 
from Florida [Mr. Mike Bilirakis] and all those who today acknowledge 
this sad date in the history of Cyprus. I rise to add my name to the 
long list of Members of Congress who throughout the past 24 years have 
decried Turkey's brutal invasion of this Mediterranean island.
  After 24 years, some might be tempted to throw in the towel, to 
believe that these 24 years of Turkish occupation of Northern Cyprus 
prove the helplessness of the international community in the face of 
invasion, occupation, ethnic strife and injustice. Some might even say 
that our yearly acknowledgment of this tragic event are wasted words. I 
say that now more than ever, we need to voice our resolve, our ongoing 
commitment to building a lasting peace for all the people of Cyprus. As 
we've witnessed in so many parts of the world, peace building does not 
happen overnight-it requires hard work, vigilance, and the very resolve 
that we've maintained over the years and that will help us undo 
Turkey's wrongdoing in Cypus.
  The Government of Turkey and its proxy on Cypus--the Turkish 
Cypriots--have a long record of ignoring international law and the will 
of the international community. Turks have only been able to sustain 
the division of Cyprus by maintaining an illegal occupation force of 
some 35,000 troops.
  Most recently, the Turkish side demonstrated again its disrespect for 
international law when, on May 3d, it abruptly declared Greek Cypriots 
must meet three new ``preconditions'' before any meaningful 
negotiations to resolve the Cyprus crisis could begin. This

[[Page H6994]]

move undermined efforts by U.S. Ambassador Richard Holbrooke to revive 
peace negotiations and brought a public rebuke from the Ambassador.
  Despite Turkish intransigence, however, international resolve to in 
support of a just settlement for Cyprus remains strong. In a June 18 
letter, Cyprus President Clerides called on United Nations Secretary 
General Kofi Annan to undertake a personal initiative to achieve 
progress in reducing military tensions on Cyprus. In his letter to the 
Secretary General, President Clerides also reiterated his commitment to 
``steps leading towards the eventual goal of demilitarization.''

  President Clerides' letter was welcomed by the British government 
which noted on June 23rd that, ``President Clerides's letter is a step 
in the right direction.''
  On June 29th, the United Nations Security Council unanimously 
reaffirmed its position for resumption of inter-communal talks on the 
basis of relevant United Nations resolutions regarding the conflict in 
Cyprus.
  Once again the Security Council called upon the international 
community to respect the sovereignty, independence and territorial 
integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and to refrain from any actions 
that my cause harm to that republic. In an obvious reference to Turkey, 
the Security Council called on nations to refrain from any effort to 
partition Cyprus or to unify it with another nation.
  Unfortunatley, the response from Turkey and Turkish Cypriots was the 
familiar one of denouncement. The president of the self-declared 
Republic of North Cyrus stated that his government would restrict the 
operations of the U.N. Peace Force in retaliation for the U.N. 
resolution and its use of the term Cypriot Government in reference to 
Greek Cyprus.
  While we here in Washington and the Secretary General of the United 
Nations in New York are calling upon the international community to 
increase efforts to revive negotiations and find a peaceful, negotiated 
resolution to this divided island, the Turkish government engages in a 
flagrantly provocative action--including repeated violations of Cyprus 
air space, sending six new fighter planes to the occupied north, and a 
flotilla of naval vessels.
  These are not the actions of a nation that wishes to be viewed as a 
leading broker of peace in the region. Rather, they are the actions of 
the provocateur and the promotor of instability and violence.
  I was pleased to hear Under Secretary of State Thomas Pickering 
announce that the U.S. will continue to press aggressively for a 
resolution to the Cyprus conflict, in spite of the set-backs 
experienced by Ambassador Holbrooke.
  I believe the progress made by the Republic of Cyprus to ensure the 
economic well-being for its people should be applauded and recognized. 
Yet there can be no real economic stability when 160,000 Greek Cypriots 
remain displaced and away from their rightful homes. There can be no 
real security when 35,000 Turkish troops threaten the Republic of 
Cyprus. And there can be no real stability when the Northern half of 
Cyprus languishes in economic and political isolation under a near 
totalitarian regime.
  I urge all my colleagues, the Administration and the international 
community to pursue with even more vigor a negotiated resolution to 
Cyprus--one that is just and humane for all the citizens and residents 
of Cyprus; one that protects and promotes the human rights of all 
Cypriots; one that provides for a peaceful, unified and democratic 
republic; and one that resolves the outstanding humanitarian issues 
left unanswered over the past 24 years.
  And finally, Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Florida, 
Congressman Bilirakis, and the other Members of Congress who, for so 
long, have worked tirelessly to bring a just peace to the people of 
Cyprus; and who have been generous with their time and experience in 
educating the American people and their colleagues about the history 
and importance of this issue.
  I thank him for his leadership.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, on July 20, 1974 the world was shocked to 
learn of the brutal Turkish invasion of the Republic of Cyprus. I rise 
today to join with my colleagues in marking this sad anniversary that 
has led to the partition of the island nation for nearly one-quarter of 
a century. I would like to thank and commend Mr. Bilirakis of Florida 
and Ms. Maloney of New York for their vigilance and commitment to a 
peaceful resolution to this act of terror that has brought noting but 
sadness and sorrow.
  As we mark this anniversary, our resolve is being tested. Peace of 
Cyprus appears elusive. One year ago there was enthusiasm and guarded, 
yet high expectations. Richard Holbrooke, the President's top foreign 
policy trouble-shooter had just been put on the Cyprus case and there 
was good reason to believe that on the heels of the Dayton Accords in 
Bosnia, Mr. Holbrooke could bring all sides together for a meaningful 
and lasting peace in Cyprus.
  Today, the reunification talks are stalled, mistrust on all sides 
hampers the peace process, and an arms buildup on the island threatens 
the entire region.
  In the face of these obstacles some might say there is no current 
chance for an end to the Turkish occupation and the reunification of 
the island under the one legitimate Cypriot government. But now is the 
time for those who are truly committed to peace and justice to 
rededicate themselves to our collective goal. Turkey could demonstrate 
its commitment to peace by:
  Rescinding its recognition of the so-called Turkish Republic of 
Northern Cyprus;
  Withdrawing its occupying army, 30,000 strong, which has for 24 years 
posed a threat to the people and government of Cyprus;
  Respecting human rights;
  Ceasing its tactics of intimidation in the Aegean;
  Engaging the legitimate government of Cyprus in meaningful peace 
talks in order to halt any increase militarization of the island.
  Although the United States has not been successful in restarting the 
peace process, Richard Holbrooke recently restated our commitment to a 
peaceful resolution to this crisis remains unchanged. I share this 
commitment to peace, and along with my colleagues support all efforts 
dedicated to reunification and peace for the people of Cyprus.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I commend the gentleman from Florida, Mr. 
Bilirakis, who has over the years taken care that this House does not 
fail to observe the events of July 1974 whose tragic consequences still 
persist today nearly a quarter of a century later.
  The occupation of northern Cyprus by Turkish troops, which began some 
twenty-four years ago, has turned into one of the most vexing problems 
of the international community. it has confounded the efforts of five 
U.S. Presidents, four United Nations Secretaries General, and many of 
the world's top diplomats, including our own. Most recently we had the 
strong effort of Ambassador Richard Holbrooke and Ambassador Tom Miller 
run into a brick wall as Denktash, backed by the Turkish government, 
came up with new conditions before they would agree to resume 
negotiations with President Clerides. These conditions, as the Turkish 
side well understood, were non-starters--the Turks insisted that 
northern Cyprus be regarded as a sovereign entity, and that the 
government of Cyprus halt negotiations on joining the EU.
  We are all disappointed that the hard-fought efforts of our envoys 
did not produce a breakthrough. I agree with their assessment that the 
impasse is a result of the Turkish position, and that they key to 
breaking the current stalemate lies in Ankara. That being said, 
however, it is difficult to foresee a way around the current deadlock 
unless there is a change of heart on the Turkish side.
  The situation in Turkey is exceedingly complex: We don't know who 
really is in charge--is it the government or the military? We don't 
know how to put the appropriate pressure on Turkey without giving the 
negative influences within Turkish society grounds to say that we have 
turned our backs on Turkey and are not truly interested in its 
integration into Europe and the West.
  We are now hearing from certain Turkish officials commenting that the 
present situation on Cyprus--division of the island and 35,000 Turkish 
troops in occupation of one third--is the solution. This is completely 
unacceptable for the United States and the international community. It 
should also be unaccepted to Turkey because if partition is good for 
Cyprus, then why not for northern Iraq, or even the Kurdish areas of 
Turkey itself? Obviously the officials who make these ill-advised 
statements have not thought through the implications of partitioning 
Cyprus.
  War-mongering threats from Turkish officials regarding the delivery 
of the S-300 missiles of Cyprus later this year also are unacceptable. 
Instead of making these outrageous threats, the Turks, if they truly 
believe the missiles are a threat to their own security, should work 
with the Government of Cyprus and other interested parties to find a 
way out of the problem constructively. This should include reducing 
their own excessive level of armaments in northern Cyprus, and getting 
negotiations between President Clerides and Denktash started. The 
decision to postpone delivery of the missiles until the fall provides 
more time to resolve the problem.
  I have often said that Cyprus cannot be held hostage to problems 
within Turkey. I think that it is imperative for our government to make 
it crystal clear to both the Turkish civilian government and the 
military that Turkey's most vital long-term interests cannot be served 
without Turkey acting effectively to solve the Cyprus dispute. I am not 
convinced that all in the Turkish leadership truly believe that the 
U.S. is absolutely serious about resolving Cyprus, and the message 
needs to be reinforced. For my part I will continue to deliver the 
message whenever I meet with officials from Turkey, and I call upon all 
our members to do so as well.

[[Page H6995]]

  Election of a new government in Turkey has been scheduled for early 
next year. As Turkish voters cast their ballots I hope that our 
government will have done all that it can to make it clear that 
resolving Cyprus is in Turkey's own national interest.
  Although we have hit a serious obstacle to progress, the United 
States has no choice but to continue our efforts to get serious 
negotiations between the parties on Cyprus resumed. I thank the 
gentleman for allowing me to participate in this Special Order.
  Mr. MANTON. Mr. Speaker, in 1974, Turkey invaded the island of Cyprus 
and, to this day, continues to illegally occupy the north end of the 
island. I rise today to mark the twenty-fourth anniversary of this 
tragic event and encourage the country of Turkey to withdraw its troops 
from the island of Cyprus. I particularly want to thank my colleagues, 
Congressman Bilirakis and Congresswoman Maloney, for organizing this 
very important Special Order.
  Mr. Speaker, when Turkey invaded Cyprus, not only did they take away 
the land that rightfully belongs to the Greek Cypriots, they also took 
away important freedoms--the right to educate their children as they 
see fit and the right to practice their religion. Today, Turkey 
continues to occupy nearly 37% of the territory of the Republic of 
Cyprus. We, as members of Congress, must ensure that the remainder of 
the island is not seized by Turkey and continue to work toward the 
release of these occupied lands.
  The unrest that was witnessed on the island of Cyprus two years ago 
represented the worst violence since the invasion of 1974. Today, an 
uneasy calm continues to linger over this divided island. The next 
round of violence could further hinder any chance of a lasting and just 
peace for the people of Cyprus.
  The six fighter planes recently sent to Turkey to occupy the North is 
unacceptable. Peace cannot thrive on this island until Turkey agrees to 
fully cooperate by withdrawing its troops and returning the Greek 
Cypriots homeland and allowing them to live as they see fit and 
accorded the full human rights of a free nation.
  Mr. Speaker, as a member of the Congressional Hellenic Caucus, I have 
worked with my colleagues in a bi-partisan manner on a number of issues 
effecting the Greek people and Greek-Americans of our nation. We also 
commit ourselves to finding an end to the tragic situation that has 
plagued Cyprus and her people for far too long. It is my hope the 
current deadlock on peace talks in that region is soon broken.
  To address the issue of peace in Cyprus, two pieces of legislation 
have been introduced which I encourage my colleagues in joining me as a 
cosponsor. The first, H. Con. Res. 81, calls for a United States' 
initiative seeking a just and peaceful resolution of the situation in 
Cyprus. H.R. 1361 would prohibit economic support fund assistance under 
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 for the Government of Turkey for 
Fiscal Year 1999 unless they make certain improvements relating to 
human rights.
  Mr. Speaker, as the European Union prepares for expansion, I 
encourage them to include Cyprus as a member. Although Cyprus has had a 
long association with the European Union, becoming a permanent member 
would allow the economy of Cyprus to flourish and would promote further 
progress toward peace throughout the island.
  Mr. Speaker, I stand behind the people of Cyprus and President 
Clerides as they continue to offer a number of solutions to the Cyprus 
problem. The division of Cyprus has plagued the island on many levels--
socially, politically and economically--that is why I urge the country 
of Turkey to be open minded during peace discussions.
  Since Turkey first invaded Cyprus in 1974, over 1,619 people in the 
occupied areas of Cyprus, including four Americans, have never been 
accounted for. Andreas Kassapis, one of the previous missing Americans 
from 1974, has recently been peacefully laid to rest. I encourage the 
country of Turkey to open communications and exchange information about 
the remaining Americans who are missing as a result of the illegal 
invasion by Turkey twenty four years ago.
  Permanent peace and justice in Cyprus lies in the hands of Turkey. It 
is my hope that next year we will be celebrating the freedoms of the 
Greek Cypriots rather than fighting for the return of their country and 
the human rights which were ripped away from them twenty-four years 
ago.
  Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise this evening to pay tribute to a 
dubious anniversary. As we sit here, after 24 years of Turkish 
occupation of Cyprus, it is especially appropriate to recognize the 
struggle for the freedom of all Cypriots that has been waged for more 
than two decades.
  It was over two decades ago that 6,000 Turkish troops and 40 tanks 
landed on the north coast of Cyprus, and more than 200,000 Cypriots 
were driven from their homes and forced to live under foreign 
occupation. Over two decades ago, and Turkey still has thousands of 
troops on the island.
  That is why I'm pleased that we have this opportunity today. This 
evening we remember what happened in Cyprus 24 years ago and we pledge 
to fight to end the occupation. We also look toward the promise of the 
future. President Clinton has demonstrated his commitment to solving 
this difficult issue by making this issue a foreign policy priority of 
his Administration. I hope that his commitment will lead to a just and 
viable solution to the Cyprus conflict, and that this time next year we 
will be standing here on the House floor celebrating the end of the 
Turkish occupation.
  We must continue to fight against injustice in Cyprus. We must 
continue to provide aid to Cyprus to help that country deal with the 
terrible problems caused by more than two decades of Turkish 
occupation. And, above all, we must continue to keep the plight of the 
Cypriots on the minds of everyone around the world.
  Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commemorate the 
anniversary of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This act, an unprovoked 
use of force and flagrant violation of international law, divided the 
island and created a tense and dangerous situation. Sadly, almost a 
quarter of a century after this tragedy, the threat of renewed violence 
seems greater than ever. We must work together to ensure a peaceful and 
fair settlement to one of the world's most bitter conflicts.
  I call on the leaders of Turkish-occupied Cyprus to recognize the 
will of the international community and make positive steps towards 
ending the stand-off which has plagued the once-peaceful nation of 
Cyprus for twenty-four years. Mr. Denktash must end his demand that the 
illegitimate Turkish Cypriot Republic be recognized before he agrees to 
negotiations with Mr. Clerides. And Turkey must not aggravate tensions 
in the region by threatening the use of force against the nation of 
Cyprus.
  However, I am encouraged by the work of United Nations envoy Diego 
Cordovez as well as special U.S. envoy Richard Holbrooke, and I believe 
that a peaceful path towards reunification can be found with the 
cooperation of all parties. As we near the 21st century, we move 
towards an era of unlimited potential. The days of invasion, 
intimidation, and forceful coercion can no longer be tolerated and must 
be replaced by a system of mutual cooperation and the peaceful 
arbitration of disputes. In the next millennium, there will be no place 
for armies of occupation.
  I am proud to reaffirm the close friendship between the United States 
and Cyprus, particularly highlighted by our commitment to ending the 
division of Cyprus once and for all. However, on this day we should 
also remember the victims of violence during and after the 1974 
invasion, many of whom are still missing. The suffering experienced by 
them and their families, and the continuing plight of enclaved Greek 
Cypriots in the Turkish-occupied territory, compel us to seek a quick 
and peaceful solution to the Cyprus problem.
  Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to mark the twenty-fourth 
anniversary of Turkey's invasion, and subsequent occupation, of Cyprus.
  It is extremely disturbing to me that every year we are compelled to 
gather in this chamber to remind the world of the horrible events that 
led to the division of Cyprus, and to remember those who were killed, 
injured, or displaced when Turkey invaded the island in 1974. It is 
clear to me and to most of my colleagues, as well as a vast majority of 
the international community, that Cyprus must be made whole again and 
Turkey must be held accountable for its reprehensible actions in 
dividing the island
  Fourteen years after gaining its independence from Great Britain, 
Cyprus was illegally and brutally invaded by 6,000 Turkish troops and 
40 tanks. These troops proceeded to sweep over the northern section of 
Cyprus, occupying nearly 40 percent of the island. The ensuring 
fighting killed thousands of Cypriots and forced hundreds of thousands 
from their homes. Today, more than 1,600 people are still unaccounted 
for, five of whom are United States citizens.
  Twenty-four years after the invasion, we gather to remember those who 
died and to ensure that the world never forgets that Cyprus is a land 
divided. More than 35,000 Turkish troops continue to occupy Cyprus in 
violation of international law. A barbed wire fence and so-called 
``Green Zone,'' which is patrolled by United Nations, cuts across the 
island, separating families from their property and splitting this once 
beautiful country in half. To this day, the Turkish government refuses 
to allow Greek-Cypriots who were forced to flee to the southern part of 
the island from returning to their homes.
  Last year, I was encouraged when President Clinton appointed special 
envoy Richard Holbrooke to help broker a peaceful resolution and unify 
the island. Unfortunately, Turkey refused to negotiate in good faith, 
and no agreement was reached. As Mr. Holbrooke put it,

[[Page H6996]]

``There is no doubt that the Turkish side was responsible for the 
collapse of the talks.'' Even though Mr. Holbrooke is taking over as 
the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, I hope President Clinton 
will continue to help foster a peaceful and united Cyprus.
  The occupation of Cyprus is one of the reasons that I offered an 
amendment to the Fiscal Year 1997 Foreign Operations appropriations 
bill that would have effectively cut $25 million in United States 
economic aid to Turkey. This amendment, which the House overwhelmingly 
approved by a vote of 301 to 118, sends a clear message to Turkey that 
its illegal and immoral occupation of Cyprus will not be tolerated by 
this country.
  Mr. Speaker, I am proud to join with my colleagues in standing up 
against Turkish oppression in Cyprus. I would especially like to extend 
my thanks to the gentleman from Florida, Mr. Bilirakis, for his 
tireless work to ensure that the people of Cyprus are not forgotten. 
Twenty-four years is a long time to wait, but it is my sincerest hope 
that our actions will help persuade Turkey to end its unlawful 
occupation of Cyprus.
  Mr. KENNEDY of Rhode Island. Mr. Speaker, I would like first to thank 
my colleague from Florida, Mr. Bilirakis, for organizing this special 
order to commemorate the 24th anniversary of the Turkish occupation of 
the island of Cyprus.
  In my state of Rhode Island we have a strong Greek and Cypriot 
community, which has brought the plight of Cyprus to my attention. Many 
of them to this day do not know what happened to their brothers, their 
fathers, their sisters, their mothers on that dreadful day in July of 
1974.
  On July 20, 1974, the Government of Turkey sent troops to Cyprus and 
assumed control of more than one-third of that island. On that day over 
200,000 Greek Cypriots became refugees in their own country and are 
still denied the right to return to their homes. The assault dislocated 
many in the Greek Cypriot population. Over 1,600 Greek Cypriots are 
missing and are still unaccounted for as a result of this invasion.
  In the past decades, we have witnessed tremendous changes around the 
world. The fall of the Berlin Wall, the beginning of peace in the 
Middle East, and the signing of a peace agreement in Northern Ireland. 
It is time to add Cyprus to that list of places where freedom will 
prevail.
  Mr. Speaker, this Congress needs to take direct steps to indicate 
support for Cyprus. Only when we, in Congress, show our strong support 
for a unified Cyprus will the necessary changes occur.
  Mr. ROTHMAN. Mr. Speaker, I would like to add my voice to those of my 
colleagues who have eloquently spoken today on the pressing need for a 
just and lasting peace in Cyprus. As a member of the House 
International Relations Committee, one of my top priorities has been to 
advance a comprehensive settlement of the tragic division of Cyprus in 
1974.
  The cause of peace for Cyprus, the cause of freedom for Cyprus and 
the pursuit of unified Cyprus is in sum, not a complicated matter. To 
solve the Cyprus problem we need only to secure one vital element and 
that is the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Turkish troops 
from the island.
  That the solution is so simple and the inability to secure it so long 
delayed, deeply disappoints me. Too many deliberations have been held, 
too many peace summits convened, too many U.S. diplomatic overtures 
have been made, to see the prospects for peace crumble due to the 
intransigence of Turkish-Cypriot political leaders. To break the 
stalemate in the Cyprus peace talks I am convinced that the time is 
ripe for the U.S. to press Ankara directly to exercise the resolve 
needed to withdraw its troops from Cyprus.
  Notwithstanding Turkish efforts to stalemate the peace talks, I am 
heartened that Cyprus is on track to join the European Union (EU). With 
an eye to a promising and prosperous future, Cyprus's accession to the 
EU bodes well for the future of the island nation. As Cypriot President 
Clafcos Clerides remarked in June of this year, EU accession will bring 
Cyprus one step closer to serving as an ``important hub of economic, 
trade and business'' in the vitally important Mediterranean region.
  Mr. Speaker, to close my remarks I want to reiterate that I believe 
in freedom for Cyprus. I believe in a united Cyprus. And I am committed 
to continuing my full support in seeking a genuine and long-lasting 
peace for Cyprus.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I commend the gentleman from Florida, Mr. 
Bilirakis, who has over the years taken care that this House does not 
fail to observe the events of July 1974 whose tragic consequences still 
persist today nearly a quarter of a century later.
  The occupation of northern Cyprus by Turkish troops, which began some 
twenty-four years ago, has turned into one of the most vexing problems 
of the international community. It has confounded the efforts of five 
U.S. Presidents, four United Nations Secretaries General, and many of 
the world's top diplomats, including our own. Most recently we had the 
strong effort of Ambassador Richard Holbrooke and Ambassador Tom Miller 
run into a brick wall as Denktash, backed by the Turkish government, 
came up with new conditions before they would agree to resume 
negotiations with President Clerides. These conditions, as the Turkish 
side well understood, were non-starters--the Turks insisted that 
northern Cyprus be regarded as a sovereign entity, and that the 
government of Cyprus halt negotiations on joining the EU.
  We are all disappointed that the hard-fought efforts of our envoys 
did not produce a breakthrough. I agree with their assessment that the 
impasse is a result of the Turkish position, and that they key to 
breaking the current stalemate lies in Ankara. That being said, 
however, it is difficult to foresee a way around the current deadlock 
unless there is a change of heart on the Turkish side.
  The situation in Turkey is exceedingly complex: We don't know who 
really is in charge--is it the government or the military? We don't 
know how to put the appropriate pressure on Turkey without giving the 
negative influences within Turkish society grounds to say that we have 
turned our backs on Turkey and are not truly interested in its 
integration into Europe and the West.
  We are now hearing from certain Turkish officials commenting that the 
present situation on Cyprus--division of the island and 35,000 Turkish 
troops in occupation of one third--is the solution. This is completely 
unacceptable for the United States and the international community. It 
should also be unacceptable to Turkey because if partition is good for 
Cyprus, then why not for northern Iraq, or even the Kurdish areas of 
Turkey itself? Obviously the officials who make these ill-advised 
statements have not thought through the implications of partitioning 
Cyprus.
  War-mongering threats from Turkish officials regarding the delivery 
of the S-300 missiles to Cyprus later this year also are unacceptable. 
Instead of making these outrageous threats, the Turks, if they truly 
believe the missiles are a threat to their own security, should work 
with the Government of Cyprus and other interested parties to find a 
way out of the problem constructively. This should include reducing 
their own excessive level of armaments in northern Cyprus, and getting 
negotiations between President Clerides and Denktash started. The 
decision to postpone delivery of the missiles until the fall provides 
more time to resolve this problem.
  I have often said that Cyprus cannot be held hostage to problems 
within Turkey. I think that it is imperative for our government to make 
it crystal clear to both the Turkish civilian government and the 
military that Turkey's most vital long-term interests cannot be served 
without Turkey acting effectively to solve the Cyprus dispute. I am not 
convinced that all in the Turkish leadership truly believe that the 
U.S. is absolutely serious about resolving Cyprus, and the message 
needs to be reinforced. For my part I will continue to deliver the 
message whenever I meet with officials from Turkey, and I call upon all 
our members to do so as well.
  Election of a new government in Turkey has been scheduled for early 
next year. As Turkish voters cast their ballots I hope that our 
government will have done all that it can to make it clear that 
resolving Cyprus is in Turkey's own national interest.
  Although we have hit a serious obstacle to progress, The United 
States has no choice but to continue our efforts to get serious 
negotiations between the parties on Cyprus resumed. I thank the 
gentleman for allowing me to participate in this Special Order.
  Mr. PORTER. Mr. Speaker, as we come to the floor today to mark the 
24th anniversary of the invasion and occupation of Cyprus by Turkish 
forces, we have spent yet another frustrating and futile year waiting 
for the Administration to follow through on its promises to give 
resolution of this long-running problem its full attention. American 
policy towards Cyprus and the Aegean region can best be described as 
drift and react. We drift along while problems boil up, then react to 
the crisis du jour without a moral context or a policy framework. If we 
genuinely hope to solve the Cyprus problem which has plagued us for 
nearly a quarter of a century, we must change this haphazard approach.
  Let's look at the facts: Over 35,000 heavily armed Turkish troops are 
stationed in the northern part of Cyprus. These forces have been 
upgraded and modernized; they are well-equipped from Turkey's vast 
military arsenal. The Turkish military is, by far, the largest and most 
well-trained and well-equipped in the region, thanks largely to US 
military assistance. The Turkish government, having occupied 38% of 
Cypriot territory by force, has repeatedly spoken of annexing this 
territory.
  Cyprus has a 10,000 member voluntary national guard. Cyprus, even 
with its strategic relationship with Greece, would be annihilated in 
any conflict with Turkey. Cyprus has been the subject in widespread 
international crticism for

[[Page H6997]]

the proposed purchase of a small number of defensive missiles while 
Turkey's continued occupation goes largely unremarked. The Cypriot 
government has consistently reaffirmed its support for complete 
demilitarization of the island--Turkey has flatly refused to consider 
it. The Cypriot government has also said they would cancel the missile 
orders in a minute if there was genuine progress towards a solution--
Turkey has responded with more threats.
  Even though Cyprus met the fiscal requirements for EU membership 
years ago, Turkey continues to irrationally threaten both Cyprus and 
the EU in an effort to derail Cypriot accession talks.
  No progress has been made toward peaceful resolution of the Cyprus 
issue in the past year. Threats and intransigence from Ankara and the 
north have increased. The intransigence of the Turkish side has led to 
the unprecedented situation of both Tom Miller and Richard Holbrooke, 
the top U.S. diplomats working on the issue, to lay the blame for the 
current impasse squarely at the feet of the Turkish side.
  The answer to this long-running tragedy clearly lies in Ankara. If we 
buy into efforts to shift blame and create a public relations backliash 
by focusing on the S-300 missiles, we will only allow Ankara to 
retrench in their posture of annexation by force. We have to stand 
clearly on the side of international law and peaceful settlement of 
disputes, and against lawlessness and aggression. The records of both 
the United States Congress and the United Nations General Assembly are 
clear: the illegal occupation of Cyprus must end.
  I join my colleagues today in calling on the Clinton Administration 
to be honest about the facts of the Cyprus dispute and be honest with 
Turkey about our expectations. We cannot resolve this dispute on the 
basis of half-truths and self-delusion. What a shame it will be if we 
are again here on the House floor next year, marking the 25th year of 
occupation. I strongly hope that the Administration will do everything 
in its power to bring about a just resolution to this issue in the 
coming year. Unfortunately, based on what we have seen so far, I am not 
optimistic.
  Mr. BILIRAKIS. I would like to thank all of my colleagues who joined 
me tonight, it is very, very late, and also thank the staff people who 
are here so very late as a result of this, to help us focus attention 
on this grave injustice which must be remedied.

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