[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 107 (Monday, August 3, 1998)]
[House]
[Pages H6988-H6997]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
24TH ANNIVERSARY OF TURKEY'S INVASION OF CYPRUS
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Peterson of Pennsylvania). Under the
Speaker's announced policy of January 7, 1997, the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Bilirakis) is recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of
the majority leader.
General Leave
Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their
remarks on the subject of this special order.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Florida?
There was no objection.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to acknowledge the 24th
anniversary of Turkey's brutal invasion and illegal occupation of the
Island of Cyprus. Five Americans lost their lives in the invasion and
the illegal occupation continues today.
Turkey continues to illegally occupy more than one-third of Cyprus
with 40,000 troops. The current status quo is unacceptable. It is also
unacceptable that the United States and the international community,
while publicly denouncing the invasion and occupation, allow it to
continue. The resulting instability between Greece and Turkey threatens
the strength of NATO and could ignite into military conflict. It is
time to demand, I repeat, demand a solution in Cyprus.
I am hopeful that a solution to the division of a Cyprus is within
reach. However, my optimism is tempered by the fact that I held my
first Cyprus special order on the ninth anniversary of the invasion in
1983. Although much has changed since then, many issues remain the
same.
In July 1974, Turkish forces, consisting of 6,000 troops and 40
tanks, landed on Cyprus's northern coast and captured almost 40 percent
of the island nation.
I might add parenthetically that those 40 tanks were either American
made tanks or certainly American made parts which went into them.
Cyprus, which is roughly the size of Connecticut, has not been whole
since the invasion. Churches have been plundered and ransacked,
beautiful frescoes have been stripped off the walls of religious
institutions. Some churches have been converted into mosques, while
still others were turned into cinemas and recreation centers. The
Cypriots have witnessed the intentional destruction of their cultural
heritage over the past 24 years.
Cyprus is an island divided by the green line, a 113-mile physical
barrier which separates Greek Cypriots from the towns and communities
where their families lived for generations. The division of Cyprus is
most obvious in its divided capital city of Nicosia. It is the last
truly divided city in the world. Armed guards stare at each other at
check points around the city. In the center of the city bullet holes
scar buildings and serve as a powerful reminder of the 1974 events.
More than 200,000 men, women, and children were forcibly expelled
from the northern portion of Cyprus during the invasion and occupation.
They remain refugees today. A people without a home. There are still
1,614 people missing from the invasion.
Mr. Speaker, I would yield to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr.
Pappas) at this point.
{time} 2230
Mr. PAPPAS. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, the gentleman from
Florida, for yielding and for his leadership, not just tonight but for
so many years, and not just in special orders marking the very
unfortunate moment in human history but for his leadership day in and
day out on this issue and so many others.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today along with my friend, the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Bilirakis) to call attention to an injustice that is 24
years too old. On July 20, 1974, 6,000 Turkish troops and 40 tanks
landed on the north coast of Cyprus, capturing nearly 40 percent of the
island. Overnight, nearly 200,000 Greek Cypriotes became refugees,
refugees in their own country.
Today, in defiance of United Nations resolutions, nearly 35,000
Turkish troops occupy the northern part of this island nation. The
refugees that fled 24 years ago still cannot return to their homes.
Sadly, over 1,600 people are still missing, including several
Americans. A barbed wire fence known as the Green Line, which many of
us have seen, cuts across the island separating communities and people
that lived for generations together in peace.
Aside from all of this, numerous human rights abuses are still taking
place. Every year, Congress addresses this problem, denouncing the
unlawful and tyrannical rule that Turkey has imposed on Cyprus. It is
important that we continue to acknowledge the injustice of Turkey's
actions.
While this issue lacks the glamour that attracts mainstream media
coverage, it does not make this issue any less important.
Problems from this conflict reach beyond the island. Mistrust and
animosity have grown between our NATO partners Greece and Turkey. Now
more than ever action must be taken. The United States, the European
Union, NATO and the United Nations must do more now.
I remind my colleagues, though, that this problem began with a
violent invasion, yes, a violent invasion, of Cyprus by Turkey, and
that lasting peace and justice can only be restored when Turkish troops
are fully removed.
I hope and I pray, as I know many of us do here in this country, that
the vision of a peaceful resolution on Cyprus is not lost. I urge this
administration to be more active in seeking the peaceful resolution
that is so desperately needed. A continuance of U.N. sponsored
confidence-building measures can also help bring about peace.
What will not bring peace, however, is complacency. Let us not stand
by for another year, let us not allow ourselves to overlook this issue
any longer. As long as the conflict continues, so will pain and human
suffering.
Next year, Congress will commemorate the 25th anniversary of these
sad circumstances. I pray that we stand here and tell of progress
rather than oppression and resolution rather than conflict.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey for
his contribution to this special order and his work. In the short
period of time he has been here, he has become a true leader on this
subject.
In 1992, Mr. Speaker, I chaired hearings of the Congressional Human
Rights Caucus and heard heart- wrenching stories of people who had
relatives abducted during and after the invasion. As a result of
legislation that I cosponsored, our government recently discovered the
remains of one of the missing, a young American named Andrew Kasapis.
[[Page H6989]]
Andrew disappeared when he was 17. His remains were recently found in
a field in Cyprus. The administration's report to Congress on the
whereabouts of the U.S. Citizens missing from Cyprus since the invasion
concluded that the other four Americans are presumed dead. However, it
is imperative that the administration maintain efforts to find the
truth and account for these four Americans who along with 1,614 others
have still not been found.
I would yield at this point to the other gentleman from New Jersey
(Mr. Pallone).
Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Speaker, I just wanted to thank the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Bilirakis), who is the co-chair of our congressional
caucus on Hellenic issues, for organizing this special order and for
all that he does on a daily basis to try to resolve the situation in
Cyprus.
It has now been, as we know, 24 years since Turkey brutally invaded
Cyprus and divided the island, and the facts surrounding that
occurrence are well-known. Since the time of that invasion, not a
single nation in the world, not one nation, has recognized this self-
proclaimed Turkish republic of northern Cyprus, with the exception of
the regime in Ankara. The international community, rather, has
unmistakably and unequivocally called for a negotiated peaceful
settlement through a number of U.N. resolutions.
I just wanted to say, if I could, to the gentleman from Florida (Mr.
Bilirakis) that sadly, after nearly a quarter of a century's worth of
attempts to resolve this conflict, the situation appears as far away
from being resolved as it ever has been.
Turkey continues to reject the Cypriot government's proposal for
demilitarization of the island, a proposal that is supported by both
Congress and the Clinton administration.
On May 3, Mr. Speaker, a newly-attempted American effort to
resuscitate the peace talks in Cyprus, headed by Ambassador Holbrooke,
collapsed when the Turkish side change its position and began insisting
that three new preconditions be met for reunification.
These unfounded demands brought a public rebuke from Ambassador
Holbrooke, who to his credit pointedly assailed the Turks for not being
truly interested in resolving this dispute and blamed them for the
collapse of the talks.
The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Bilirakis) and my colleague, the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pappas) and others have pointed out how
ridiculous these new Turkish demands are.
Turkey's new demands represent a clear step backward and must be met
with equal resolve by those who support an independent and sovereign
state of Cyprus.
I just wanted to say, if I could very quickly, that following the
collapse of the May talks I sent a letter to the President which
outlines the steps that I believe the U.S. should take in dealing with
Turkey and I just wanted to read an excerpt from that, if I could,
because I believe it describes what the true obstacle to peace in
Cyprus is and what the United States needs to do.
I wrote:
Mr. President, I believe that the administration privately
shares my views that the key to progress lies in Ankara and
it is time to stop focusing public and private efforts on the
Turkish Cypriots and intensify American efforts to move the
peace process forward on the Turkish military, which has a
real and substantial influence on decision-making in the
Turkish government. To that end, I urge you to convey in
forceful and unequivocal terms that there will be direct
consequences in U.S.-Turkish relations if Ankara does not
prevail upon the Turkish Cypriot leader to abandon these new
conditions and return to the negotiating process set out in
the U.N. resolutions. It is also essential that the Turkish
government not be allowed to interfere in the accession
negotiations between Cyprus and the European Union. These
negotiations are already started and Turkey must not be
allowed to hold Cyprus hostage for its own political
purposes.
Now, the latter part of what I just read is in response to the
Turkish demand that the Cyprus government withdraw its application for
membership in the European Union, and this was one of the preconditions
that led to the collapse of the peace talks in May.
If I could just say that I think that this special order is a small
but important part of our overall efforts, and we just need to send a
very clear signal to the administration that members of this body are
steadfast in their determination to monitor this situation, are
increasingly frustrated with the lack of progress and that we just are
not going to stand for the Turkish government's intransigence anymore.
I again want to thank the gentleman from Florida, who cochairs our
caucus, for being so resolute in making it possible for us to continue
to bring this point up.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman. God knows, as the
gentleman has already indicated, the Congress, the United States
Government as a whole really, has to be more resolute. Otherwise a
solution will never be found.
As the gentleman has already said, no government on earth recognizes
the illegal occupation of northern Cyprus, except Turkey. Turkey has
stationed 40,000 troops on Cyprus and has transplanted 80,000 settlers
there and it is likely that the Turkish settlers and troops will soon
out number the indigenous Turkish population on the island.
The Greek Cypriots have repeatedly attempted to find a just and
lasting solution to this more than two decades old problem. In December
of 1993, Cyprus President Glafcos Clerides submitted a reasonable and
innovative proposal to the United Nations calling for the
demilitarization of the island. In exchange for the withdrawal of
Turkish troops, Cyprus would disband its national guard and transfer
its military equipment to the U.N. peacekeeping force there. Cyprus
would also fund an enlargement of the U.N. peacekeeping force. The
money saved from defense spending would be used for development
projects that would benefit both Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities.
Unfortunately, the Turkish side rejected this effort to end the
tragic division. We have to ask ourselves who is really seeking a true
peaceful solution to the problem of Cyprus?
I think it is obvious. In June, President Clerides renewed his call
for the demilitarization of the island in a letter to U.N. Secretary
General Kofi Annan. He asked the Secretary General to undertake a
personal initiative to promote efforts to achieve progress in reducing
military tensions.
And this must be New Jersey evening because the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Andrews) is here to take part in this special order and I
hereby yield to him.
Mr. ANDREWS. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, the gentleman from
Florida, for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I want to congratulate and thank the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Bilirakis) for his persistent and consistent guidance and
leadership on this issue. I thank him for inviting me to speak tonight.
Mr. Speaker, I had the opportunity to be in Cyprus with my wife and
many of my friends about a year ago, and I was reminded, as I traveled
there with many of my friends from New Jersey whose roots are in
Cyprus, of the very real deprivation that they have felt as mothers and
fathers and as grandparents.
One of the things that we find the most enjoyment from and the most
richness from is showing our children the places where we were as
children, the schools we attended, the parks we played in, the homes
that we lived in, and also it is important to show them the graves of
their ancestors, of their grandmothers and grandfathers.
I saw, Mr. Speaker, during that trip to Cyprus the very real
heartache and very real pain of my friends who could not show their
children those places where they had grown up, those places where they
had been educated, indeed, those very places where their mothers and
fathers had been buried, because as Cypriots, as citizens of a free and
independent Cyprus, they were barred from crossing the Green Line and
going to the occupied portion of the island.
As a matter of fact, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez),
the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Kennedy), the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Hinchey), the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), a number
of us on the trip, we were also barred from crossing the Green Line,
and meeting with officials north of the Green Line, unless we went
through what we considered to be an inappropriate and ritualistic
meeting where we could hear propaganda before we did so.
[[Page H6990]]
We got a small taste, Mr. Speaker, on that trip of what the free
people of Cyprus must feel every day.
I think it is important that at this time we do more than just
condemn the atrocities which commenced long before 24 years ago but
which intensified 24 years ago and have been bad ever since then. I
think it is important we talk about an idea and a plan for peace and
justice and progress.
These are ideas, Mr. Speaker, which I have conveyed to our diplomatic
corps, to my colleagues here in the Congress, and I would like to
convey them through the Speaker tonight to those who listen to us.
I believe that the time has come for us to focus, as my colleague,
the gentleman from New Jersey, just said, on Ankara and not on the
puppet government in northern Cyprus. It is very clear to me that the
decisions are made in Turkey and they are, in fact, made by the Turkish
military leadership.
I believe the United States should hold out to the Turkish military
leadership not only the sanctions which we have all supported,
including the elimination of military aid to Turkey in the foreign
operations appropriations bill, which will be before us some time in
the next few weeks, which I congratulate the chairman, the gentleman
from Alabama (Mr. Callahan) for, but I also believe that we should hold
out incentives as well to a just and reasonable course of action by
Turkey.
I believe that Cyprus' application for accession to the European
Union should be supported by the United States and granted promptly,
but I also believe we should hold out to Turkey the ultimate promise of
its accession to the European Union, which I believe would be supported
by the people of Greece as well, if the following conditions were met,
and these conditions must be met:
First, Turkey must cease the atrocities against the Kurds both within
Turkey and outside of Turkey.
Second, Turkey must cooperate to a peaceful solution for their
Armenian people and stop its practice of perpetuating the difficulties
and indeed atrocities that the Armenian people have so often felt.
Third, Turkey must immediately cease the aggression in the Aegean and
make sure that it acts responsibly toward Greece and its rightful
claims in the Aegean.
{time} 2245
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, Turkey must make sure that its
surrogates and itself respond appropriately in international
negotiations on Cyprus.
I had, Mr. Speaker, the privilege of meeting President Clerides about
a year ago and hearing firsthand the proposal that the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Bilirakis) just outlined. It was a bold proposal that was
reminiscent of what President Sadat extended to the Israelis and that
Prime Minister Begin reciprocated 20 years ago. It was reminiscent of
what brave people have done in South Africa to bring peace and justice
there. It was reminiscent of the bold steps that Senator Mitchell was
able to bring about when he went to Northern Ireland last year.
President Clerides, frankly to his own political disadvantage,
offered disarmament, offered massive investment in the northern part of
Cyprus so that its economy could rise and offered a long-term policy of
cooperation and rapprochement. I believe that these are the terms that
Turkey should accept, these are the terms that could lead us to peace,
and I believe we, as Americans, Mr. Speaker, should be on record as
saying that we fully embrace these positions and concur with their
aims.
And, Mr. Speaker, I would just conclude by saying that I believe that
we need to do more as a Congress than simply protest, although protest
we will when we adopt the foreign aid appropriations bill this year and
zero is next to Turkey in that bill.
We should do more than protest. We should facilitate a new growth and
evolution toward peace, a path that will take Turkey toward the West,
toward secularism, towards being a gateway to great promise in the
Eastern part of the world, but on the conditions and only on the
conditions that hostilities against the Kurds cease, that hostilities
in the Aegean cease, that cooperation for the welfare of the Armenians
commence and that once and for all we reach a settlement for a free,
independent and sovereign Cyprus.
Mr. Speaker, I commend and thank my friend, the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Bilirakis).
Mr. BILIRAKIS. You put it so well, and you put it in a way that I
think the average American and the average person in the world would
understand.
As my colleagues know, we talk constantly about negotiations, about
the offer made by President Clerides, et cetera, et cetera, and you
know when you stop to think about it, we are talking about a free
republic that existed for a number of years which was invaded in an
illegal invasion. There is no threat from Cyprus to Turkey, to the
mainland of Turkey; the Turks just came over and invaded this country,
and they took this land wrongfully, and yet we are talking about
negotiating to get back what was roughly Cyprus' during those many
years by a regime recognized by only one country in the world.
Sort of blows your mind that really this is the situation. The
Turkish side, led by Mr. Denktash, has dismissed efforts, as the
gentleman said, by the United States and the international community to
find a fair and comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem. It is
clear that we will not have a solution, as again the gentleman said, we
will not have a solution in Cyprus until Turkey itself agrees to be
part of the solution instead of part of the problem.
The Turkish-Cypriot leader recently issued two preconditions for a
Cyprus solution. He demanded that his illegal entity in the occupied
part of Northern Cyprus be recognized, and he also said that Cyprus
must withdraw its application to join the European Union. Well, talk
about something you cannot really get over. Who is he to demand that
Cyprus withdraw its application, and I might add an application which,
when successful, will benefit the Turkish Cypriots as well as the Greek
Cypriots.
I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. ANDREWS. One point the gentleman just made, I would like to bring
out and amplify.
Do you know the precise number of persons that Cyprus has under arms
in the southern part of the island?
Mr. BILIRAKIS. I do not, but it is certainly a number considerably
smaller. In fact, I am not sure that they really have an army; they
have a national guard.
Mr. ANDREWS. I think probably the better description would be a
national guard.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. Yes, a national guard.
Mr. ANDREWS. And, if the gentleman would yield, it is my
understanding, and I repeat what he said, that there are 40,000, 40,000
Turkish troops in the northern part of Cyprus.
I recall sitting in the presidential residence with President
Clerides, and he pointed out to the visiting delegation that if Turkey
were to launch an attack it would take less than 5 minutes for Turkish
fighter planes to reach the presidential residence where we sat that
day.
This is someone who really is in a position of disadvantage
militarily but who is willing to give up even his meager defenses that
he has right now in order to boldly go after the cause of peace.
And again I commend what the gentleman has said. I think it
explicitly and accurately states what happened, and I encourage him to
continue his leadership.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. And following up what the gentleman said, and I plan
to talk about this later, but a big thing is being made these days by
the Turks, and I might add by our government here, regarding the
ordering of S-300 missiles, defensive missiles. I emphasize defensive
missiles by Cyprus, and the fact is this is going to destabilize things
and what not.
Now here is a country which is really completely defenseless, as we
have already indicated. They have no army to speak of. It is all a
national guard, and they want to do what Turkey has been doing for
years. They have certainly a defense system set up, and how, again with
the use of American dollars and American arms in Turkey. So Cyprus
wants to order some defensive missiles, and of course that is being
resented as a destabilizing force against peace.
And so this is really what the real world is like regarding Cyprus,
and it
[[Page H6991]]
is just amazing to me that the United States Government, which is the
only entity that can really do something about this, is not showing a
stronger hand.
Mr. ANDREWS. If the gentleman would yield just one more time, I want
to re-emphasize what he just said, that there is a definite difference
between self-defense and provocation, and I think it is very clear that
the decision by President Clerides to try to defend the free people of
Cyprus is self-defense and not provocation, and I am disappointed that
our government has gone on record indicating its reluctance to see that
happen. I believe that the proper policy should be for us to recognize
the right of the free people of Cyprus to have that self-defense.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman, and the demands
that we have spoken about made by Mr. Danktesh, the Turkish leader in
the occupied portion of the island, are clearly unacceptable to
Congress and to the administration and to the international community
and to President Clerides and his government of Cyprus, as well it
should be.
I was pleased that U.S. presidential envoy and newly nominated U.S.
ambassador to the U.N., Richard Holbrooke, flatly rejected the demands
and signaled that neither were acceptable.
So why is it then, we have to ask ourselves, the division of Cyprus
in America's best interest? It is fundamentally important to have
international stability in the increasingly global economy. That is
why. A divided Cyprus continues to cause tension between two of our
NATO allies, Greece and Turkey. The two countries have come perilously
close to war several times since that 1974 invasion. The Aegean Sea is
home to the world's busiest shipping lanes. Cyprus is in a key
strategic position relative to the Mediterranean region and the Suez
Canal which is instrumental in supplying oil and other materials vital
to the stability of the entire region. Any conflict between Greece and
Turkey could disrupt trade in the region and have extremely serious
consequences for many nations including the United States.
If the situation in Cyprus continues to deteriorate, there could be
serious repercussions among other NATO members. These nations could be
forced to choose between two allies, Greece or Turkey. A divided Cyprus
also weakens American security interests in the region and serves as a
source of instability in an important part of the world.
The recent dispute over Cyprus' plan to purchase, and we have just
talked about, but I will repeat it, to purchase defensive antiaircraft
missiles from Russia to protect itself illustrates why we must unify
Cyprus. President Clerides intends to purchase a defensive system to
protect Cyprus, as we have already said, from Turkish aggression.
Turkey falsely claims that the missiles represent a threat to its
security, and they are defensive missiles, and has made it clear that
it will use force to block the scheduled deployment in November.
A Turkish Cypriot newspaper reported that Mr. Danktesh stated that,
and I quote him, our position today stands at a point that you will get
a response whatever you do, whatever you do you will get a response,
end quotes. The United States should not lend credence to Turkey's
unjustified claim that Cyprus' attempt to defend itself is a
provocative action which threatens Turkey. This diverts attention from
the real cause of instability in the region, and that is the illegal
Turkish occupation of Cyprus.
The administration, as the gentleman from New Jersey just said, must
act expeditiously to persuade Turkey to enter serious negotiations for
a solution to the Cyprus problem. It should also send a clear and
unmistakable message that the United States will respond swiftly and
appropriately to threats of violence against Cyprus. President Clerides
has already delayed the deployment once and he has offered to cancel
deployment. Now this again is an indication of the fact that he really
wants peace here. He has offered to cancel deployment if serious and
constructive reconciliation talks with the Turkish Cypriots resume. And
yet the Turkish side remains intransigent in its refusal to renew
negotiations and continues to threaten Cyprus with military action.
All of the administration has pledged that finding a Cyprus solution
is one of its top priorities. Turkish demands have become so completely
inflexible and unacceptable that we are no closer, I am afraid, to a
Cyprus solution today than we were two decades ago, and, Mr. Speaker, I
would yield to Mr. Payne for the time being as a member of this special
order.
Mr. PAYNE. Thank you very much, and I certainly commend the gentleman
for continuing to keep this very serious issue before the American
public and before people throughout the world who are looking for
peaceful resolutions to situations. We should not allow aggression to
be the manner in which nations operate.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join my colleagues in trying to bring a
peaceful resolution to one of the most challenging foreign policy
issues: Cyprus.
Let me just say briefly before I came to Congress as a National
President of the YMCA and Chairman of the World Refugee Committee in
Geneva, I recall the day when the invasion occurred in Cyprus back in
1974. In the capacity that I had as Chairman of the Refugee Committee,
we immediately sent people to Cyprus to work in refugee camps. We sent
several experts, Mr. Thompson from Scotland. We had an Australian who
operated the U.N. program, Mr. Kohaut, and they also ran across the
green line to meet with the Turkish authorities, the Minister of Social
Services there, but they were rejected and told that their services
would not be interested. The YMCA was interested in the people, people
who were disrupted. And so refugee camps were set up, people were
taught various crafts and set up ways and means to attempt to become
self-sufficient. As I have indicated, we have always been concerned
about the humanitarian issue and that we need to talk about a real
solution to this problem.
I might have mentioned earlier too that a New Jersey friend of mine
and I visited the island and went up past the green line and visited
his old neighborhood, Mr. Andy Comadomas, and we went to his former
house which was at that time deserted. They said that the Turkish
person living there was out of the country and went to the home a block
away of his cousin. And we there were able to go into the house, and we
had a very strong discussion about how can people come in and occupy
other people's territory? And a heated discussion went on. But I could
see the pain and the anguish of this man who had not been in that
property at that time in over 20 years to see his neighborhood, his
street, his block being occupied by other people who were settlers who
came into that area.
And so just as I conclude, last week Turkey was ordered by the
European court of human rights in Strasbourg to pay $640,000 to a Greek
Cypriot for the loss of property and mental stress. The court ruled in
December 1996 that Turkey violated the convention on human rights of a
person, Titina Loizidou, who had been denied access to her property in
Kyrenia since 1974 but postponed a ruling on compensation for the
victim.
{time} 2300
In its ruling last week, the court awarded 300,000 Cypriot pounds,
about $600,000, for material damage, with an additional 20,000 pounds
for compensation for anguish and feelings of powerlessness and
frustration which she suffered as a result of not being able to use her
property. The court also awarded the costs and expenses to her, without
specifying the amount, but rejected a similar cost claim made by the
Cypriot government.
So as we are looking at this, as we see Special Envoy Richard
Holbrook describe the situation as being on the brink of war, with the
lack of progress and talks between President Clerides and Mr. Denktash.
We must have a solution. The recent geo-strategic maneuvers by Israel
with Turkey also have caused some uneasiness.
So we have neighbors, we have friends, we have allies in the region.
We must have a firm solution to this problem. We must bring people
together, because aggression should not be allowed, after 24 years, to
still remain. Territory taken by war should be returned, and there must
be a solution.
Cypriots will be able to come up with a solution if it is left to
Cypriots, and the outside forces from Turkey, with
[[Page H6992]]
the settlers who were not Cypriots who have come in, have created the
problem.
So, once again let me say I applaud the gentleman for his continued
effort, his persistence. I know there must be a solution at hand, but
only a right and just solution to this problem.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. I thank the gentleman, and he has annually been a part
of this special order. I might add, I do not think it is the same trip
the gentleman referred to, but we were together in Cyprus once a few
years ago.
Mr. PAYNE of New Jersey. That is right.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. I thank the gentleman so very much.
This past July 20, the very date of the invasion 24 years ago,
Turkish Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz visited the illegally occupied area
of Northern Cyprus and declared Turkey's support for Mr. Denktash and
his illegal occupation force. He said Turkey intends to stop the
missile deployment.
The Republic of Cyprus, as we already said, has every right under
international law to defend itself from outside aggression. However,
Mr. Denktash and opponents of a unified Cyprus have used the issue to
divert attention from the illegal occupation and thwart progress
towards a Cyprus solution, and, darn it, it is working. It is working.
Mr. Speaker, the Republic of Cyprus needs American support and active
leadership by our government, as we have said so many times already
tonight, to unify itself and stabilize the region.
One of the most effective ways to achieve this goal is for the United
States to support Cyprus membership in the European Community. This
membership would promote stability by permanently linking Cyprus to
Europe, both economically and strategically, and, as I have said
previously and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews) has stated,
this would greatly benefit both Greek and Turkish populations on the
island.
The European parliament indicated its desire for peace on the island.
Cyprus has earned its place in the European Union, and now the
international community must take steps to move the peace process
forward. Unfortunately, Turkey has threatened to annex the occupied
area of Cyprus if it joins the European Union. It has threatened to
annex the occupied area of Cyprus if it joins the European Union. Mr.
Denktash has gone as far as saying, ``There will be war if Cyprus joins
the European Union.'' ``There will be war,'' he says. In fact, Turkey
already signed a number of agreements with the illegal Turkish regime
that lay the groundwork for the eventual annexation of the occupied
area. The United States must prevent such belligerent rhetoric and
oppose any attempt by Turkey to annex the illegally occupied area in
Cyprus.
Cyprus is ready to become an important trading partner with the
United States. The Greek-Cypriot community is a democratic society
known for its open and efficient economic system. Despite the violent
blow dealt by the invasion, the Cypriot economy has strongly rebounded
to become one of the strongest economist in the region.
In the past, our Nation has pledged its support to developing free-
market democracies. The United States should consider offering trade
incentives to Cyprus to allow the manufacturing sector to increase, the
labor market to improve and the infrastructure to modernize.
Congress must pledge its support to building a strong trade
relationship between the United States and Cyprus. The continued growth
of their economy will provide for a more stable country, which is a key
in the peace process. The island has seen a tremendous amount of growth
through the years, mainly from tourism. However, the heart of Cyprus's
potential growth has yet to be tapped, and those of us who have been
there, I know, believe in that.
The case for American support of a unified and economically sound
Cyprus is undeniable. That is why I was extremely dismayed that
President Clinton called Greek Prime Minister Costas Simitis this past
June to ask Greece to lift its reservations to Turkey's membership in
the European Union. Greece should not have to change its policies on
Turkey simply because Turkey refuses to participate in meaningful
discussions on improving relations with Greece and demilitarizing
Cyprus.
I fully support the Prime Minister's position that it is Turkey, and
not Greece, that must change. I might add that there are other
countries that have played a part in Turkey's refused admission in the
European Union. The very reason that opposition exists to Turkish
membership in the EU is its atrocious record of human rights
violations, its longstanding disputes with Greece, and its illegal
occupation of Cyprus.
It is not in the interest of U.S. foreign policy to reward Turkey,
which I think is what we have been doing, for its hostile and
inflexible stance towards Greece and Cyprus. It only serves to
encourage Turkey to continue its opposition to progress in the region.
A newspaper in my Congressional district, the St. Petersburg Times,
recently published an article entitled ``Why U.S. pushes Turkey into
Europe's unwilling arms.'' The story noted that ``Turkey isn't yet
close, either politically or economically, to qualifying for EU
membership.''
In fact, Turkey's position on Cyprus is one of the major obstacles
preventing it from membership in the EU. The European Community has
made it clear that membership is contingent upon the resolution of the
Cyprus problem.
I am also very concerned about the possibility that Turkey may have
violated, and we haven't talked enough about this, I think, about the
possibility that Turkey may have violated the Arms Control Export Act
by transferring American weapons to Northern Cyprus without the
approval of the United States Government.
In June, members of the Hellenic Caucus, which I cofounded with the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Maloney), met with the chairman and
several members of the Defense and Foreign Affairs Committee of the
Greek parliament. They suggested that American weapons were being sent
to Northern Cyprus. If this is substantiated, and there are some of us
who want to find out if it can be substantiated, it would destabilize
an already unstable area of the world and would merit a reexamination
of our own policies toward Turkey.
I would like to close by sharing with my colleagues a portion of an
Associated Press wire report about Turkish celebrations on the
anniversary of the invasion several weeks ago.
``Thousands of people attended festivities in Turkish controlled
Nicosia, holding up pictures of the founder of modern Turkey and
waiving the Turkish flag. Parachutists landed to the cheers of the
crowd and civilian Turkish planes flew low in salute. Six Turkish
warships were docked in Northern Cyprus ports for the week-long
celebrations.''
We must ask ourselves, what were they celebrating? They were
celebrating an illegal invasion which cost the lives of 5,000 people,
including five Americans. They were celebrating 1,614 people who are
still missing from the invasion. They were celebrating cultural
destruction and violations of basic human rights. And they were
celebrating their continued illegal occupation of an island and a
people divided.
Mr. Speaker, we have a responsibility to use our influence as
Americans to reunite Cyprus with its heritage. As Americans, as
defenders of democracy, as righteous human beings, we must not and
cannot further stand idle while Cyprus remains divided.
Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise once again today with the gentleman
from Florida and my other colleagues to mark a somber anniversary--the
24th Anniversary of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus on July 20, 1974.
Time and time again over the last 24 years the United States Congress
has reaffirmed its commitment to a just and peaceful resolution to the
Cyprus conflict. Last year this Congress passed the ``Peace in Cyprus''
Resolution, by overwhelming majorities, calling for the full withdrawal
of Turkish occupation troops and an early substantive resolution of the
conflict. Last year at this time we expressed hope in the U.S. brokered
talks on Cyprus.
No matter how firm our commitment, no matter how deep our resolve,
however, the breakdown of the most recent talks and indeed the repeated
failures of the last 24 years, demonstrate that negotiations cannot go
forward, progress cannot be made, if one of the parties is unwilling to
negotiate. U.S.
[[Page H6993]]
Presidential Envoy Richard Holbrooke acknowledged as much, blaming the
breakdown of negotiations on Turkish intransigence.
Rather than negotiate in good faith, the Turkish side set ridiculous
preconditions, demanding recognition as a state and withdrawal of the
Cypriot application to the EU. Recognition of the puppet regime in
occupied Cyprus would violate international law and legitimize Turkish
aggression. The EU's historic decision to admit Cyprus could have
opened a window of opportunity for negotiation, but Turkey has used
this instead as a pretext for blocking the talks.
Now Turkey threatens to attack Cyprus if the S-300 missiles are
deployed. With regard to the missiles, one cannot deny a Nation's right
to self-defense: Cyprus is a nation with small National Guard and no
air force to speak of facing an occupation force of more than 35,000
troops and Turkish fighters within striking distance. To his credit,
President Clerides has offered repeatedly to cancel the missile order
in exchange for demilitarization and genuine talks.
While there has been some resolution with regard to the Americans
missing in Cyprus, who we now know were killed in the Turkish invasion,
key issues remain unresolved on this 24th Anniversary: the fate of the
1600 missing Greek Cypriots, the status of Farmagusta, the situation of
the enclaved, the desecration of Christian sites in occupied Cyprus and
the list goes on.
We can look to one victory tonight, however, as we mark this somber
anniversary. In a historic decision last week, the European Court of
Human Rights in Strasbourg ordered the government of Turkey to pay
$640,000 in damages to a Greek Cypriot refugee, having found that
Turkey violated the Convention on Human Rights. This acknowledgment, if
belated, provides hope to the more than 200,000 Greek Cypriot refugees
who lost so much in the invasion.
This year Turkey marked the 24th Anniversary of the occupation of
Cyprus in quite a different fashion, with a militaristic display of
force presided over by none other than Turkish Prime Minister Yilmaz.
This celebration and the presense of Prime Minister Yilmaz should not
only offend the world community, it should also signal to the U.S. an
essential truth: Unless we bring our influence to bear on the real
center of power in all this--the Turkish General Staff in Ankara--there
is little hope for a resolution on Cyprus. Turkey is ultimately
responsible for the division and occupation of Cyprus. We must demand
that Ankara withdraw its occupation forces, tear down the Green Line
and reunite the divided city of Nicosia.
Mr. Speaker, I do not want to stand here next year on the 25th
Anniversary of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. Let us not reach the
quarter-century mark.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, today I join my Colleagues in
commemorating the recent 24th anniversary of the Turkish invasion and
occupation of Cyprus. I thank Congressman Michael Bilirakis for the
opportunity to make the public aware of the suffering of the Cypriot
people.
For over 24 years, one third of the island of Cyprus has been
illegally occupied and divided by over 55,000 Turkish troops. During
the invasion, over 1,600 people were taken prisoner, including five
Americans, and except for one of those five Americans, Andreas Kasapis,
whose remains were returned to his family in Detroit, Michigan, those
prisoners are still missing today.
The U.N. Secretary General has referred to the occupied area of
Cyprus as one of the most highly militarized areas in the world. This
area of the world remains a very volatile region and it would clearly
meet anyone's criteria of a major U.S. interest that peace and
stability be maintained in this area.
I hope the Administration moves quickly to replace Ambassador Richard
Holbrooke for the position of Special Envoy for Cyprus and that the
person is equally familiar with the history, insecurities, and cultural
sensitivities of the area.
The geo-political issues are enough reasons for the US government and
the American people to work with the international community to reunite
Cyprus and end all foreign occupation on that little island.
But there are other more personal reasons for this to happen. The
people of Cyprus are suffering and being denied their human rights by a
brutal police and military occupation.
According to a United Nations report, Creek Cypriots in the occupied
areas of the island, whom we call the Enclaved, suffer from a number of
human rights violations and these abuses are also violations of the
Vienna Three Agreement of 1975.
I have filed H. Con. Res. 181, which seeks to restore certain
freedoms and liberties, and end the violations of internationally
recognized human rights which the world should not tolerate and help
these innocent people suffering in the illegally occupied area.
It is my firm belief that ending the suffering on the Enclaved is the
first step and may make the over all Cyprus solution more attainable.
H. Con. Res. 181 is necessary because it calls on the Administration
to keep working on a solution fro Cyprus. We must all keep calling on,
not just the Administration, but the United Nations and the European
Union as well, to all continue their efforts to find a solution fro
Cyprus.
The present state of the negotiations does not appear too
encouraging. The Turkish side is trying to stop Cyprus assession to the
European Union even though the EU has stated it is prepared and is
proceeding with negotiations with Cyprus for membership in the
organization. The Turkish side has set certain preconditions before any
discussions can proceed.
These preconditions are totally unacceptable and include demanding
that the international community accept Cyprus as a divided island and
a divided people.
Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots have made good on their threat to cut
off all intercommunal discussions between Greek and Turkish Cypriots
over issues such as talks to find the missing from the 1974 ware.
Furthermore, in addition to the oppressive police-state conditions
the Cypriot people must endure in the illegally occupied areas of the
island, the Turkish side and others are expressing concern and
opposition to the Cypriot plan to acquire the S-300 defensive missiles.
This is like attacking the victim fro trying to defend itself.
These critics of Cyprus make these complaints about the S-300
missiles while expressing no concern or opposition to repeated and
routine violation of Cypriot airspace by the Turkish air force or the
constant threats made by the Turkish government to attack Cypus. Nor do
these critics of Cyprus seem to be very concerned or active in ending
the illegal occupation of Cyprus which is in violation of numerous UN
resolutions and Congressional expressions of oppositions.
It is the sovereign right of any nation, including Cyprus, to defend
itself. It is not Cyprus that is the destabilizing element in this area
but Turkish which is being provocative and amassing excessive military
force in the illegal occupied areas of Cyprus.
Turkey maintains approximately 55,000 troops on Cyprus, (40,000 plus
15,000 Turkish-Cypriot soldiers), plus 400 heavy tanks, as well as
heavy artillery, plus the Turkish air force is 4 minutes away. That is
in stark contrast to Cyprus which maintains no standing army or air
force, and only has 10,000 national guardsmen.
It is clear that these missiles are intended solely as a defensive
measure to stop the Turkish violation of their airspace.
Not withstanding all the difficulties laying before, us, we must not
be discouraged. We in the U.S. Congress and the American people want
Cyprus to be free of foreign troops, united, and living in justice and
peace, so we must keep up intransigent pressure on all parities to
continue working towards a solution.
The people of Cyprus will find an agreement acceptable only if it
calls for a united Cyprus. Any agreement that calls for a divided
island will only serve to engender anomocity between the two
communities. History has shown us that no nation can endure a line
cutting through its country and Cyprus will be no different.
Mr. McGovern. Mr. Speaker, I rise to join my distinguished colleague
from Florida [Mr. Mike Bilirakis] and all those who today acknowledge
this sad date in the history of Cyprus. I rise to add my name to the
long list of Members of Congress who throughout the past 24 years have
decried Turkey's brutal invasion of this Mediterranean island.
After 24 years, some might be tempted to throw in the towel, to
believe that these 24 years of Turkish occupation of Northern Cyprus
prove the helplessness of the international community in the face of
invasion, occupation, ethnic strife and injustice. Some might even say
that our yearly acknowledgment of this tragic event are wasted words. I
say that now more than ever, we need to voice our resolve, our ongoing
commitment to building a lasting peace for all the people of Cyprus. As
we've witnessed in so many parts of the world, peace building does not
happen overnight-it requires hard work, vigilance, and the very resolve
that we've maintained over the years and that will help us undo
Turkey's wrongdoing in Cypus.
The Government of Turkey and its proxy on Cypus--the Turkish
Cypriots--have a long record of ignoring international law and the will
of the international community. Turks have only been able to sustain
the division of Cyprus by maintaining an illegal occupation force of
some 35,000 troops.
Most recently, the Turkish side demonstrated again its disrespect for
international law when, on May 3d, it abruptly declared Greek Cypriots
must meet three new ``preconditions'' before any meaningful
negotiations to resolve the Cyprus crisis could begin. This
[[Page H6994]]
move undermined efforts by U.S. Ambassador Richard Holbrooke to revive
peace negotiations and brought a public rebuke from the Ambassador.
Despite Turkish intransigence, however, international resolve to in
support of a just settlement for Cyprus remains strong. In a June 18
letter, Cyprus President Clerides called on United Nations Secretary
General Kofi Annan to undertake a personal initiative to achieve
progress in reducing military tensions on Cyprus. In his letter to the
Secretary General, President Clerides also reiterated his commitment to
``steps leading towards the eventual goal of demilitarization.''
President Clerides' letter was welcomed by the British government
which noted on June 23rd that, ``President Clerides's letter is a step
in the right direction.''
On June 29th, the United Nations Security Council unanimously
reaffirmed its position for resumption of inter-communal talks on the
basis of relevant United Nations resolutions regarding the conflict in
Cyprus.
Once again the Security Council called upon the international
community to respect the sovereignty, independence and territorial
integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and to refrain from any actions
that my cause harm to that republic. In an obvious reference to Turkey,
the Security Council called on nations to refrain from any effort to
partition Cyprus or to unify it with another nation.
Unfortunatley, the response from Turkey and Turkish Cypriots was the
familiar one of denouncement. The president of the self-declared
Republic of North Cyrus stated that his government would restrict the
operations of the U.N. Peace Force in retaliation for the U.N.
resolution and its use of the term Cypriot Government in reference to
Greek Cyprus.
While we here in Washington and the Secretary General of the United
Nations in New York are calling upon the international community to
increase efforts to revive negotiations and find a peaceful, negotiated
resolution to this divided island, the Turkish government engages in a
flagrantly provocative action--including repeated violations of Cyprus
air space, sending six new fighter planes to the occupied north, and a
flotilla of naval vessels.
These are not the actions of a nation that wishes to be viewed as a
leading broker of peace in the region. Rather, they are the actions of
the provocateur and the promotor of instability and violence.
I was pleased to hear Under Secretary of State Thomas Pickering
announce that the U.S. will continue to press aggressively for a
resolution to the Cyprus conflict, in spite of the set-backs
experienced by Ambassador Holbrooke.
I believe the progress made by the Republic of Cyprus to ensure the
economic well-being for its people should be applauded and recognized.
Yet there can be no real economic stability when 160,000 Greek Cypriots
remain displaced and away from their rightful homes. There can be no
real security when 35,000 Turkish troops threaten the Republic of
Cyprus. And there can be no real stability when the Northern half of
Cyprus languishes in economic and political isolation under a near
totalitarian regime.
I urge all my colleagues, the Administration and the international
community to pursue with even more vigor a negotiated resolution to
Cyprus--one that is just and humane for all the citizens and residents
of Cyprus; one that protects and promotes the human rights of all
Cypriots; one that provides for a peaceful, unified and democratic
republic; and one that resolves the outstanding humanitarian issues
left unanswered over the past 24 years.
And finally, Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Florida,
Congressman Bilirakis, and the other Members of Congress who, for so
long, have worked tirelessly to bring a just peace to the people of
Cyprus; and who have been generous with their time and experience in
educating the American people and their colleagues about the history
and importance of this issue.
I thank him for his leadership.
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, on July 20, 1974 the world was shocked to
learn of the brutal Turkish invasion of the Republic of Cyprus. I rise
today to join with my colleagues in marking this sad anniversary that
has led to the partition of the island nation for nearly one-quarter of
a century. I would like to thank and commend Mr. Bilirakis of Florida
and Ms. Maloney of New York for their vigilance and commitment to a
peaceful resolution to this act of terror that has brought noting but
sadness and sorrow.
As we mark this anniversary, our resolve is being tested. Peace of
Cyprus appears elusive. One year ago there was enthusiasm and guarded,
yet high expectations. Richard Holbrooke, the President's top foreign
policy trouble-shooter had just been put on the Cyprus case and there
was good reason to believe that on the heels of the Dayton Accords in
Bosnia, Mr. Holbrooke could bring all sides together for a meaningful
and lasting peace in Cyprus.
Today, the reunification talks are stalled, mistrust on all sides
hampers the peace process, and an arms buildup on the island threatens
the entire region.
In the face of these obstacles some might say there is no current
chance for an end to the Turkish occupation and the reunification of
the island under the one legitimate Cypriot government. But now is the
time for those who are truly committed to peace and justice to
rededicate themselves to our collective goal. Turkey could demonstrate
its commitment to peace by:
Rescinding its recognition of the so-called Turkish Republic of
Northern Cyprus;
Withdrawing its occupying army, 30,000 strong, which has for 24 years
posed a threat to the people and government of Cyprus;
Respecting human rights;
Ceasing its tactics of intimidation in the Aegean;
Engaging the legitimate government of Cyprus in meaningful peace
talks in order to halt any increase militarization of the island.
Although the United States has not been successful in restarting the
peace process, Richard Holbrooke recently restated our commitment to a
peaceful resolution to this crisis remains unchanged. I share this
commitment to peace, and along with my colleagues support all efforts
dedicated to reunification and peace for the people of Cyprus.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I commend the gentleman from Florida, Mr.
Bilirakis, who has over the years taken care that this House does not
fail to observe the events of July 1974 whose tragic consequences still
persist today nearly a quarter of a century later.
The occupation of northern Cyprus by Turkish troops, which began some
twenty-four years ago, has turned into one of the most vexing problems
of the international community. it has confounded the efforts of five
U.S. Presidents, four United Nations Secretaries General, and many of
the world's top diplomats, including our own. Most recently we had the
strong effort of Ambassador Richard Holbrooke and Ambassador Tom Miller
run into a brick wall as Denktash, backed by the Turkish government,
came up with new conditions before they would agree to resume
negotiations with President Clerides. These conditions, as the Turkish
side well understood, were non-starters--the Turks insisted that
northern Cyprus be regarded as a sovereign entity, and that the
government of Cyprus halt negotiations on joining the EU.
We are all disappointed that the hard-fought efforts of our envoys
did not produce a breakthrough. I agree with their assessment that the
impasse is a result of the Turkish position, and that they key to
breaking the current stalemate lies in Ankara. That being said,
however, it is difficult to foresee a way around the current deadlock
unless there is a change of heart on the Turkish side.
The situation in Turkey is exceedingly complex: We don't know who
really is in charge--is it the government or the military? We don't
know how to put the appropriate pressure on Turkey without giving the
negative influences within Turkish society grounds to say that we have
turned our backs on Turkey and are not truly interested in its
integration into Europe and the West.
We are now hearing from certain Turkish officials commenting that the
present situation on Cyprus--division of the island and 35,000 Turkish
troops in occupation of one third--is the solution. This is completely
unacceptable for the United States and the international community. It
should also be unaccepted to Turkey because if partition is good for
Cyprus, then why not for northern Iraq, or even the Kurdish areas of
Turkey itself? Obviously the officials who make these ill-advised
statements have not thought through the implications of partitioning
Cyprus.
War-mongering threats from Turkish officials regarding the delivery
of the S-300 missiles of Cyprus later this year also are unacceptable.
Instead of making these outrageous threats, the Turks, if they truly
believe the missiles are a threat to their own security, should work
with the Government of Cyprus and other interested parties to find a
way out of the problem constructively. This should include reducing
their own excessive level of armaments in northern Cyprus, and getting
negotiations between President Clerides and Denktash started. The
decision to postpone delivery of the missiles until the fall provides
more time to resolve the problem.
I have often said that Cyprus cannot be held hostage to problems
within Turkey. I think that it is imperative for our government to make
it crystal clear to both the Turkish civilian government and the
military that Turkey's most vital long-term interests cannot be served
without Turkey acting effectively to solve the Cyprus dispute. I am not
convinced that all in the Turkish leadership truly believe that the
U.S. is absolutely serious about resolving Cyprus, and the message
needs to be reinforced. For my part I will continue to deliver the
message whenever I meet with officials from Turkey, and I call upon all
our members to do so as well.
[[Page H6995]]
Election of a new government in Turkey has been scheduled for early
next year. As Turkish voters cast their ballots I hope that our
government will have done all that it can to make it clear that
resolving Cyprus is in Turkey's own national interest.
Although we have hit a serious obstacle to progress, the United
States has no choice but to continue our efforts to get serious
negotiations between the parties on Cyprus resumed. I thank the
gentleman for allowing me to participate in this Special Order.
Mr. MANTON. Mr. Speaker, in 1974, Turkey invaded the island of Cyprus
and, to this day, continues to illegally occupy the north end of the
island. I rise today to mark the twenty-fourth anniversary of this
tragic event and encourage the country of Turkey to withdraw its troops
from the island of Cyprus. I particularly want to thank my colleagues,
Congressman Bilirakis and Congresswoman Maloney, for organizing this
very important Special Order.
Mr. Speaker, when Turkey invaded Cyprus, not only did they take away
the land that rightfully belongs to the Greek Cypriots, they also took
away important freedoms--the right to educate their children as they
see fit and the right to practice their religion. Today, Turkey
continues to occupy nearly 37% of the territory of the Republic of
Cyprus. We, as members of Congress, must ensure that the remainder of
the island is not seized by Turkey and continue to work toward the
release of these occupied lands.
The unrest that was witnessed on the island of Cyprus two years ago
represented the worst violence since the invasion of 1974. Today, an
uneasy calm continues to linger over this divided island. The next
round of violence could further hinder any chance of a lasting and just
peace for the people of Cyprus.
The six fighter planes recently sent to Turkey to occupy the North is
unacceptable. Peace cannot thrive on this island until Turkey agrees to
fully cooperate by withdrawing its troops and returning the Greek
Cypriots homeland and allowing them to live as they see fit and
accorded the full human rights of a free nation.
Mr. Speaker, as a member of the Congressional Hellenic Caucus, I have
worked with my colleagues in a bi-partisan manner on a number of issues
effecting the Greek people and Greek-Americans of our nation. We also
commit ourselves to finding an end to the tragic situation that has
plagued Cyprus and her people for far too long. It is my hope the
current deadlock on peace talks in that region is soon broken.
To address the issue of peace in Cyprus, two pieces of legislation
have been introduced which I encourage my colleagues in joining me as a
cosponsor. The first, H. Con. Res. 81, calls for a United States'
initiative seeking a just and peaceful resolution of the situation in
Cyprus. H.R. 1361 would prohibit economic support fund assistance under
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 for the Government of Turkey for
Fiscal Year 1999 unless they make certain improvements relating to
human rights.
Mr. Speaker, as the European Union prepares for expansion, I
encourage them to include Cyprus as a member. Although Cyprus has had a
long association with the European Union, becoming a permanent member
would allow the economy of Cyprus to flourish and would promote further
progress toward peace throughout the island.
Mr. Speaker, I stand behind the people of Cyprus and President
Clerides as they continue to offer a number of solutions to the Cyprus
problem. The division of Cyprus has plagued the island on many levels--
socially, politically and economically--that is why I urge the country
of Turkey to be open minded during peace discussions.
Since Turkey first invaded Cyprus in 1974, over 1,619 people in the
occupied areas of Cyprus, including four Americans, have never been
accounted for. Andreas Kassapis, one of the previous missing Americans
from 1974, has recently been peacefully laid to rest. I encourage the
country of Turkey to open communications and exchange information about
the remaining Americans who are missing as a result of the illegal
invasion by Turkey twenty four years ago.
Permanent peace and justice in Cyprus lies in the hands of Turkey. It
is my hope that next year we will be celebrating the freedoms of the
Greek Cypriots rather than fighting for the return of their country and
the human rights which were ripped away from them twenty-four years
ago.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise this evening to pay tribute to a
dubious anniversary. As we sit here, after 24 years of Turkish
occupation of Cyprus, it is especially appropriate to recognize the
struggle for the freedom of all Cypriots that has been waged for more
than two decades.
It was over two decades ago that 6,000 Turkish troops and 40 tanks
landed on the north coast of Cyprus, and more than 200,000 Cypriots
were driven from their homes and forced to live under foreign
occupation. Over two decades ago, and Turkey still has thousands of
troops on the island.
That is why I'm pleased that we have this opportunity today. This
evening we remember what happened in Cyprus 24 years ago and we pledge
to fight to end the occupation. We also look toward the promise of the
future. President Clinton has demonstrated his commitment to solving
this difficult issue by making this issue a foreign policy priority of
his Administration. I hope that his commitment will lead to a just and
viable solution to the Cyprus conflict, and that this time next year we
will be standing here on the House floor celebrating the end of the
Turkish occupation.
We must continue to fight against injustice in Cyprus. We must
continue to provide aid to Cyprus to help that country deal with the
terrible problems caused by more than two decades of Turkish
occupation. And, above all, we must continue to keep the plight of the
Cypriots on the minds of everyone around the world.
Mr. ACKERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commemorate the
anniversary of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus. This act, an unprovoked
use of force and flagrant violation of international law, divided the
island and created a tense and dangerous situation. Sadly, almost a
quarter of a century after this tragedy, the threat of renewed violence
seems greater than ever. We must work together to ensure a peaceful and
fair settlement to one of the world's most bitter conflicts.
I call on the leaders of Turkish-occupied Cyprus to recognize the
will of the international community and make positive steps towards
ending the stand-off which has plagued the once-peaceful nation of
Cyprus for twenty-four years. Mr. Denktash must end his demand that the
illegitimate Turkish Cypriot Republic be recognized before he agrees to
negotiations with Mr. Clerides. And Turkey must not aggravate tensions
in the region by threatening the use of force against the nation of
Cyprus.
However, I am encouraged by the work of United Nations envoy Diego
Cordovez as well as special U.S. envoy Richard Holbrooke, and I believe
that a peaceful path towards reunification can be found with the
cooperation of all parties. As we near the 21st century, we move
towards an era of unlimited potential. The days of invasion,
intimidation, and forceful coercion can no longer be tolerated and must
be replaced by a system of mutual cooperation and the peaceful
arbitration of disputes. In the next millennium, there will be no place
for armies of occupation.
I am proud to reaffirm the close friendship between the United States
and Cyprus, particularly highlighted by our commitment to ending the
division of Cyprus once and for all. However, on this day we should
also remember the victims of violence during and after the 1974
invasion, many of whom are still missing. The suffering experienced by
them and their families, and the continuing plight of enclaved Greek
Cypriots in the Turkish-occupied territory, compel us to seek a quick
and peaceful solution to the Cyprus problem.
Mr. VISCLOSKY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to mark the twenty-fourth
anniversary of Turkey's invasion, and subsequent occupation, of Cyprus.
It is extremely disturbing to me that every year we are compelled to
gather in this chamber to remind the world of the horrible events that
led to the division of Cyprus, and to remember those who were killed,
injured, or displaced when Turkey invaded the island in 1974. It is
clear to me and to most of my colleagues, as well as a vast majority of
the international community, that Cyprus must be made whole again and
Turkey must be held accountable for its reprehensible actions in
dividing the island
Fourteen years after gaining its independence from Great Britain,
Cyprus was illegally and brutally invaded by 6,000 Turkish troops and
40 tanks. These troops proceeded to sweep over the northern section of
Cyprus, occupying nearly 40 percent of the island. The ensuring
fighting killed thousands of Cypriots and forced hundreds of thousands
from their homes. Today, more than 1,600 people are still unaccounted
for, five of whom are United States citizens.
Twenty-four years after the invasion, we gather to remember those who
died and to ensure that the world never forgets that Cyprus is a land
divided. More than 35,000 Turkish troops continue to occupy Cyprus in
violation of international law. A barbed wire fence and so-called
``Green Zone,'' which is patrolled by United Nations, cuts across the
island, separating families from their property and splitting this once
beautiful country in half. To this day, the Turkish government refuses
to allow Greek-Cypriots who were forced to flee to the southern part of
the island from returning to their homes.
Last year, I was encouraged when President Clinton appointed special
envoy Richard Holbrooke to help broker a peaceful resolution and unify
the island. Unfortunately, Turkey refused to negotiate in good faith,
and no agreement was reached. As Mr. Holbrooke put it,
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``There is no doubt that the Turkish side was responsible for the
collapse of the talks.'' Even though Mr. Holbrooke is taking over as
the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, I hope President Clinton
will continue to help foster a peaceful and united Cyprus.
The occupation of Cyprus is one of the reasons that I offered an
amendment to the Fiscal Year 1997 Foreign Operations appropriations
bill that would have effectively cut $25 million in United States
economic aid to Turkey. This amendment, which the House overwhelmingly
approved by a vote of 301 to 118, sends a clear message to Turkey that
its illegal and immoral occupation of Cyprus will not be tolerated by
this country.
Mr. Speaker, I am proud to join with my colleagues in standing up
against Turkish oppression in Cyprus. I would especially like to extend
my thanks to the gentleman from Florida, Mr. Bilirakis, for his
tireless work to ensure that the people of Cyprus are not forgotten.
Twenty-four years is a long time to wait, but it is my sincerest hope
that our actions will help persuade Turkey to end its unlawful
occupation of Cyprus.
Mr. KENNEDY of Rhode Island. Mr. Speaker, I would like first to thank
my colleague from Florida, Mr. Bilirakis, for organizing this special
order to commemorate the 24th anniversary of the Turkish occupation of
the island of Cyprus.
In my state of Rhode Island we have a strong Greek and Cypriot
community, which has brought the plight of Cyprus to my attention. Many
of them to this day do not know what happened to their brothers, their
fathers, their sisters, their mothers on that dreadful day in July of
1974.
On July 20, 1974, the Government of Turkey sent troops to Cyprus and
assumed control of more than one-third of that island. On that day over
200,000 Greek Cypriots became refugees in their own country and are
still denied the right to return to their homes. The assault dislocated
many in the Greek Cypriot population. Over 1,600 Greek Cypriots are
missing and are still unaccounted for as a result of this invasion.
In the past decades, we have witnessed tremendous changes around the
world. The fall of the Berlin Wall, the beginning of peace in the
Middle East, and the signing of a peace agreement in Northern Ireland.
It is time to add Cyprus to that list of places where freedom will
prevail.
Mr. Speaker, this Congress needs to take direct steps to indicate
support for Cyprus. Only when we, in Congress, show our strong support
for a unified Cyprus will the necessary changes occur.
Mr. ROTHMAN. Mr. Speaker, I would like to add my voice to those of my
colleagues who have eloquently spoken today on the pressing need for a
just and lasting peace in Cyprus. As a member of the House
International Relations Committee, one of my top priorities has been to
advance a comprehensive settlement of the tragic division of Cyprus in
1974.
The cause of peace for Cyprus, the cause of freedom for Cyprus and
the pursuit of unified Cyprus is in sum, not a complicated matter. To
solve the Cyprus problem we need only to secure one vital element and
that is the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Turkish troops
from the island.
That the solution is so simple and the inability to secure it so long
delayed, deeply disappoints me. Too many deliberations have been held,
too many peace summits convened, too many U.S. diplomatic overtures
have been made, to see the prospects for peace crumble due to the
intransigence of Turkish-Cypriot political leaders. To break the
stalemate in the Cyprus peace talks I am convinced that the time is
ripe for the U.S. to press Ankara directly to exercise the resolve
needed to withdraw its troops from Cyprus.
Notwithstanding Turkish efforts to stalemate the peace talks, I am
heartened that Cyprus is on track to join the European Union (EU). With
an eye to a promising and prosperous future, Cyprus's accession to the
EU bodes well for the future of the island nation. As Cypriot President
Clafcos Clerides remarked in June of this year, EU accession will bring
Cyprus one step closer to serving as an ``important hub of economic,
trade and business'' in the vitally important Mediterranean region.
Mr. Speaker, to close my remarks I want to reiterate that I believe
in freedom for Cyprus. I believe in a united Cyprus. And I am committed
to continuing my full support in seeking a genuine and long-lasting
peace for Cyprus.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I commend the gentleman from Florida, Mr.
Bilirakis, who has over the years taken care that this House does not
fail to observe the events of July 1974 whose tragic consequences still
persist today nearly a quarter of a century later.
The occupation of northern Cyprus by Turkish troops, which began some
twenty-four years ago, has turned into one of the most vexing problems
of the international community. It has confounded the efforts of five
U.S. Presidents, four United Nations Secretaries General, and many of
the world's top diplomats, including our own. Most recently we had the
strong effort of Ambassador Richard Holbrooke and Ambassador Tom Miller
run into a brick wall as Denktash, backed by the Turkish government,
came up with new conditions before they would agree to resume
negotiations with President Clerides. These conditions, as the Turkish
side well understood, were non-starters--the Turks insisted that
northern Cyprus be regarded as a sovereign entity, and that the
government of Cyprus halt negotiations on joining the EU.
We are all disappointed that the hard-fought efforts of our envoys
did not produce a breakthrough. I agree with their assessment that the
impasse is a result of the Turkish position, and that they key to
breaking the current stalemate lies in Ankara. That being said,
however, it is difficult to foresee a way around the current deadlock
unless there is a change of heart on the Turkish side.
The situation in Turkey is exceedingly complex: We don't know who
really is in charge--is it the government or the military? We don't
know how to put the appropriate pressure on Turkey without giving the
negative influences within Turkish society grounds to say that we have
turned our backs on Turkey and are not truly interested in its
integration into Europe and the West.
We are now hearing from certain Turkish officials commenting that the
present situation on Cyprus--division of the island and 35,000 Turkish
troops in occupation of one third--is the solution. This is completely
unacceptable for the United States and the international community. It
should also be unacceptable to Turkey because if partition is good for
Cyprus, then why not for northern Iraq, or even the Kurdish areas of
Turkey itself? Obviously the officials who make these ill-advised
statements have not thought through the implications of partitioning
Cyprus.
War-mongering threats from Turkish officials regarding the delivery
of the S-300 missiles to Cyprus later this year also are unacceptable.
Instead of making these outrageous threats, the Turks, if they truly
believe the missiles are a threat to their own security, should work
with the Government of Cyprus and other interested parties to find a
way out of the problem constructively. This should include reducing
their own excessive level of armaments in northern Cyprus, and getting
negotiations between President Clerides and Denktash started. The
decision to postpone delivery of the missiles until the fall provides
more time to resolve this problem.
I have often said that Cyprus cannot be held hostage to problems
within Turkey. I think that it is imperative for our government to make
it crystal clear to both the Turkish civilian government and the
military that Turkey's most vital long-term interests cannot be served
without Turkey acting effectively to solve the Cyprus dispute. I am not
convinced that all in the Turkish leadership truly believe that the
U.S. is absolutely serious about resolving Cyprus, and the message
needs to be reinforced. For my part I will continue to deliver the
message whenever I meet with officials from Turkey, and I call upon all
our members to do so as well.
Election of a new government in Turkey has been scheduled for early
next year. As Turkish voters cast their ballots I hope that our
government will have done all that it can to make it clear that
resolving Cyprus is in Turkey's own national interest.
Although we have hit a serious obstacle to progress, The United
States has no choice but to continue our efforts to get serious
negotiations between the parties on Cyprus resumed. I thank the
gentleman for allowing me to participate in this Special Order.
Mr. PORTER. Mr. Speaker, as we come to the floor today to mark the
24th anniversary of the invasion and occupation of Cyprus by Turkish
forces, we have spent yet another frustrating and futile year waiting
for the Administration to follow through on its promises to give
resolution of this long-running problem its full attention. American
policy towards Cyprus and the Aegean region can best be described as
drift and react. We drift along while problems boil up, then react to
the crisis du jour without a moral context or a policy framework. If we
genuinely hope to solve the Cyprus problem which has plagued us for
nearly a quarter of a century, we must change this haphazard approach.
Let's look at the facts: Over 35,000 heavily armed Turkish troops are
stationed in the northern part of Cyprus. These forces have been
upgraded and modernized; they are well-equipped from Turkey's vast
military arsenal. The Turkish military is, by far, the largest and most
well-trained and well-equipped in the region, thanks largely to US
military assistance. The Turkish government, having occupied 38% of
Cypriot territory by force, has repeatedly spoken of annexing this
territory.
Cyprus has a 10,000 member voluntary national guard. Cyprus, even
with its strategic relationship with Greece, would be annihilated in
any conflict with Turkey. Cyprus has been the subject in widespread
international crticism for
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the proposed purchase of a small number of defensive missiles while
Turkey's continued occupation goes largely unremarked. The Cypriot
government has consistently reaffirmed its support for complete
demilitarization of the island--Turkey has flatly refused to consider
it. The Cypriot government has also said they would cancel the missile
orders in a minute if there was genuine progress towards a solution--
Turkey has responded with more threats.
Even though Cyprus met the fiscal requirements for EU membership
years ago, Turkey continues to irrationally threaten both Cyprus and
the EU in an effort to derail Cypriot accession talks.
No progress has been made toward peaceful resolution of the Cyprus
issue in the past year. Threats and intransigence from Ankara and the
north have increased. The intransigence of the Turkish side has led to
the unprecedented situation of both Tom Miller and Richard Holbrooke,
the top U.S. diplomats working on the issue, to lay the blame for the
current impasse squarely at the feet of the Turkish side.
The answer to this long-running tragedy clearly lies in Ankara. If we
buy into efforts to shift blame and create a public relations backliash
by focusing on the S-300 missiles, we will only allow Ankara to
retrench in their posture of annexation by force. We have to stand
clearly on the side of international law and peaceful settlement of
disputes, and against lawlessness and aggression. The records of both
the United States Congress and the United Nations General Assembly are
clear: the illegal occupation of Cyprus must end.
I join my colleagues today in calling on the Clinton Administration
to be honest about the facts of the Cyprus dispute and be honest with
Turkey about our expectations. We cannot resolve this dispute on the
basis of half-truths and self-delusion. What a shame it will be if we
are again here on the House floor next year, marking the 25th year of
occupation. I strongly hope that the Administration will do everything
in its power to bring about a just resolution to this issue in the
coming year. Unfortunately, based on what we have seen so far, I am not
optimistic.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. I would like to thank all of my colleagues who joined
me tonight, it is very, very late, and also thank the staff people who
are here so very late as a result of this, to help us focus attention
on this grave injustice which must be remedied.
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