[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 106 (Friday, July 31, 1998)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E1489-E1491]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




       A HUMAN RIGHTS PERSPECTIVE ON A VISIT TO ALGERIA AND EGYPT

                                 ______
                                 

                           HON. FRANK R. WOLF

                              of virginia

                    in the house of representatives

                        Thursday, July 30, 1998

  Mr. WOLF. Mr. Speaker, over the July recess, I traveled to Algeria 
and Egypt on official business to learn about the human rights problems 
in both countries.
  In Algeria, I met with government officials, parliamentary leaders 
and representatives of non-government organizations. I also had the 
opportunity to visit the sites of a recent massacre to talk with 
individuals who lost loved ones to terrorism. Encouraging political 
reform, pluralism, rule of law and democracy may help bring an end to 
the conflict.
  In Egypt, I met with government officials, Coptic Christians and 
others to discuss human rights abuses and the problems facing 
Christians living in Egypt.
  I submit here the report of my trip to share with our colleagues.

   Report of a Visit to Algeria and Egypt: A Human Rights Perspective

       (This report provides details of my trip to northern Africa 
     during the period July 5-10, 1998. This visit included a two-
     day stop in Algiers (July 6-8) followed by a two-day visit to 
     Cairo (July 8-10). The relatively short traveling time 
     between Algiers and Cairo afforded the opportunity for back-
     to-back visits. Algeria is rampant with terrorism which is 
     largely unreported to the outside world. Nearby Cairo 
     afforded the opportunity to meet with and see in their 
     homeland Coptic Christians and to develop a broader 
     perspective of human rights conditions there.)
       I have, for several years, followed events in Algeria and 
     have a growing concern about the terrible toll on human life 
     that ongoing, unabated terrorism and the government's 
     response to it are having in this violent land.
       Algeria has deep roots in history. Saint Augustine (354-
     430), one of the greatest leaders of the early Christian 
     Church and the author of Confessions, one of the first great 
     autobiographies, was born in the city of Tagaste, near what 
     is now Constantine, in the northeast corner of Algeria.
       In 1815, a U.S. Naval Squadron under Captain Stephen 
     Decatur attacked Algiers and forced its governor to sign a 
     treaty banning piracy against American ships. Continuing 
     piracy on European shipping led ultimately

[[Page E1490]]

     to the French invasion of Algiers in 1830 and the occupation 
     of Algeria which continued for more than 130 years until 
     1962.
       During eight years of intense fighting with the French 
     immediately before winning independence in 1962, Algeria paid 
     a terrible price. It has been said that one million people 
     were killed and two million lost their homes. An independent 
     nation emerged with no infrastructure and no skilled labor 
     force to keep the country running. Various experiments in 
     governance followed. But it wasn't until the collapse of oil 
     prices in the late 1980s on which Algeria's economy was 
     largely based and the disappearance of Soviet influence and 
     support that a movement toward democracy and a free-market 
     economy took shape.
       Beginning in 1989, legitimate opposition to the government 
     in power emerged under a new constitution. Municipal 
     elections were held in 1992 and the opposition Islamic 
     Salvation Front (FIS) won a large majority. The military 
     quickly intervened, canceled the elections, imposed a state 
     of emergency and outlawed the FIS. The government justified 
     its actions on two fronts: the need to prevent the FIS from 
     overthrowing the government and imposing an Islamic state, 
     and the existence of the FIS contravened a law on political 
     parties stipulating that no party can be based upon religion.
       The move toward democracy was put on hold. Leaders and 
     members of FIS were targeted, imprisoned and punished by the 
     government. In response, terrorist bands began to form and 
     violence and killing in Algeria escalated. These bands 
     continue to wreak fear and death on the country and its 
     people. Several sources said that some of these Algerian 
     terrorists were trained to fight in Afghanistan against the 
     Soviet army and were called Mujahideen. As many as 70,000 
     people have been killed by terrorists since 1992. Many more 
     have been injured and the toll continues to grow. Ten people 
     were killed and 21 were injured in a terrorist bombing in 
     Algiers the day we departed on July 8.
       While in Algeria, we visited the tiny villages of Sidi 
     Hamed and Sidi Rais near the town of Blida less than an 
     hour's drive from Algiers. These villages are the sites of 
     recent terrorist acts and massacres. Late on the night of 
     January 10, 1998, terrorists attacked residents of Sid Hamed 
     and killed 103 men, women and children and wounded many more. 
     We visited a home at the center of the massacre and spoke 
     with the owner who lost his wife and family in the raiding 
     and burning that took place. We met with young children who 
     lost parents and family to that night's terrorist attack. We 
     visited a cemetery with 103 fresh graves.
       The fear that was evident in Sidi Hamed was shared by 
     virtually all the Algerians we met. The 2,000 to 4,000 
     terrorists estimated to be active in Algeria are holding 
     hostage the entire country, its people and, to a significant 
     degree, future progress and development.
       Algerians have much on which to base this fear. Terrorist 
     groups have threatened to ``slash the throats of all 
     apostates and their allies.'' They have certainly made good 
     on these threats. On May 14, 1997, for example, terrorists in 
     the town of Douar Daoud slaughtered more than 30 residents 
     including two infants, 15 other children and seven women. On 
     April 16, 1997, bodies of four young girls were found outside 
     the village of Chaib Mohammed. They had been raped before 
     their throats were slit. During this same period, 18 people, 
     mostly young men, were shot or hacked to death at a phony 
     roadblock near Saida. The largest massacre took place in Sidi 
     Rias on August 28, 1987, when up to 300 people, many of them 
     women and children and even small babies were killed. About 
     100 more were injured. This pattern of terrorism, brutality 
     and violence continues today.
       We met with a number of Algerian government officials 
     including the prime minister, a regional governor, the 
     speaker of the lower house and senior members of the upper 
     body of parliament, the foreign minister, representatives of 
     most of the major political parties and factions. We also met 
     with representatives of human rights and terrorism watch 
     organizations, with representatives of the Algerian press, 
     business, student and women's groups and with a number of 
     terrorist victims who were personally injured and/or who lost 
     close family members.
       By most accounts, incidents of terrorism have measurably 
     declined since about 1994-95. Still, there is more than 
     enough terrorism to instill in the people an elevated level 
     of fear, caution and reluctance to venture out, especially 
     after dark. Terrorists have targeted specific groups, among 
     them members of the press, Westerners, police and government 
     officials and other high-profile individuals. Sometimes, fake 
     roadblocks are established by terrorists dressed as police or 
     army members and passersby are stopped and killed. This is 
     most prevalent in the countryside away from Algiers.
       The government and the army have been strongly criticized 
     on two fronts. The first is for not responding quickly enough 
     or with sufficient force to combat incidents of ongoing 
     terrorism. While some of this criticism is justified, it is 
     noted that Algeria has an armed force of 125,000 or less. 
     Subtracting those in the navy and air force and the poorly 
     equipped and trained conscripts, there are only about 25,000 
     regular soldiers in a country whose size approximates the 
     United States east of the Mississippi River. Only about half 
     of this number is mobilized at any time. It is also 
     noteworthy that the army has been trained by and patterned 
     after the former Soviet military, which is not known for 
     rapid response to crises.
       Criticism has also been leveled at the government for 
     ``extra-judicial'' actions taken in response to terrorism or 
     under circumstances attributed to terrorism. Frequent 
     occasions were mentioned when government actions outside the 
     rule of law occur. Reports have been made of several hundred 
     apprehensions of individuals by government and police forces 
     where the person taken was never again heard from and 
     family members cannot learn what happened from the 
     government.
       The Algerian government has been urged to become more 
     ``transparent'' in its efforts to combat terrorism and to 
     discipline police and military forces to work within the rule 
     of law. Progress in this area is slow and perhaps human 
     rights training of military units should be provided.
       Unemployment is high (above 20 percent) and there is a 
     critical shortage of sufficient housing. Improvement in these 
     areas could reduce the numbers of young people willing to 
     turn to terrorism. Median age of the 30 million Algerian 
     population is 15 years. There is also the age group hardest 
     hit by high unemployment. Privatization of government-run 
     industries (Air Algerie, the primary airline serving Algeria, 
     is an example) would help. Many foreign investors are 
     doubtless reluctant to move into Algeria with the level of 
     terrorism that exists. Efforts to drive down the killings, 
     bombings and other acts of terror would do the most to help.
       The United States is presently Algeria's most important 
     trading partner with 1998 exports to the U.S. projected to be 
     $2.2 billion (mostly hydrocarbon/petroleum industry). Imports 
     from the U.S. in 1998 are predicted to be $920 million. U.S. 
     trade with Algeria is expected to continue to increase. There 
     are tremendous business opportunities there.
       There is a lack of qualified outside observers to provide 
     commentary and conscience to heavy-handed government 
     activities in Algeria. The permanent presence of ICRC 
     (International Committee of the Red Cross), Amnesty 
     International, and other human rights watch organizations 
     would be helpful in curbing extra-legal behavior and in 
     certifying legitimate forceful response as conditions 
     improve. At a minimum, observers should be allowed to visit 
     whenever they want and the government should cooperate with 
     them.
       The Algerian Parliament has recently passed legislation 
     that imposes Arabic as the sole official language. This 
     action resulted in strong protest by Berbers, who make up 
     about 30 percent of Algeria's population. Algeria has not yet 
     found the key to democratically balancing the legitimate 
     concerns and interests of all its minority and citizens 
     groups.
       Still, with all the fear, terrorism and sometimes massacre 
     that are part of each day, the Algerian people are going 
     about their daily life, working, attending school and making 
     a home as best they can with determination and resilience as 
     they try to change their country. We were told that Algerian 
     women strongly influence this balanced daily lifestyle.
       From my observations while in Algeria, I offer the 
     following recommendations:
       1. Terrorism and violence taking place in Algeria should be 
     condemned in the strongest terms by the U.S. and by all 
     nations.
       2. The government should be encouraged to invite ICRC, 
     Amnesty International and other human rights organizations to 
     Algeria on a permanent basis.
       3. Efforts to increase international press coverage and 
     ensure uncensored national press should be encouraged.
       4. The U.S. should consider providing human rights training 
     to Algerian military and police.
       5. Ongoing labor training provided by the AFL-CIO to help 
     union leaders cope with events as the economy is privatized 
     should continue and perhaps increase.
       6. Parliamentary exchange programs should be developed and 
     encouraged to assist Algerian progress toward democracy. 
     Exchange programs in other areas such as business, academia, 
     government, medical and others should also be encouraged and 
     supported.
       7. Assistance to and education about the criminal justice 
     system are required to strengthen safeguards and ensure that 
     human rights are protected.
       8. More housing must be constructed and help to develop the 
     private ownership of homes is required. Organizations such as 
     Fannie May can provide advice and information to assist in 
     this effort.
       In conclusion, I would add the comment that U.S. interests 
     are extremely well served by our ambassador, Cameron R. Hume, 
     and his able embassy staff who ensure we are effectively 
     represented under always trying and sometimes dangerous 
     conditions. They do an outstanding job and America is 
     fortunate to have them there.


                             Visit to Cairo

       I also visited Cairo for about two days during this trip. I 
     met with President Mubarak and others in the government, 
     members of the Coptic Christian community, Muslims and 
     representatives of various human rights action and assistance 
     groups. I was not able to visit the upper Nile where many 
     problems regarding Coptic Christians have been reported. This 
     is an area I would like to visit in a future trip.

[[Page E1491]]

       Areas of human rights and religious tolerance are slowly 
     progressing although much more could be done. About one 
     fourth of Egypt's 65 million population lives in Cairo and 
     huge numbers live in abject poverty. We visited one of five 
     ``garbage cities'' in Cairo. These are huge garbage dumps 
     where hordes of the poorest live and eke out an existence by 
     sorting, selling and using garbage under indescribably 
     horrific conditions.
       Under Egyptian law, a church cannot be built without 
     approval of the president. Until recently, this restriction 
     also applied to existing churches being allowed to make even 
     the most minor repairs. Although the law remains unchanged, 
     authority to allow repairs has now been delegated to the 
     presidentially appointed governors. It is uncertain how 
     successful this new delegation of authority will be.
       President Mubarak said that the concept of discriminating 
     against people is not the policy of Egypt. Many Copts with 
     whom I spoke agreed that there is little if any systematic 
     government persecution. Still, in the course of daily life, 
     with virtually no important government or other positions 
     filled by Coptic Christians, interpretation of laws and 
     regulations, judgments between Copts and other Egyptians, the 
     meting out of routine rulings and the normal conduct of 
     business imposes hardships and unfairness on Copts. Clearly, 
     there are difficulties being faced by Coptic Christians. Many 
     would agree with the statement in an Australian report on 
     Copts in Egypt that ``although the government of Egypt would 
     like to believe that keeping silent about the issues will 
     make them go away, it's clear the government could do more to 
     insure the Coptic minority is treated equally.''
       I would also like to thank the staff at the American 
     Embassy and particularly Ms. Molly Phee who accompanied us 
     during our stay in Cairo. Our Foreign Service corps does an 
     exceptional job under trying and demanding conditions.

     

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