[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 101 (Friday, July 24, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8985-S8987]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SOCIAL SECURITY AND THE GENDER/RACE GAP
Mr. GRAMS. Mr. President, in my continuing series of statements on
the troubled Social Security program, I have discussed the history of
Social Security, the program's looming crisis, and the old-age
insurance reform efforts undertaken by other nations.
Today, I want to discuss an aspect of Social Security that often gets
distorted in the reform debates going on throughout this great nation.
It is the issue of how the current Social Security system puts women
and minorities at a greater financial risk and disadvantage than other
retirees face today.
We must address the questions of how these Americans will fare under
any reform of the current system, so we can empower them with the
ability to have a more secure retirement future than that which Social
Security promises today.
First, it is essential to understand why these Americans were put at
a disadvantage in a system supposedly established to help them. To do
that, we must go back to the beginnings of the Social Security program.
When Social Security was first enacted in the 1930s, the
discriminative elements were inherently built into the system.
Professor Edward Berkowitz of George Washington University has done
excellent research on this subject.
According to his studies, policy makers taking part in the first
Social Security advisory council freely indulged in racial and sexual
stereotypes. They made a widow's benefit equal to only three-quarters
of the value of a single man's benefit.
Their rationale for the decision was, according to one member, that a
``widow could look out for herself better than the man could.''
Douglas Brown, the chairman of the advisory council, even suggested
that a single woman could adjust to a lower budget ``on account of the
fact that she is used to doing her own housework whereas the single man
has to go to a restaurant.''
Another example of Social Security's inherently discriminative nature
is that domestic workers were not covered by Social Security when the
program was set up.
One early policy maker explained that it was difficult to collect
contributions from the ``colored woman . . . who goes from house to
house for a day's work here and a day's work there.''
Clearly, things were different then.
At that time, most women stayed home, and only 6 people out of 10
reached age 65.
Despite the fact that the Social Security program provided an
opportunity to redistribute income from wealthier individuals to low-
income retirees--an effort to help provide assistance to those less
fortunate--the inequality of women and minorities was never adequately
addressed.
In fact, the disparity has grown under the current Social Security
system.
The profile of today's retiree is quite different than it was in the
1930s and continues to change.
More women today are working outside the home, less than half of
America's working women receive pensions today, life expectancy is
increasing, while minority populations continue to grow in number.
But our Social Security system has failed to make the needed
adjustments. As a result, financial gender and racial gaps are growing
larger for those retired or nearing retirement. Women and minorities
are suffering under the current Social Security system.
For women and minorities, average income continues to remain low.
This means there is less money available to personally save for one's
own retirement.
Furthermore, payroll taxes have increased 36 times over the last 27
years, forcing families to squeeze more out of less take-home pay.
According to the Heritage Foundation, today's payroll taxes consume
as much of the family budget as do costs for housing, and nearly three
times more than annual health care.
So it is not surprising that growing numbers of women and minorities
are becoming increasingly dependent upon their Social Security checks.
If we are going to successfully raise their quality of life once they
reach retirement age, we must begin to look outside the proverbial box
today.
Mr. President, I would like to begin by focusing on women, since they
are disproportionately dependent upon Social Security. There are a
number of factors that create this reliance.
While we can rally around the idea that our Social Security system is
supposedly ``gender neutral,'' issues such as income levels, years out
of the workforce, and marital status all impact a woman's retirement
security.
At the forefront of the issue is the fact that women tend to outlive
men, just as they have been doing for the past 500 years. With today's
retirees beginning to collect benefits at age 65, it is not unlikely
for a woman to spend nearly one-fourth of her life on Social Security.
And because women statistically receive lower benefits than men,
typically have fewer saving, and are less likely to have a pension, it
means they are forced to live longer on less.
We are finding that a retirement security system that was termed a
success in the past threatens future female retirees the most.
Over the past few decades, women have made great progress in the
workplace.
Today, there are more women working at higher-paying jobs. But
according to the General Accounting Office, the labor force
participation rate for women aged 25 to 34 remains at 75 percent, and
only four-fifths that of men.
Further complicating the issue is that when women do work, 25 percent
work part-time. There are a variety of reasons for this, including the
fact that women are more likely to take time off for family reasons.
However, it leads to fewer opportunities for benefit coverage--
including pensions--and lower earnings, and ultimately, less reserve
money to save for themselves and their future.
Today, the average female retiree earns approximately $621 per month,
compared to her male counterpart at $810 per month.
The formula used to calculate benefits for women, as well as men,
assumes the highest 35 years of earnings. Today, nearly 75 percent of
women earn $25,000 or less. For those years an individual is out of
work--for instance, taking time off to raise a family or care for an
ailing loved one--the salary is counted as ``zero.''
In addition, any length of time less than 35 years of working count
as ``zero'' earnings. As a result, the median number of years with
``zero'' earnings for workers turning 62 in 1993 was 15 years for
women, compared to only 4 years for men.
This means nearly half the years being considered in the benefit
formula for women are counted as ``zero'' earnings years and the
average salary for earning years is $25,000 or less.
Currently, there are some advocating the benefits formula be raised
to 38 years.
While the number of working women continues to grow, the Social
Security Administration's own projections reveal that only 30 percent
of female retirees in 2020 will have 38 years of earnings--compared to
about 60 percent of their male counterparts.
[[Page S8986]]
This is extremely detrimental to unmarried women who either divorced
before 10 years of marriage or never married, because their benefit
calculations are exclusively dependent upon their own earnings
calculations.
And currently, the poverty rate for elderly divorced, separated, or
never-married women is the highest of any group--nearly 30 percent.
But marriage in and of itself doesn't always improve a woman's
situation.
In fact, 64 percent of all elderly women living in poverty are
widows. This is because when a spouse dies, the widow's benefits are
reduced by up to one-half. Meanwhile, statistics show that to live
alone, a widow requires at least 75 percent of what it costs as a
couple.
Furthermore, if a widow has yet to reach age 65 when a spouse dies,
and has no dependent children, she is not entitled to any survivor
benefits. Thus, without private savings, the benefit reduction leaves
most widows financially unprepared for retirement.
Let me share with you the real story of two women. Susan of Colorado
made an annual income of $20,000, and she paid the 12.4 percent payroll
tax into the Social Security system from each of her paychecks while
raising kids, sending them to schools, and seeing them married.
But when Susan died at age 64, she left nothing from Social Security
for her children.
Joan of New York, a 46-year-old homemaker, never worked outside the
home after being married, and instead chose to raise her children.
Her husband was self-employed, and paid a 15.3 percent payroll tax
into the Social Security and Medicare programs. When Joan's husband
died of a heart attack at age 49, all she received from Social Security
was $200 for his funeral.
Since she has no skills to help her find a job, no savings, and gets
no help from Social Security despite the thousands and thousands of
dollars her family poured into the system, Joan is now helpless and
suffering from depression.
I then ask if the system is so harmful to women, why are there so
many out there arguing against change? How can we sit back and hold
women hostage to a program for nostalgia's sake?
I would argue we cannot, and it is our job to ensure that every woman
has an opportunity to live out her golden years in financial security.
And I agree we must dispel the ``myths'' that threaten efforts to
improve women's retirement security.
One fact-based ``myth'' is that because women may feel less confident
about their retirement security, we will be unable to change it for the
better.
First and foremost, it is critical to ensure that current and future
beneficiaries remain unaffected by any change to the Social Security
program if they choose to stay with the traditional system. We made a
covenant with our older Americans and have a responsibility to protect
them from any uncertainty during the transition from a pay-as-you-go
system to a future funded one.
But we also have a responsibility to future beneficiaries to clearly
notify them that without dramatic change to the system, they will not
receive adequate benefits from Social Security.
They are more likely to see reductions in alternative means of
savings as a result of the economic impact of the system going
bankrupt. Because women are living longer than men, they are most
likely to experience the hardship longer.
As Members of Congress, we owe it to women to preserve and improve
their retirement security.
The next fact-based ``myth'' is that because women are less likely to
take financial risks, their earnings may be less than their male
counterparts under a market-based system.
It is true, statistically, that women have historically invested more
conservatively than men. Furthermore, women may have less invested in
outside accounts than men.
But it is interesting to note that according to the National
Association of Investors Corporation, all-women investment clubs earn
higher returns than all-men clubs do. Who says women cannot make
financial decisions?
Even under the most conservative investment strategies, such as
super-safe U.S. Treasury Bonds, women fare better than they would under
the current system.
According to a recent Cato Institute study, if women retiring in 1981
were provided the opportunity to invest their savings in personal
retirement accounts with earnings sharing, the average single woman
could expect to receive 57.9 percent more in retirement benefits and
the average female divorcee could expect 67.2 percent more.
The average widow could expect 96.5 percent more, nearly double the
benefits than under Social Security. The average wife could expect to
receive 207.5 percent more than under the existing Social Security
program.
While the National Center for Women and Retirement Research has found
women may feel less confident about making financial decisions, there
is no reason to believe women lack the skills to understand the
challenges and long-term benefits of investments. Pension experts agree
that education is a critical factor in helping individuals make better
investment choices, and the GAO has found evidence that investor
education can help to alleviate the problem.
So even though some advocates of the status quo argue men may fare
``better'' than women under a market-based system, I believe they are
missing the point that both would fare better than they do under the
current system. It appears as though some would prefer ``equality'' in
misery than the potential for some ``inequality'' at a much higher
standard of living for all. Furthermore, there is nothing to show that
women retirees could not fare better than men, even though,
statistically, they are not doing so now under the current system.
One of the most troubling fact-based myths is that the current system
protects women from running out of benefits before they die more than a
personal retirement account would. The premise is that since women live
longer than men do, they will need benefits longer. Under the current
system, retirees are promised benefits until death, even though on
average, they exhaust their contributions within the first five years
of retirement. In a system of personal retirement accounts, benefits
would be based upon one's own contributions, the age at which one
retires, and the performance of their account.
It is true that women, again, tend to outlive men. And yes, it is
true that an independent study found women are more likely than men to
spend a lump sum distribution from a defined contribution plan.
However, that should not imply that women could not be trusted with a
private savings account. In fact, that same study showed women are
equally as likely as men to rollover lump sums from a defined benefit
plan into an IRA, or to save and invest the money. We must also
remember these studies are based upon the current situation, where
these men and women anticipate uninterrupted benefits from Social
Security.
In the future, however, if the current system remains unchanged, a
maximum of 75 percent of the current benefit level will be available to
retirees. In other words, future retirees could expect to lose 25
percent of retirement benefits. Once the IOU's that now make up the
Social Security trust fund begin being cashed in, the economy will
suffer, employment rates may suffer, taxes may need to be raised, and
the ability for an individual to prepare for the reduction in Social
Security benefits will be significantly reduced.
Mr. President, I would say to those arguing for the status quo that
urging women to hold out for some future promise of benefits that are
not likely to be there is folly. And in fact, holding out will likely
leave women increasingly dependent upon their benefits at the same time
those benefits are being reduced.
But as I mentioned earlier, women are not the only individuals being
misled by some in the debate. Race continues to be an important factor
in determining the retirement security for some Americans. Retirement
studies similar to those that focus on women have looked at minority
workers, and I would like to briefly touch on the Hispanic and African-
American populations.
By all accounts, the Hispanic population is relatively youthful.
However,
[[Page S8987]]
as the Social Security system approaches insolvency and the rate of
return on these workers' investments declines, Hispanics will be forced
to bear a disproportionate share of that growing financial burden. The
Census Bureau estimates that by the year 2050, Hispanics will make up
nearly 25 percent of the work force, compared with only 11 percent last
year. This will come at the same time tax rates, if the system stays
the same, will need to be increased to cover the bankrupt trust
fund. Some have estimated that the tax rate increase would have to be
nearly 40 percent by then to cover benefit expenses--40 percent first
for Social Security expenses. Such a tax burden promises to severely
hamper the ability of young Hispanics to save for themselves.
But what do all those numbers mean? The Heritage Foundation did a
model of a Hispanic community. They assumed 50,000 people lived there--
all families of four made up of dual- income 30-year olds with two
kids. By forcing these families to throw their payroll taxes into the
Social Security system, the analysts estimated the community, as a
whole, lost $12.8 billion in 1997 dollars over what it could have
earned had they invested in a conservative portfolio. This small
minority community, in effect, lost nearly half--this is just this
small community--lost nearly half what the federal government spends on
food stamps or education for this entire Nation!
But if an Hispanic couple from that community were able to take the
dollars they would be required to pay into the current Social Security
system and instead invest them in a portfolio, the outcome would have
been remarkably different. Under the current system, the couple could
expect about $420,000 in exchange for a lifetime of contributions. But
with a conservative portfolio comprised of 50 percent U.S. Treasury
Bonds and 50 percent blue chip equities, that same couple could nearly
double their benefit to $767,000 in today's dollars. Treasury Bonds
alone would yield over $100,000 more in benefits. That means this
family would have enough to convert their benefit to an annuity paying
out exactly what Social Security promised and still have more than
$200,000 left over for any expenses --long-term health care or even
just passing along to their children--something impossible under
today's Social Security system.
The findings within the African-American community are similarly
stunning. Like single Hispanic males, single African-American males
have a lower life expectancy and are especially disadvantaged by the
current Social Security system. Although the system aims to transfer
funds to low-income individuals, these minorities are particularly hard
hit.
According to the Heritage Foundation, a low-income, African-American
male born after 1959 can expect to receive less than 88 cents back on
every dollar he contributes to the Social Security trust fund. This
translates into a lifetime cash loss of some $13,377--a loss these
individuals can hardly afford Not a gain on their investment, but an
actual loss on their investment. If we allowed that same male to invest
his Social Security taxes in T-bonds, he would receive a post-tax
increase in his lifetime income of nearly $80,000.
African-American women are similarly disadvantaged by the current
system. Enabling a 21-year-old single mother to invest her payroll
taxes into low-risk/low-yield government bonds, rather than the Social
Security system, would more than double her rate of return. That means
this woman could expect to get back $93,000 more, after taxes, than she
would under the current system. And with a little risk, the numbers
could even more than double.
Mr. President, many solutions have been proposed to stave off the
impending Social Security trust fund crisis: raising retirement ages,
increasing payroll taxes, decreasing benefits--the list goes on. But we
cannot forget that those choices will only exacerbate a problem that is
already becoming progressively worse. Such proposals put at greatest
risk those the system was aimed to help the most.
When our Founding Fathers created this great Nation, they declared
each American had the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness. If we continue on our present track with the current Social
Security system, we are truly undermining those principles. Sentencing
women and minorities to a retirement life of poverty is unfair. The
threat of raising payroll taxes by nearly 40 percent to fund a bankrupt
retirement system threatens to steal away our children's liberty. And
turning our backs on the reforms we have the power to undertake--
reforms that will truly revive our ailing system--steals away every
American's right to pursue happiness. Mr. President, rather than
scaring women and minorities away from the options we have before us,
let us give them the freedom that comes with personal retirement
choices, the peace of mind that retirement security provides, and the
ability to lead a better life in retirement than the one they are being
promised today.
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