Congressional Record, Volume 144 Issue 97 (Monday, July 20, 1998)

[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 97 (Monday, July 20, 1998)]
[House]
[Pages H5887-H5891]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

AFFIRMING UNITED STATES COMMITMENT TO TAIWAN

Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to
the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 301) affirming the United
States commitment to Taiwan.
The Clerk read as follows:

H. Con. Res. 301

Whereas at no time since the establishment of the People's
Republic of China on October 1, 1949, has Taiwan been under
the control of the People's Republic of China;
Whereas the United States began its long, peaceful,
friendly relationship with Taiwan in 1949;
Whereas since the enactment of the Taiwan Relations Act in
1979, the policy of the United States has been based on the
expectation that the further relationship between the
People's Republic of China and Taiwan would be determined by
peaceful means;
Whereas in March 1996, the People's Republic of China held
provocative military maneuvers including missile launch
exercises in the Taiwan Strait, in an attempt to intimidate
the people of Taiwan during their historic, free, and
democratic Presidential election;
Whereas officials of the People's Republic of China refuse
to renounce the use of force against democratic Taiwan;
Whereas Taiwan has achieved significant political and
economic strength as one of the world's premier democracies
and as the 19th largest economy in the world;
Whereas Taiwan is the 7th largest trading partner of the
United States;
Whereas no agreements exist between the People's Republic
of China and Taiwan that determine the future status of
Taiwan; and
Whereas the House of Representatives passed a resolution by
a vote of 411-0 in June 1998 urging the President to seek,
during his recent summit meeting in Beijing, a public
renunciation by the People's Republic of China of any use of
force, or threat of use of force, against democratic Taiwan:
Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate
concurring), That Congress--
(1) affirms its longstanding commitment to Taiwan and the
people of Taiwan in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act
(Public Law 96-8);
(2) affirms its expectation, consistent with the Taiwan
Relations Act, that the future status of Taiwan will be
determined by peaceful means, and that the people of both
sides of the Taiwan Strait should determine their own future,
and considers any effort to determine or influence the future
status of Taiwan by other than peaceful means a threat to the
peace and security of the Western Pacific region and of grave
concern to the United States;
(3) affirms its commitment, consistent with the Taiwan
Relations Act, to make available to Taiwan such defense
articles and defense services, including appropriate
ballistic missile defenses, in such quantities as may be
necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-
defense capability;
(4) affirms its commitment, consistent with the Taiwan
Relations Act, that only the President and Congress shall
determine the nature and quantity of defense articles and
services for Taiwan based solely upon their judgment of the
defensive needs of Taiwan;
(5) urges the President, once again, to seek a public
renunciation by the People's Republic of China of any use of
force, or threat of use of force, against the free people of
Taiwan; and
(6) affirms its strong support, in accordance with the
spirit of the Taiwan Relations Act, of appropriate membership
for Taiwan in international financial institutions and other
international organizations.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from
Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) and the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Hamilton)
each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter).
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. BEREUTER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, as chairman of the Subcommittee on Asia
and the Pacific, I rise in support of H. Con. Res. 301, affirming our
commitment to the people and government of Taiwan. This resolution is
intended to repair the damage done by President Clinton's comments on
Taiwan during the recent U.S.-China summit.
The Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific held a hearing on U.S.-
Taiwan relations on May 20, 1998. At that hearing, administration
witnesses offered repeated reassurances that Taiwan's interests would
not be sacrificed during the June 1998 summit in Beijing. However, the
President's statements in Shanghai regarding U.S. policy in regards to
Taiwan, when he expressed what is known as the ``three nos,'' has
caused considerable consternation both in Taipei and in this capital.
As the foreign power most closely involved in PRC-Taiwan relations, the
goal of U.S. policy has centered on easing tensions and striking a
proper balance between China and Taiwan. Since 1972, through Republican
and Democrat administrations alike, the United States has maintained
the ``one-China policy.'' Our policy has been that the United States
acknowledges that all Chinese on either side of the Taiwan Strait
maintain that there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of
China. And the U.S. consistently has expressed its interest in a
peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question by the Chinese themselves.
Mr. Speaker, there is a great difference between this position and
the President's statement of June 30, where he said, ``We don't support
independence for Taiwan, or two Chinas; or one Taiwan, one China.''
As we have seen, Beijing has used these comments to increase pressure
on Taiwan to begin talks on reunification. Beijing hard-liners may
again choose to test our commitment that Taiwan's future be determined
through peaceful means and take steps which may lead us into war.

{time} 1600

As you are aware, Mr. Speaker, the United States and China came
dangerously close to war over Taiwan a bit more than 2 years ago, in
1996, when the U.S. found it necessary to send aircraft carrier task
forces, two of them, to the region.
In May 1996 the first fully democratic presidential elections ever
held by a Chinese society took place on the island of Taiwan. Today,
the United States and Taiwan share a vibrant mutually beneficial trade
relationship. Almost 20 years after the enactment of the Taiwan
Relations Act, our unofficial relations with the people of Taiwan are
stronger and more robust than ever.
This Member would congratulate the gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay),
the distinguished majority whip, for offering this legislation
reaffirming America's willingness to stand by its commitment to the
people of Taiwan. Working together, the gentleman has made it possible
for the resolution before this body today to be a strong affirmation of
long-standing U.S. policy and the ``one China policy''.
This Member wants to express his deep appreciation for the sponsor's
effort to work with this Member to ensure the broadest possible support
for H. Con. Res. 301. I urge my colleagues to support passage of H.
Con. Res. 301.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that I be permitted to yield the
balance of our time to the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Snowbarger) and
that he be permitted to yield time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Nebraska?
There was no objection.
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Con. Res. 301. The resolution
is, I think, in many respects a constructive restatement of our long-
standing commitment to the well-being of the Taiwanese people.
I want to commend the resolution's author, the gentleman from Texas
(Mr. DeLay), for his willingness to take the views of others into
account during the drafting process. I want, also, to thank the
gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) for his work and his cooperation
in drafting the resolution.
The resolution, among other things, affirms the U.S. commitment to
Taiwan without going beyond current U.S. policy or forcing the
President to do anything. The resolution restates what has been U.S.
policy since the adoption of the Taiwan Relations Act 19 years ago. It
does not change or modify that policy. Its sole purpose is to ensure
that there is no misunderstanding here or abroad regarding the extent
of our support for the people of Taiwan.
I do believe that we would send an even clearer message if the
wording of the resolution tracked in every respect

[[Page H5888]]

the wording of the Taiwan Relations Act. I do also believe, however,
that this resolution is constructive. It restates what has been the law
of the land over the past 19 years and what has been the policy of
every administration during that period.
Americans have watched with pride and admiration as Taiwan in recent
years has evolved into a full-blown political democracy. This
resolution represents another effort to voice that pride and
admiration. I support its adoption.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SNOWBARGER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. DeLay), the majority whip.
Mr. DeLAY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding to me, and
I really appreciate the gentleman from Nebraska and all the hard work
that he has done in putting this resolution together.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to lend my voice to the chorus of protest
that has grown out of President Clinton's public repudiation of our
friend and ally, Taiwan.
The United States has always insisted that the future of Taiwan be
resolved by peaceful means with the full participation of the people of
Taiwan. In short, we believe that the Taiwanese people have a right to
determine their own future without the threat of outside influence or
the use of force.
Taiwan is a shining example of freedom and democracy in a part of the
world sorely in need of role models. It should be the strong and fast
policy of the United States to encourage democratic societies,
particularly in the face of repressive authoritarian regimes.
Unfortunately, President Clinton went beyond the ``three noes,''
virtually foreclosing the option of Taiwan's self-determination. The
insistence of the Clinton Administration that it merely reiterated
long-standing U.S. policy is simply wrong. No President has ever used
words like the words used by President Clinton while he was in China.
The United States now finds itself in a position of selling offense
missile technology to the People's Republic of China while denying
defense weaponry to Taiwan. This, in my opinion, is a dangerous policy.
President Clinton has upset the balance of power in one of the most
sensitive areas of the world. The United States must do everything in
its power to ensure that the People's Republic of China knows that we
will not tolerate the use of force in the Taiwan Strait.
By introducing this legislation with the gentleman from Kansas (Mr.
Snowbarger) and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutsch), I hope to
send China's leaders a very clear message: Taiwan is our friend and
ally. We will not tolerate the use of force in the Taiwan strait. The
people of Taiwan must determine their own future.
I urge the Members of this House to support this resolution. If the
United States does not stand by its friends and promote democracy,
equality and freedom in the face of oppression and the illegitimate use
of force, we cannot expect the rest of the world to do the same.
Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 3 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, it may be helpful to read what the President said in
Shanghai. I quote him:

Meeting with President Jiang, I had a chance to reiterate
our Taiwan policy, which is that we do not support
independence for Taiwan, or two Chinas, or one Taiwan, one
China. And we do not believe that Taiwan should be a member
of any international organization for which statehood is a
requirement.
Our policy has been that we think reunification has to be
done peacefully. That is what our law says, and we have to
encourage the cross-strait dialogue. And I think it will bear
fruit if everyone is patient and works hard.

I think it is important to note here that ``no support for Taiwanese
independence'' has been U.S. policy since the 1972 Shanghai Communique.
I think it is correct to say that President Clinton is the first U.S.
President explicitly to state opposition to Taiwan's independence. It
has been our policy since 1982 under President Reagan, for ``no support
for two Chinas or one China, one Taiwan.'' That was explicitly
articulated by President Reagan in 1982. ``No support for Taiwanese
membership in organizations for which statehood is a requirement'' has
been U.S. policy since the Carter Administration.
The Secretary of State has articulated the so-called ``three noes''
policy. I think it is also correct to say that promoting reunification
is not U.S. policy. Contrary to what the President said, the word does
not appear in the Taiwan Relations Act.
The Taiwan Relations Act reads that, and I quote, ``The future of
Taiwan will be determined by peaceful means.'' It does not prejudge
what the future of Taiwan should be, and I understand that the word
``reunification'' might be seen as doing so. It would have been better
to phrase that sentence in terms of the language of the Taiwan
Relations Act, which says that the future of Taiwan will be determined
by peaceful means.
I do think, however, that the net result of all of this is that U.S.
policy towards Taiwan remains unchanged.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SNOWBARGER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
New York (Mr. Solomon), chairman of the Committee on Rules.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding the
time, and I rise in strong support of this resolution. I commend the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), certainly the gentleman from Kansas
(Mr. Snowbarger), and the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter), as
well as the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Hamilton), an outstanding and
respected Member of this body, for bringing this resolution here today.
Mr. Speaker, this resolution emphatically reaffirms the support of
Congress for the Taiwan Relations Act, and that is the law of the land,
and it expresses again our unswerving support for the free people of
Taiwan to determine their own future without military pressure or
coercion from Communist China.
Mr. Speaker, the President's recent statement undercutting Taiwan, a
statement made in the presence of the Chinese Communist dictatorship,
represents an unprecedented departure from U.S. policy and, again, from
U.S. law.
By endorsing Beijing's interpretation of the ``one China'' doctrine,
and doing so barely 2 years after Communist China conducted defensive
military exercises and missile launchings in the vicinity of Taiwan,
President Clinton contradicted 26 years of U.S. foreign policy and
commitments by five Presidents.
Moreover, his statement came only days after this House voted
unanimously to urge that he seek a public renunciation by Communist
China of the use of any force or threat of force against Taiwan. That
renunciation is yet to be heard, Mr. Speaker.
So that is why we are here today again. This resolution reaffirms the
commitment of this Congress to the terms of the Taiwan Relations Act,
the law of the U.S. land. It puts us on record again in support of
making available to Taiwan such defensive articles and defensive
services, including appropriate ballistic missile defenses, in such
quantities as may be necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a
sufficient self-defense capability. Again, that is U.S. law. No
President has the right to overrule it.
The resolution goes on, Mr. Speaker, to restate, and we ought to
listen to this, U.S. policy in support of an appropriate membership for
Taiwan in international organizations and financial institutions.
Here is the Taiwan Relations Act I just pointed to, Mr. Speaker.
Quoting directly from section 4(d)1, it says, ``Nothing in this Act may
be construed as a basis for supporting exclusion or expulsion of Taiwan
from membership in any international financial institution or any other
international organization.'' That again is the law of the land. No
President has the right to overrule it.
Mr. Speaker, I urge the strongest possible support for this
resolution. We all regret the circumstances that make it necessary. But
let us send a clear and powerful statement to Beijing. Let there be no
doubt in Beijing that America stands with its friends, and real and
proven friends at that, not the pretenders for the moment.

[[Page H5889]]

Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Brown).
Mr. BROWN of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Indiana for
yielding to me. I rise also in support of H. Con. Res. 301. I would
hope that the passage of this resolution today would lead to stronger
American support, support from this Congress, support from the
administration, and inclusion in the World Health Organization of the
country of Taiwan.
I am disturbed that a nation of 21 million people does not have the
opportunity to exchange information in the world health community with
physicians and scientists from other developed and underdeveloped
countries, but especially developed countries, exchange information
about disease and viruses and all the kinds of things that can happen.
As we see around the world more people traveling across borders, more
food sold and bought from country to country, and, as a result, more
disease transmitted between and among peoples and between and among
nations, admission of Taiwan in the World Health Organization will not
just help the 21 million people of Taiwan, it will also help the rest
of the world gain from the information they can get from physicians and
from medical and health researchers and from public health agencies in
Taiwan. So it is certainly something we should do for Taiwan, but it is
something Taiwan wants to do for the rest of the world.
I realize I said I support H. Con. Res. 301. I hope that it does lead
down the road to a stronger support from our government for including
Taiwan in the World Health Organization.

{time} 1615

Mr. SNOWBARGER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Bilbray).
Mr. BILBRAY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this
resolution. I just feel that we need to send a very clear message, and
I think Congress and the administration must stop sending these mixed
messages around the world about what our relationship is with Taiwan,
and the Taiwanese people's place in the world.
The fact is there are those forces all over the world who would like
to deny national sovereignty to certain people, and, frankly, the
Taiwanese are one to which I think the United Nations and many other
agencies have denied recognition of their national sovereignty. We may
want to raise concerns about certain activities that China may be
involved with, be it with its neighbors to the south or be it internal,
but I think one of the things we need to send, quite clearly, is a
message to China saying the people of Taiwan have proven themselves
over the last decades, and have earned the right to gain the title of
sovereign nation unto themselves. I do not think anybody can claim that
the people of Taiwan have not earned that much, through their actions
and through their efforts.
Mr. Speaker, I want to point out that one of the things that is not
brought up enough about America is the fact that we have consistently,
not always but consistently, tried to support democratic republics
around the world, and I think that the fact is that we need to send a
clear message when it comes to Taiwan, that Taiwan is a nation moving
toward the ideal democratic republic that we always talk about, that we
always say we would like to see mainland China move toward. What a
mixed message we send, if we tell the rest of the world and the people
on mainland China that the democratic Republic of Taiwan is going to be
sold down the river to mainland China's tyranny, because it is
politically expedient for the people of the United States or
politically expedient for people around the world. What a mixed
message, if we do not stand strongly and speak clearly that the people
of Taiwan have proven they cannot only defend their right to national
sovereignty, their little island in the world, but also that they are
continuing their movement toward what we all want the rest of the world
to be, and that is a democracy that works, functions, and allows
representative government to prosper.
Mr. Speaker, I think that it is clear that the administration and
Congress had to stop sending mixed messages, and has to send a very
strong message, not just to Taiwan, but to Beijing, that there is a
political and military reality called Taiwan, and we should not only
respect this reality, we should embrace it.
Mr. SNOWBARGER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Rohrabacher).
Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the DeLay
legislation. Today we are setting straight what exactly is and making
clear what exactly is the policy of the United States of America.
During the President's recent visit to the mainland of China, he said
some things that perhaps he meant, and I am sure he did sincerely mean
these things, but they have sent a confusing message, and his
misstatements could lead to an unnecessary crisis unless this body
reaffirms exactly what American policy is.
Let us remember that during the Truman years, when President Truman
was President of the United States, Korea was accidentally left outside
of the U.S. defense perimeter in a briefing of what our policy was in
Asia. In very short order, the communists in North Korea, I might add,
aided by the communist regime in Beijing, the Communist Party that
still controls the mainland of China, invaded South Korea, and the
United States was engulfed in a conflict that cost over 50,000 American
lives.
That is why it is important for us to state very clearly what the
policy of the United States is, and the policy is not just an
unfortunate and thoughtless utterance by the President of the United
States about reunification and other things that he stated there during
his many photo ops. Instead, what the policy of the United States is is
a consistent policy and a consensus among the Executive Branch and the
Legislative Branch, as well as the many different decisionmakers we
have in the democratic process.
The communist Chinese in Beijing should understand that America
remains committed to all the provisions of the Taiwan Relations Act.
There has been no evolution out of the Taiwan Relations Act that will
permit the communist Chinese, for example, to use force against Taiwan.
Through no thoughtless talk of reunification should it be misunderstood
that the United States is any less committed to opposition to the use
of force in the Taiwan Straits than we were last year, 10 years ago, or
10 years before that.
Consistent with that, the DeLay legislation underscores that the
people of Taiwan have a right to determine their own destiny, free from
the threat of force and violence from the communists on the mainland of
China. Thus, the no-use-of-force provision of the Taiwan Relations Act
is reaffirmed, and while the mainland of China is still being
controlled by a communist dictatorship, America reserves the right to
provide the democratic people on Taiwan with the weapons they need to
defend themselves; for example, a missile defense system, which is
purely a defensive system, which, according to the Taiwan Relations
Act, is acceptable.
Also part of the DeLay legislation is that we consider that in those
bodies, those world bodies, especially the World Health Organization
and such where it does not require statehood to be a member, that
Taiwan and the democratic people of Taiwan should be included.
Mr. Speaker, we must make sure that the communist Chinese do not
misunderstand what has happened by a misuse of the words by our
President. Already, however, I might add, and in closing, that people
all over the world, especially in Asia, are seeing what the President
did in China as an act of weakness. In Thailand and elsewhere, in
Japan, people are cutting their deals with the communists when they see
weakness on the part of the President of the United States. An action
now with the DeLay legislation will reaffirm the legislative strength
in reaffirming our policies in Asia. I ask for the support of the DeLay
legislation.
Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SNOWBARGER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, for 20 years the United States has had a consistent
policy toward the dispute between China and Taiwan. We have long
acknowledged that China's position is there is one China and that
Taiwan is a part of

[[Page H5890]]

China, but we have never endorsed the Chinese position. Now, true, this
is a nuance, but we are familiar with the importance of the nuance in
both international and interpersonal relations.
We all have acquaintances who hold strong beliefs that we are not
willing to agree to but do not directly challenge. Nations behave in
the same way. We have never said that China's position is also the
position of the United States; that is, until June 30, 1998, when the
President suddenly and unilaterally announced a new policy, or what
appears to be a new policy.
I personally regret the necessity for the House to have to consider
this resolution, but Congress must set the record straight and reassure
the world that the United States will not turn its back on our friends
and that we will maintain the longstanding policy which has kept the
judicious balance between China and Taiwan and has kept peace in the
Taiwan Straits for many years.
The question remains whether the President's endorsement of mainland
China's views on Taiwan was simply a monstrous gaff, as one writer has
said, or whether this was a deliberate attempt to steer the United
States policy in a new and dangerous direction in violation of the
Taiwan Relations Act and the ``Six Assurances'' to Taiwan. It clearly
ignores recent resolutions and letters from Congress calling on the
President to refrain from compromising Taiwan.
It is odd that the President, knowing full well that there is
overwhelming Congressional opposition to his new position, chose to
make his statement the way he did. In response to a question of whether
the Sino-U.S. relationship would eventually eclipse the U.S.-Japan
relationship, the President responded with a resounding endorsement of
China's Taiwan policy. When Japan is reeling from an economic crisis
and feeling snubbed by the President's refusal to visit Japan while in
East Asia, the President not only failed to use this opportunity to
reassure Japan that we see Japan as our friend and ally, but he
deliberately went out of his way to imply that not only is China more
important than Japan, but that we should turn our back on Taiwan as
well.
So how does the White House justify this monstrous gaff? Why did the
President do this? According to Mike McCurry, the President said these
things for ``no particular reason. He knew he would have the
opportunity to do it, and the opportunity arose today.''
That is just incredible. The President must learn to be more careful,
because the world takes very seriously what he says. Whether it the
First Lady announcing that Palestine should be a state or the President
announcing that Taiwan should not be, the world reacts to these words,
and it is irresponsible for the President to radically change U.S.
foreign policy for no particular reason.
Once again, it falls to Congress to undo the damage. This resolution
reconfirms America's policy of recognizing that the Chinese feel a
certain way, without endorsing that position. It reaffirms the
importance of the Taiwan Relations Act, and it reaffirms our
commitments to the people of Taiwan and the democracy flourishing
there.
This is a matter of vital principle for the United States, and I ask
all of my colleagues to support H. Con. Res. 301.
Mr. Speaker, I might comment that the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Gilman), the chairman of the Committee on International Relations, was
detained in traffic, but he does support the bill and will insert his
statement in the Record at a later point in time.
Mr. DEUTSCH. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that I may reclaim
2 minutes of the time on this side of the aisle.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Stearns). Is there objection to the
request of the gentleman from Florida?
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutsch) is
recognized for 2 minutes.
Mr. DEUTSCH. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. I
think that it is clear the position of the Congress in terms of Taiwan.
The Taiwan Relations Act is the law of the land.
I would differ with some of my colleagues on the other side of the
aisle as to exactly what the President's statements meant. I think
there is some ambiguity there, but I do not think this Congress should
be ambiguous at all in our position in support of the continuation of
what that law says. It is absolutely clear, the unanimous support that
came out of the United States Senate. Hopefully we will see very large
support on this side as well.
In the 6 years I have been in Congress, probably the most dramatic
time that occurred was before the elections in Taiwan, when China made
threatening comments and, to this country's credit, and to this
Congress' credit and to the President's credit, a United States
aircraft carrier was put in between those two countries. Really it was
a reaffirmation of the Taiwan Relations Act.
By calling black ``white'' does not make it white. We are clear in
terms of history the reality of what Taiwan is, and to say that it is
not a separate entity and is part of China automatically does not make
it part of China.
I think what is clear and what our position is is that the people of
Taiwan are the people to decide what their future will be. If they
choose at some point in time to enter into a direct relationship with
the people of China, then that will be their choice. If they choose to
continue their present status or if they choose some type of
independent status, that is their choice to continue.
But I think this Congress, in terms of our role, in terms of
supporting really democracies around the world, which is no clearer
goal in terms of our foreign policy, when we cut through everything
else in terms of what our goals as a country, as a society should be,
those are goals we share.
I urge the support of all of my colleagues for the resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 301, a
resolution affirming the United States' commitment to Taiwan.
I want to commend the Majority Whip, the distinguished gentleman from
Texas, Mr. DeLay for introducing this timely resolution, and I am proud
to be an original co-sponsor of this very important legislation.
It is absolutely critical that the House of Representatives make a
strong statement in support of Taiwan--especially in light of President
Clinton's regrettable comments during his recent visit to the People's
Republic of China.
Despite any denials, it is clearly plain for all to see that the
President was making a concession to the Chinese on the future of
Taiwan. Though the policy shift might be regarded by some as slight,
the Administration has clearly moved in the direction of accepting
Beijing's position on the status of Taiwan.
This was virtuously a ``sell-out'' of one of the world's most vibrant
democracies and sends a dangerous signal to other burgeoning
democracies that might look to the U.S. for moral support.
The President should again review the Taiwan Relations Act, which is
the law of the land. It makes no mention of peaceful ``reunification.''
It calls only for the future of Taiwan to be determined by peaceful
means.
The Presidents--Nixon, Carter and Reagan--have issued communiques
spelling out U.S. policy towards China. None ever mentioned the new
``Three No's.''
The so-called ``Three No's''--No independence for Taiwan; no two
China's or one China, one Taiwan; and no U.S. support for Taiwan to
join international organizations where statehood is a requirement for
membership--are Beijing's policies--not ours.
At least they weren't until the President spelled them out in
Shanghai. No U.S. president has ever made such a public statement with
regard to Taiwan--especially not while standing on the Chinese
mainland.
President Clinton's words will have a great impact on the future of
Taiwan.
They may well embolden Beijing to continue to exercise another ``No''
that the President should have--but did not mention--no use of force.
The President's failure to mention this most important ``No'' only
increases the likelihood that we will have to address this issue
sometime in the future.
Regrettably, the President seems to have forgotten the storm clouds
of conflict which covered the Taiwan Strait in the spring of 1996 when
the Chinese launched missiles across the Strait into international air
and sea lanes in an effort to influence the first democratic elections
in Chinese history.
Also apparently forgotten was the deployment of two U.S. carrier
battle groups and 15,000 American sailors and marines to the vicinity
of the Taiwan Strait in response.

It was dismaying and disheartening to see that this Administration
has opted to side with authoritarianism and oppression over democracy
and freedom.
I would remind the Administration that the United States has never
``accepted'' Beijing's

[[Page H5891]]

claims of sovereignty over Taiwan. It has only ``acknowledged'' the
PRC's position. Until now.
Regardless of how the White House spins the President's statement,
the Administration has now in effect recognized Beijing's version of a
One China policy. The Chinese will not permit the President's statement
to be forgotten.
The future of Taiwan must be settled peacefully and not by one side
dictating terms to the other. Regrettably, the President's statement
has seriously undermined the possibility for a peaceful resolution of
Taiwan's future by severely weakening Taiwan's bargaining position and
enhancing the threat of the use of force by the PRC.
At a minimum, the statement has limited Taiwan's options for
participating in international fora to the detriment of Taiwan and the
world community. Taiwan's future is a decision for the 21 million
people of Taiwan to decide.
I regret the President's comments and I am concerned for the
consequences they may bring. Accordingly, I urge my colleagues to
support this important resolution. It deserves bi-partisan support. Let
us tell the Administration and the Chinese that we stand resolute on
Taiwan.
Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this
resolution, which expresses the sense of Congress, that Taiwan be
recognized as a separate and distinct entity from the People's Republic
of China.
The United States has had a working relationship with Taiwan for
almost half a century. During that time, we have developed strong
economic, political, and social ties with the government and people of
Taiwan, and I hope that we will be able to continue that partnership
over the next millennia.
Unfortunately, our relationship with Taiwan has undergone strains at
certain times. We are in the unenviable position of trying to maintain
relations with China, while they are trying to assert their sovereignty
over that of the Taiwanese. A careful balance must be maintained, and
measures such as this are often necessary to provide reassurances to
one side. This is one of those occasions. However, I want to emphasize
that the passage of this resolution does not signify an end of
relations with China, but it does identify that we are acutely aware of
the plight of our friends in Taiwan.
I look forward to making sure that these tensions in the East do not
escalate to the level of war. We must remain vigilant during our
negotiations with China and cannot allow unfettered acts of aggression
to go unnoticed. We must also use the means available to us to convince
China that peace is the only option available to them.
American interests in Taiwan are firmly entrenched, and need our
protection. Many do not realize, that our trade with Taiwan eclipses
that of other nations of which we are far more protective. We must do
better than this. It is my hope that this resolution will send a signal
to the Taiwanese government that we value their friendship, and will
work actively to preserve their interest and ours.
I urge my fellow colleagues to support this resolution, for the well-
being, not only of the people of Taiwan, but also for all the people of
the region.
Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of House Concurrent
Resolution 301, which reaffirms the commitment of the United States to
Taiwan under the Taiwan Relations Act.
I commend the authors of the resolution, the gentleman from Texas,
Mr. DeLay, and the gentleman from Kansas, Mr. Snowbarger. I further
commend the Chairman and ranking member of the House International
Relations Committee, Mr. Gilman and Mr. Hamilton, and the Chairman and
Ranking Member of the House International Relations Subcommittee on
Asia-Pacific Affairs, Mr. Bereuter and Mr. Berman, and our other
colleagues that have worked toward adoption of this important measure.
I am proud to join our colleagues in support of the legislation.
Mr. Speaker, the United States has had a long, close and enduring
relationship with Taiwan dating back to the end of World War II. With
our support, Taiwan has risen from the ruins of war to become one of
the world's most compelling success stories.
Today, Taiwan has the 19th largest economy in the world, is America's
7th largest trading partner, and possesses tremendous foreign exchange
reserves on a par with Japan. Taiwan has also made great strides toward
democratization, with free and fair elections being held routinely at
the local and national levels--culminating in the historic presidential
election in 1996.
Clearly, Mr. Speaker, the people of Taiwan must be congratulated for
the outstanding accomplishments of their thriving and prosperous
democracy of 22 million people. All Americans should take pride in and
share the achievements of our close friends.
When the stability of our friends in Taiwan was threatened by China
in spring of 1996, I supported the actions taken by the Clinton
administration in sending the Nimitz and Independence carrier groups to
the Taiwan strait to maintain peace. China's missile tests and
threatened use of force contravened China's commitment under the 1979
and 1982 Joint Communiques to resolve Taiwan's status by peaceful
means. The Joint Communiques, along with the Taiwan relations act, are
the foundation of our ``One China'' policy, which fundamentally
stresses that force should not be used in resolution of the Taiwan
question. Clearly it is in the interests of the United States and all
parties that the obligation continue to be honored,
President Clinton's summit meeting in China achieved several
important goals. In the process, however, I do not believe that the
welfare and interests of the people of Taiwan were sacrificed.
The United States has shown in recent years that the use of force by
China against Taiwan will not be tolerated. The legislation before us
reaffirms that fact, and that the United States remains committed to
the proposition that the Taiwan question should be resolved peacefully
by the people on both sides of the Taiwan strait.
Mr. Speaker, I urge our colleagues to support House Concurrent
Resolution 301.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time has expired.
The question is on the motion offered by the gentleman from Nebraska
(Mr. Bereuter) that the House suspend the rules and agree to the
concurrent resolution, H. Con. Res 301.
The question was taken.
Mr. BEREUTER. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 5 of rule I and the
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be
postponed.

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