[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 86 (Friday, June 26, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S7248-S7251]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FOURTH OF JULY
Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, on still another note, it seems like such a
short time ago that we rang in the New Year. It is almost July, and the
midpoint of the year has passed. How quickly we have gone from gray
skies, lowering clouds, and seemingly incessant rain, with some snow,
some hail, strong winds, to bright sunshine and the first fruits and
vegetables of the season. Already the brief moment of the wild
strawberries, those tender morsels of condensed sunshine and spring
showers, has passed, but juicy blackberries are ripening along their
protective bramble arches, ready for picking in time to fill a pie that
may grace a festive Fourth of July picnic. In West Virginia, whole
families can be spotted, buckets in hand, along the fence rows where
brambles grow, especially those old rail fences, gathering blackberries
for pies and jam. Of course, the younger the picker, the more
blackberries that end up inside the picker rather than inside the
bucket, but that is just one of the messy, finger-staining joys of
summertime. And the fingers are stained, as are the lips and the chins
and the drippings on the clothing.
When I think of the Fourth of July, visions of family picnics crowned
by the very literal fruits of that berry-picking labor are among the
many happy thoughts that surface. Like that blackberry pie topped with
melting vanilla ice cream, Fourth of July memories are a sweet blend of
small town parades with volunteer firemen in brightly polished trucks
and high school marching bands bedecked in their finest regalia; of
local beauty queens sharing convertibles with waving mayors and
Congressmen and Senators; and flags . . . flags everywhere, waving in
the sweaty palms of excited youngsters and proudly flying before houses
on
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quiet side streets where no parade will ever pass, but where grandpa
might sit on the porch in his World War II service cap and wave to the
passing neighbors. That is the American scene.
Although cheapened by holiday sales that commercialize the occasion,
like all holidays, the Fourth of July has somehow remained triumphantly
above it all, like the flag so gallantly flying over Fort McHenry that
inspired Francis Scott Key to write ``The Star Spangled Banner.'' More
families and friends gather for picnics or reunions and an evening
spent watching fireworks than spend the day in the mall and the evening
before the television set. Most people still know that the Fourth of
July celebrates the declaration of our nation's independence from Great
Britain, though other historical facts concerning our battle for
freedom and the establishment of our government are fuzzy though these
are facts, and out of focus but not the Fourth of July. Most people
consider themselves patriotic, though I suspect that a substantial
percentage could not clearly define what it means to them to be a
patriot.
To be a patriot is much, much more than to be a fan of, say, a
football team. To root for one's country is part of being a patriot,
but that support can be shallow, like the hurrah of a sports fan that
turns all too quickly to boos--boos, b-o-o-s--when the team's record
loses a certain winning luster. Those cheers, those hurrahs, change to
boos, b-o-o-s. It might have been some other spelling of ``booze''
imbibed during the game. We will leave that for another day. To be a
patriot is to reach into the deep current that has carried our nation
through history, and not be distracted by the ephemeral eddies of
scandal that ripple the surface. To be certain, a part of that
definition is the quiet willingness to set aside one's own plans and
don the uniform of a nation that calls for your service. But one need
not only wear a uniform to be a patriot. Nor is it enough simply to pay
your taxes, obey the speed limit, and memorize the pledge of
allegiance to the flag of the United States of America and to the
republic--not the democracy--to the republic for which it stands, one
nation, under God.
I am proud of the fact that I was a member of the other body, and I'm
the only Member of Congress who still serves in the Congress of the
United States who was present there when the words ``under God'' were
included in the Pledge of Allegiance on June 7, 1954.
Interestingly, exactly 1 year from that day, on June 7, 1955, the
House of Representatives--I was a member of the House at that time--the
House of Representatives enacted legislation providing for these words
``In God We Trust'' to appear on the currency and the coin of the
United States. Those words had appeared on some of the coins previous
to that time, but on June 7, 1955, the House enacted legislation
providing that the currency and the coin of the United States would
carry the words ``In God We Trust.''
To be a patriot involves understanding, appreciating, and protecting
that which gives our Nation its unique spot on the compass of the
world--our Constitution. It has been much in the news the last 24
hours. And that cannot be condensed onto a bumper sticker.
In establishing a government that adroitly balances the minority
against the majority, the small or less populous States against the
larger, the executive against the legislative against the judicial, and
that preserves individual liberty and opportunity, our Founding Fathers
truly delivered on the promise embodied in the Fourth of July. The
Declaration of Independence was a clarion call in the wilderness, a
defiant shout down the echoing canyons of history, saying, ``We can do
better.'' The Constitution gave that call that was issued in the
Declaration of Independence substance, and the more than 200 years of
history since that time have done little to erode the triumph of that
achievement.
The Constitution of the United States of America is a remarkably
compact document. This is it--this little, tiny document. Of course,
this particular booklet also contains the Declaration of Independence.
But that is it. That is the Constitution of the United States. Think of
the struggles, think of the sacrifices of men and women, think of the
battles, think of April 19 when Captain Parker stood on the greens at
Lexington with his men and bared their breasts to the British redcoats,
and then at Concord, and then Bunker Hill, and King's Mountain. And
think of the battles during the War of 1812, on the sea, on the land,
the carnage, the blood that was shed in the Civil War by men on both
sides, who fought for the Union and who fought against the Union. All
of these, and more, gave their lives.
The Constitution still lives! The men who wrote the Declaration of
Independence--Jefferson, Franklin, Sherman, Adams, Livingston--their
lives were at risk. Their lives were at risk. They could have been
hanged. That was treason--treason--to write that Declaration of
Independence! They could have been taken to England and tried and
executed there. That was treason! Think of the sacrifices that have
gone into the creation of that little booklet--the history, the events,
the treasures that were at risk, the fortunes that were lost, the lives
that were lost, the blood that was shed, the families that were
destroyed, the properties that were confiscated--all of these and more.
What did we get out of it? We got this--the Constitution of the
United States! The Constitution's beginnings go back for years, for
decades, for centuries, back a thousand years. American
constitutionalism began at Runnymede on the banks of the Thames in June
1215 and before. It had its roots in the English struggle when
Englishmen shed their blood at the point of a sword in their efforts to
wrest from tyrannical monarchs the power of the purse.
So there it is. That little document is all we got out of it. But
what that contains! More than the Magna Carta. That is what we will be
celebrating on the 4th of July--that Declaration of Independence and
that Constitution. Too soon we have forgotten, haven't we? This is a
remarkable document. Every schoolchild ought to study it, and every
schoolchild ought to be required to memorize it.
The Law of the Twelve Tables, created in Rome in the year 450 B.C. A
delegation was sent to Athens to study the laws of Solon--that
remarkable man who is one of the seven wise men of Greece--to study the
laws and to bring back to Rome the ideas and the provisions that could
be put into a law, which the Plebeians would understand as well as the
Patricians. The delegation went in 454 B.C., and they came back to Rome
and began this work in 451 B.C. In 450, they completed the work: The
Law of the Twelve Tables. They inscribed these laws on tables, and
those tables were destroyed in the year 390 B.C. by Brennus and the
Gauls. The Gauls conquered Rome and destroyed much of it and, along
with it, destroyed the Law of the Twelve Tables.
But so what? Cicero said that the young people had been required to
memorize the Law of the Twelve Tables, and therefore, even though the
Gauls destroyed the Twelve Tables, the Law of the Twelve Tables lived
on in the memories of the schoolchildren. Hence, the Romans hadn't lost
the Law of the Twelve Tables. The Schoolchildren had been required to
memorize the Law of the Twelve Tables.
Cicero also had this to say about the Constitution:
It is necessary for a Senator to be thoroughly acquainted
with the Constitution, without which no Senator can possibly
be fit for his office.
Those who wish to find that quotation may look in Blackstone, the
first book of Blackstone, section 1, paragraph #10, I believe it is.
Blackstone quotes Cicero and what Cicero said about the Constitution.
This is it. Let us all think about that on the 4th of July. Let us
think about those who pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their
sacred honor for that document. It is not lengthy. What does it weigh?
Put it on the scale. Put it on the scales of time, on the scales of
history, on the scales of liberty. Its weight cannot be measured.
Every schoolchild ought to study this, and every adult ought to know
so instinctively that any challenge to the balance of powers outlined
in this document should be instantly identified and resisted. If only
cultural antibodies could be developed that would allow the people of
this Nation to acquire an immunity, and would allow the Members of this
body and the other body of
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the Congress today and forevermore to acquire an immunity, to
constitutional cancer--it is a vaccine that I would gladly take. Then,
perhaps, I and others like me would not have to struggle so hard to
excise the melanomas of balanced budget amendments and line-item acts
that periodically threaten to overturn the safeguards established by
the Framers to ensure that the people and their elected representatives
have recourse against an ambitious power grab by the executive, or by
any political party.
Like the wild strawberries and blackberries that sweeten a country
stroll on a Sunday afternoon, our republican form of government is a
natural treasure of a generous and bountiful land. But, like the
delicate wild beauties of vine and bramble which are too easily
overlooked amid the garish profusion of plenty that surrounds us, so
must we be alert to often subtle presence of Constitutional safeguards
embodied in our complex profusion of laws and governmental structures.
We must guard against a complacency that would trample them under foot
or mow them down in a fervor of thoughtless modernization for the sake
of change or in the name of some soul-less efficiency.
This Fourth of July--this Fourth of July--let us put aside for a
moment the bright display of fireworks, the inspiring ring of martial
music, and listen for the timeless song of our past. Listen for the
courage and determination in the solemn opening paragraphs of the
Declaration of Independence where it is said:
``When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one
people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with
another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and
equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle
them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they
should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
``We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable
Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of
Happiness.--That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted
among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed,--That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of
these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or abolish it, and
to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles
and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most
likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.''
Mr. President, on July 4, 1776, the thirteen united states of America
committed themselves to a bold new course, at great risk. It is no
small thing to break away from centuries of tradition, in the face of
overwhelming military might, and the opening paragraphs of the
Declaration of Independence make it clear that our Founding Fathers
knew full well the seriousness and the risks of the course they had
embarked upon. They recognized the challenge laid out for them in
establishing a new and better form of government.
This Fourth of July, I will happily watch the parades and the
fireworks and, with luck, perhaps enjoy with my wife of 61 years and my
daughters of many years and my grandchildren of several years a piece
of blackberry pie with ice cream.
But I will also take the time to pull out my little copy of the
Constitution that I carry with me, near to my heart. I will take a few
minutes to marvel again at the skill and economy with which the Framers
outlined a government that has so well provided for our nation through
the centuries. We who enjoy the freedom, the independence, the
security, and the prosperity of 1998, owe a great debt of gratitude for
the courage and the commitment of those patriots of 1776, and an equal
debt to the men, some of them the same individuals, who followed
through on that promise in the Constitutional Convention of 1789. We
honor them best, I think, by preserving their legacy for the patriots
of the 21st Century, our children and grandchildren.
The legacy bequeathed to us in trust to our children and
grandchildren is, Mr. President--I say to the very distinguished
patriotic Senator, who is from Wyoming, and who graces the Presiding
Officer's chair in the Chamber today--simply the most richly endowed
nation on the face of the Earth--rich in land, in opportunity, in
liberty.
We are the inheritors of plenty, thank God, merciful Providence. I
have had the great fortune to travel widely during my life. I have
visited with kings, queens, shahs, prime ministers, presidents, and
premiers of many lands. I have seen the beauties of Europe, the
mysteries of the Orient, the crumbling ruins of once-mighty empires in
the Middle East. They have all left me with wonderful memories and
great stories. But when I travel, I pine for home.
I took a trip around the world along with six colleagues in the House
of Representatives in 1955. That was 43 years ago. We traveled around
the world in an old Constellation. We traveled for 68 days. That would
have been called a junket today. We were a subcommittee of the House
Committee on Foreign Affairs. And so I traveled in many wonderful
lands, but the most beautiful sight that I saw in that entire 68 days,
having seen the Taj Mahal, having seen Sun Moon Lake in Taiwan, having
seen the other wonders and beauties of the world and of nature, the
most inspiring and gratifying thing that I saw were the two little
bright red lights flashing at the top of the Washington Monument when
we returned to the good old United States of America. We had been in
lands where there was no fresh, clean water to be drawn from the
faucets. We so much take America for granted today, but what a
wonderful experience it was anew to be able upon our return to go back
to a faucet and see come from that faucet water--clear, pure, good
water--that we could drink without fear of becoming ill. So I have been
left with many wonderful memories, but never shall I forget those two
red lights at the top of the monument to the greatest President of the
greatest country in the world, the Washington Monument.
I miss when I travel the comforting presence of friendly West
Virginia faces, the soft breeze that carries their cheerful hellos, the
warm smiles that brighten the day and lift my heart. I think that I
never appreciate home so much as when I am away from it. I suspect that
you, Mr. President, and most Americans feel that way, too. That great
poet Henry Van Dyke certainly did, and he used his facility with words
to capture the feeling in his poem, ``America For Me.''
`Tis fine to see the Old World, and travel up and down
Among the famous palaces and cities of renown,
To admire the crumbly castles and the statues of the kings,--
But now I think I've had enough of antiquated things.
So it's home again, and home again, America for me!
My heart is turning home again, and there I long to be,
In the land of youth and freedom beyond the ocean bars,
Where the air is full of sunlight and the flag is full of
stars.
Oh, London is a man's town, there's power in the air;
And Paris is a woman's town, with flowers in her hair;
And it's sweet to dream in Venice, and it's great to study in
Rome
But when it comes to living there is just no place like home.
I like the German fir-woods, in green battalions drilled;
I like the gardens of Versailles with flashing fountains
filled;
But, oh, to take your hand, my dear, and ramble for a day
In the friendly western woodland where Nature has her way!
I know that Europe's wonderful, yet something seems to lack:
The Past is too much with her, and the people looking back.
But the glory of the Present is to make the Future free,--
We love our land for what she is and what she is to be.
Oh, it's home again, and home again, America for me!
I want a ship that's westward bound to plough the rolling
sea,
To the blessed Land of Room Enough beyond the ocean bars,
Where the air is full of sunlight and the flag is full of
stars!
Mr. President, I yield the floor and I suggest the absence of a
quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll to ascertain the
absence or presence of a quorum.
The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
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Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I want to express my appreciation to the
fine men and women of the United States Air Force, who honored my great
state and her great people by naming the 19th operational B-2 Stealth
Bomber, The Spirit of Mississippi. I saw the B-2 fly--and it filled me,
and all those who participated in the naming ceremony, with enormous
pride.
The dedication of this magnificent aircraft took place in a moving
ceremony on Saturday, May 23rd, in Jackson, Mississippi. The ceremony
took on additional meaning for all those who joined me since it came at
the start of the Memorial Day weekend, when we honor those who
sacrificed so much for the defense of our great nation.
The ceremony included a number of great Americans. General Richard
Hawley, the Commander of the Air Force's Air Combat Command, chose
Mississippi as the name to grace this aircraft as she serves to deter
our enemies for decades to come. Also participating in the ceremony was
Mr. Kent Kresa, the Chairman, President, and Chief Executive Officer of
Northrop Grumman, the company that built this technological wonder with
the help of the skilled people and companies of Mississippi.
I was pleased to be joined by a number of senior political leaders
from Mississippi: My esteemed colleague, Senator Thad Cochran, Governor
Kirk Fordice, and Congressman Roger Wicker of the 1st District.
Major General James H. Garner, the Adjutant General of the
Mississippi National Guard, and Colonel Robert Barron, the Commander of
the 172nd Airlift Wing at Jackson, served as our hosts for these
ceremonies.
When you stand up close to a B-2, and have the opportunity to see a
B-2 fly, you realize just how magnificent this aircraft truly is--and
the magnitude of the technological accomplishments that it represents.
Just to put this in perspective, the B-2 aircraft has a wingspan about
\2/3\ the length of a football field and, so they tell me, the radar
signature of an insect. With refueling, it can fly anywhere on the
planet to deliver 16 one-ton precision-guided bombs--even in bad
weather. The B-2 offers a revolutionary combination of stealth, range,
payload, and precision. It could only have been built here in America--
and, I say with pride, only with the help of my fellow Mississippians.
Fielding this revolutionary aircraft took courage and dedication on
the part of key leaders in the Senate, the House of Representatives,
and four separate Administrations. To get where we are today, from
concept to a squadron of B-2s ready to fly and fight, took almost two
decades of effort. Standing here now, we can better appreciate their
vision. And we need to remember the time it took to develop the B-2 as
we look to the future of America's long-range bomber force.
We in Congress believe that long-range air power will be even more
important in the future than it has been in the past. The reasons are
straightforward. Our forces based overseas are shrinking in size--and
that trend is likely to continue. Potential adversaries are arming
themselves with fast-moving conventional forces and weapons of mass
destruction. Long range air power gives the President the ability to
respond to aggression immediately and decisively--and that's what helps
provide deterrence.
We in Congress, however, have had growing concerns about the future
of the bomber force. Accordingly, we mandated last year that a
distinguished and independent panel of experts--the Long Range Air
Power Panel--examine current plans for the bomber force and recommend
actions to the President and the Congress. That panel has completed its
review and I'd like to briefly share some of its important
recommendations regarding the B-2 and the future of America's long-
range bomber force.
The Panel stated up front that, and I quote: ``long-range air power
is an increasingly important element of U.S. military capability.''
Over the near term, to make sure that the bomber force can meet the
increasing demand for long-range air power, the Panel recommended that
we need to invest in and upgrade the current force. In the case of the
B-2, for example, the Panel stated that we should work on in increasing
the B-2's sortie rate using a combined program that improves stealth
maintenance and performance. This will take some additional funding
beyond what we provided in the 1998 budget, but keep in mind that
doubling the B-2's sortie rate would in effect double the combat power
of the force. That's a bargain.
The Panel also made an important recommendation regarding the long-
term future of the bomber force. As I noted before, it took almost 20
years to field the B-2. In less than twenty years from now, the Panel
stated that we should be fielding a next generation bomber--and to do
so, we need to get started now to develop a plan to replace the
existing force over time. I don't know what the next generation bomber
will look like. Maybe it will be an upgraded B-2 or something
completely different. But I do know that given the strategic importance
of long-range air power, we need to get started. I look forward to
seeing the Pentagon's recommendations next year about this important
issue.
The enhancements suggested for the B-2 are in line with the
requirements identified by my fellow participant in the Spirit of
Mississippi naming ceremony, General Hawley. As we complete work on
this year's defense budget, we should follow the example offered by a
brilliant former leader from Mississippi--the late Senator John
Stennis--who along with other leaders in this chamber had the vision to
start building the B-2. His vision is now a reality that will fly for
many decades into the future. In following Senator Stennis' guidance,
we need to support the continued enhancement of the revolutionary B-2
stealth bomber. And we need to encourage the Air Force to provide us
with a comprehensive plan for developing a next-generation bomber to
sustain the long-range air power force over the long-term. John Stennis
would be very proud of our actions--and our long-term vision.
____________________