[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 66 (Thursday, May 21, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5316-S5317]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
RESPONSE TO VACANCY CLAIMS
Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I rise today to respond to a floor speech
my good friend and colleague Senator Leahy recently delivered. In that
address, Senator Leahy once again brought attention to the so-called
vacancy crisis that is facing our Federal Judiciary. Now, I don't blame
Senator Leahy for that. After all, that is his job. He needs to press
us a bit to move judges for the Clinton Administration. And indeed, we
had some disconnects in the past that prevented us from holding
hearings on perhaps as many judges as we would have liked.
That having been said, I am pleased that Senator Leahy and I have
worked out some of the kinks in the process and have worked together to
ensure that qualified nominees are confirmed. Similarly, I am happy to
report that I have worked over the last few months with White House
Counsel Chuck Ruff to ensure that the nomination and confirmation
process is a collaborative one between the White House and members of
the Senate. I think it's fair to say that after a few bumpy months in
which the process suffered due to inadequate consultation between the
White House and some Senators, the process is now working rather
smoothly. I think the progress is due to the White House's renewed
commitment to good faith consultation with Senators of both parties. I
also want to compliment Senator Leahy for his willingness to work with
me to get hearings scheduled for nominees. Let me take a moment,
however, to correct some of the pernicious myths that persist on the
subject of the confirmation process.
Quite simply, contrary to what you may have read in the popular
press, there is no general vacancy crisis. So far this year, the Senate
has confirmed 26 of President Clinton's nominees. We have confirmed a
total of 62 Judges this Congress, in addition to a number of Executive
branch nominees. In fact, 266 active Federal Judges, or roughly 35% of
all sitting Article III judges, were appointed by this Administration.
As of today there are 768 active Federal Judges. What does that number
mean? It means that there are currently more sitting federal judges
hearing cases than in any previous administration. In fact, since
becoming Chairman, I have yet to cast a vote against a single Clinton
judicial nominee.
Just as a matter of comparison, at this point in the 101st and 102nd
Congress when George Bush was president and Democrats controlled the
Senate, there were only 711 and 716 active judges, respectively. Thus,
we have 50 more sitting federal judges today than we did in 1992, yet
some would have us believe that our federal courts are being
overwhelmed by a tidal wave of cases.
Keep in mind that the Clinton administration is on record as having
stated that 63 vacancies is virtual full employment of the federal
judiciary. The Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts lists the
current number of federal judicial vacancies as 76, a far cry from the
``nearly 100'' I have heard some claim. In fact, by the
administration's own admission we are 13 judges away from a fully
employed federal judiciary. Which begs the question: if we are only 13
judges away from full employment how can we be mired in a vacancy
crisis? Only 13 judges out of 843 authorized--I think it is time to put
the vacancy crisis argument to rest.
Moreover, let's compare today's vacancy level of 76, with those that
existed during the early 1990's when the Democratic and Republican
parties' fortunes were reversed. In May of 1991, there were 148 federal
judicial vacancies. One year later, in May of 1992, there were 117
federal judicial vacancies. I remember those years. I don't, however,
remember one comment about it in the media. I don't recall one
television show mentioning it. I don't recall one writer writing about
it. Nobody seemed to care. Nobody, that is, except the Chief Justice of
the United States, William Rehnquist. Back then, in his year-end
report, he called upon the Democratically controlled Senate to confirm
more judges, much like he did this past year. Yet no one seemed too
concerned about the Chief Justice's comments back then. Now, when we
have a Democrat in the White House, all of a sudden it has become a
crisis when we have virtually half the vacancies today that we had in
1991. And it becomes a crisis even though the Chief Justice's message
is virtually the same now as it was back then.
I also think it important to note that at the end of the Bush
Administration, there were 115 vacancies, for which 55 nominees were
pending before the Judiciary committee. None of those 55 nominees even
received the courtesy of a hearing, however. Compare this to the 65
vacancies remaining at the end of President Clinton's first term. I
think there is quite a difference.
Some have mentioned a deliberate effort among Republican members of
the Senate to unduly delay the confirmation of Judicial nominees.
Nothing could be further from the truth. The judiciary committee has in
fact processed nominees at a remarkably fast pace this session. Of the
25 nominees currently pending in the Judiciary committee without a
hearing, 10 were received since April. Today, there are only 5 nominees
pending on the Senate Floor, and I expect that we will vote on their
confirmations before the session ends.
A good deal has been said by critics with regard to the vacancies on
the Second and Ninth Circuits. It is true that these two circuits have
had unusual difficulties. It should be mentioned, however, that
nominations to the Ninth Circuit were held up to decide whether the
Circuit should be split or not. Now that a commission is in place to
study that issue, we have been able to move a number of Ninth Circuit
nominations. In fact, we have confirmed more judges to the Ninth
Circuit --three--than to any other circuit. Of the five Ninth Circuit
judges still pending in the Senate, two have had hearings and one is
pending on the floor. We received two of the other nominees only this
session. And there are still vacancies remaining on that circuit--two
vacancies of which have not even received a nominees. And one of those
vacancies has been open since December of 1996.
This represents a failure not on the part of the Judiciary Committee
but on the Clinton Administration. President Clinton's failure to
nominate judges expeditiously has in fact slowed the process, as the
committee is left with an increasingly smaller base of qualified
nominees to hold hearings on. In fact, fewer than half of the current
vacancies have nominees pending, with many of those having incomplete
paperwork. Rather than succumbing to the petulance of finger pointing,
we all would be better served by an administration committed to sending
us qualified nominees as expeditiously as possible.
Now, we also acknowledge that there have been problems with
confirming
[[Page S5317]]
nominees to the Second Circuit, but we have made a strong effort to
ameliorate them. Unfortunately an unexpected illnesses have taken their
toll on the Second Circuit, but we have done our part in committee. Two
of the four nominees to that court are pending on the Senate floor, the
other two recently had a hearing, and I expect will be voted out of
Committee on Thursday.
Apparently, President Clinton has not shared this sense of urgency
with regard to the Second Circuit. In fact, of the five current
vacancies on that court, one sat without a nominee for almost two
years, another did not receive a nominee for over ten months, and the
other waited just over eight months to receive a nominee. Most
disturbing of all is the seat vacated by Senior Judge Jon Newman,
vacant since July 1, 1997, which is yet to receive a nominee. As I have
stated so often before, I'm a pretty good chairman of the Judiciary
Committee, but I can't get judges confirmed that have not been
nominated.
Now, while the debate about vacancy rates on our federal courts is
not unimportant, it remains more important that the Senate perform its
advice and consent function thoroughly and responsibly. Federal judges
serve for life and perform an important constitutional function,
without direct political accountability to the people. Accordingly, the
Senate should never move too quickly on nominations before it. Just
this past year we saw two examples of what can happen when we try to
move nominations along perhaps too quickly. In one instance, a nominee
for a federal district court was reported out of the Judiciary
Committee before all the details of her record as a state trial judge
were known. As it happens, the District Attorney in the nominee's city,
who happened to be of her party, and the district attorneys'
association in her home state all publicly opposed the nomination,
setting forth facts demonstrating a very serious anti-prosecution bias
in her judicial record. It's cases like these that underscore the
importance of proceeding very deliberately with nominations for these
most important life-tenured positions.
Let me make an important point here: federal judges should not be
confirmed simply as part of a numbers game to reduce the vacancy rate
to a particular level. While I plan to continue to oversee a fair and
principled confirmation process, as I always have, I want to emphasize
that the primary criteria in this process is not how many vacancies
need to be filled, but whether President Clinton's nominees are
qualified to serve on the bench, and will not, upon receiving their
judicial commission, spend a lifetime career rendering politically
motivated, activist decisions. The Senate has an obligation to the
American people thoroughly to review the records of the nominees it
receives to ensure that they are capable and qualified to serve as
federal judges, and as part of that assessment of qualification, to
ensure that nominees properly understand the limitations of the
judicial role.
Clearly, I believe the Committee has done its part. I hope to
continue to work with the Administration and with Senator Leahy to
ensure that qualified individuals will serve on the federal bench.
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