[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 64 (Tuesday, May 19, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5141-S5142]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                         ADDITIONAL STATEMENTS

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                              NATO WRAP UP

 Mr. BINGAMAN. Mr. President, I joined the majority of my 
Senate colleagues in voting overwhelmingly in favor of the resolution 
approving the accession to NATO of Poland, Hungary, and the Czech 
Republic. I believe that these three countries have made remarkable 
progress in establishing

[[Page S5142]]

democratic institutions and undertaking fundamental economic reforms. 
In addition, for the United States to refuse their admission into NATO 
at this stage would undermine U.S. leadership both in the Atlantic 
Alliance and globally.
  However, my support for the admission of Poland, Hungary, and the 
Czech Republic into NATO should not be interpreted as a green light for 
further rounds of NATO enlargement. I believe that there is no mandate 
for further rounds of NATO enlargement. As the forty-one votes in 
support of the Warner Amendment indicate, more than enough Senators are 
concerned about moving too fast on NATO enlargement to block approval 
of the accession of any additional states to NATO in the near-term. In 
addition, provisions of the NATO resolution makes clear that the Senate 
expects to be closely consulted prior to any future negotiations on 
inviting other countries to join NATO.
  We must get answers to critical questions before we even begin to 
consider whether additional countries should be invited to join NATO. 
Before any further enlargement is contemplated, the United States needs 
to know the costs of the first several years of integrating Poland, 
Hungary, and the Czech Republic into NATO, and the burden sharing 
arrangements for meeting those costs. In addition, the Alliance must 
first complete revising and updating its Strategic Concept, the 
statement of NATO's fundamental military mission. This will allow NATO 
members, and countries potentially seeking membership, to judge for 
themselves whether further expansion strengthens--or undermines--the 
Alliance's ability to carry out its strategic mission.
  I continue to have serious doubts about the wisdom of any further 
enlargement of NATO. In rushing to bring the states of the former 
Warsaw Pact and the former Soviet Union into the NATO military fold, we 
risk undermining our ability to work with Russia to reduce the most 
immediate threats to our security. In particular, I am concerned about 
the adverse impact that the consideration of the Baltic states for NATO 
membership might have on on-going U.S.-Russian cooperative initiatives. 
These initiatives address some of our highest security concerns, 
including the containment of the proliferation of nuclear, chemical, 
and biological technology and materials, and achieving mutual 
reductions in strategic nuclear forces. With regard to the Baltics, I 
draw the attention of my colleagues to a colloquy between Sen. Biden 
and myself recorded in the Congressional Record of April 30th, on page 
S3888. This colloquy clarifies that the United States has not pre-
committed, either in the U.S.-Baltic Charter of Partnership or 
elsewhere, to support NATO membership for the Baltic states.
  I hope now we can put the distraction of NATO enlargement behind us. 
It has yet to be explained how the expansion of a military alliance, 
formed during the height of the Cold War to defend its members' 
territory from external attack, serves our needs in today's changed 
security environment. The threats we face today require careful 
consideration of a full range of options--whether NATO, the Partnership 
for Peace initiative between NATO and 28 countries of Europe and the 
former Soviet Union, or other collective security arrangements--to 
increase the security and stability of all democratic states.
  The Senate, as well, needs to turn its attention to efforts that 
mutually enhance the security of the United States, its NATO allies, 
and the states of Eastern Europe, including Russia. These include 
laying the groundwork for Senate approval of the Comprehensive Test Ban 
Treaty, supporting the elimination of Russian strategic arms under the 
Cooperative Threat Reduction program, and encouraging acceleration of 
the START process to further reduce Russian nuclear weapons. In the 
long-run these initiatives offer valuable alternatives to NATO 
enlargement for addressing the highest security concerns in today's 
post-Cold War security environment.

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