[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 59 (Tuesday, May 12, 1998)]
[House]
[Pages H3081-H3082]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DEVELOPMENTS IN SOUTH ASIA
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone) is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Speaker, following up on the previous gentleman from
American Samoa, this week's headlines have focused on India's nuclear
tests at a below-ground location within India. Analysts have
interpreted this action as an indication that India is moving from a
policy of ambiguity about its nuclear capabilities, a policy that has
essentially stood since India conducted its first nuclear test in 1974,
to more openly declaring that it has nuclear weapons.
Mr. Speaker, while I oppose nuclear testing by India or any other
nation, I want to stress that this week's test should not derail the
U.S.-India relationship, which has been growing closer and stronger
over the past 5 or 6 years. Particularly in the areas of trade and
investment, the United States and India are finding that we have many
common interests.
[[Page H3082]]
In terms of our strategic relationship, this week's news
demonstrates, if anything, the need for closer coordination between the
United States and India, the world's two largest democracies, and more
effective diplomacy in trying to improve stability and working towards
a reduction in nuclear weapons arsenals.
Mr. Speaker, in light of this week's test, it is particularly
important to remember the defense situation that India faces. India
shares approximately a 1,000-mile border with China, a nuclear-armed
Communist dictatorship that has already launched a border war against
India and maintains a large force on India's borders. China maintains
nuclear weapons in occupied Tibet, on India's borders, and also
maintains a military presence in Burma, another neighbor of India.
China has been proven to be involved in the transfer of nuclear and
missile technology to unstable regimes, including Pakistan, a country
that has been involved in hostile actions against India for many years;
and China has conducted some 45 underground nuclear tests over the
years.
Mr. Speaker, I bring out these facts to help put India's action this
week into perspective, to try to explain to my colleagues here and to
the American people the background for India's decision to conduct
these tests. I know that India's action has met with widespread
criticism, including from our own administration, but India's decision
to test a nuclear explosive device should be understood in the context
of the huge threat posed by China. Indeed, Mr. Speaker, I believe the
United States should be taking the threat from China more seriously and
doing much more to discourage and deter China's proliferation efforts.
Now that India has demonstrated its nuclear capability, I would urge
India's government to join the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, following
the other democratic nations in the nuclear club, including the United
States, that have now discontinued testing. Having nuclear capability
means that India has an even greater burden to ensure peace in its
region and in the world.
I would urge President Clinton to wait before imposing sanctions, I
am talking about the sanctions that have been discussed, particularly
if India announces that it will not conduct any further tests. The
implications of the sanctions are so broad that many of our own
interests could be damaged, particularly in the area of trade and
investment. A wide range of international financial institutions would
also be prevented from working in India, potentially thwarting
important development projects that will help improve the quality of
life for India's people.
Since India conducted its first nuclear test in 1974, it has
maintained the strictest controls on transfers of nuclear technology.
India's nuclear program is indigenous, and successive Indian
governments have not been involved in the transfer or acquisition of
nuclear technologies with other nations. I believe it is very important
that this policy be maintained, Mr. Speaker.
Mr. Speaker, again, although I oppose the nuclear tests, I believe
that we must now work with India and the rest of the world community in
enacting and enforcing an effective worldwide ban on nuclear testing,
leading to the reduction and ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons
from the face of the Earth.
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