[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 56 (Thursday, May 7, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Page S4489]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FINDING THE FUDGE FACTOR
Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, based on recent remarks by the
President, I don't know whether to laugh or cry. If the story as
reported is true, it is an unfortunate commentary. In a recent meeting
with religious leaders, Mr. Clinton asked them to withdraw their
support for a legislative effort to hold countries to account that
engage in religious persecution. Mr. Clinton, it seems, does not like
legislation that imposes sanctions. Well, that's not precisely right.
What he does not like is sanctions that he didn't think of. When he
wants sanctions on Iraq, for example, he is all for sanctions. But when
it comes to other issues he cares less about, well, suddenly he finds
them unwelcome.
What are some of these? Well, he doesn't like mandatory sanctions for
violations of human rights. He objects to sanctions to stop the spread
of nuclear weapons. He is not partial to sanctions on countries that
persecute people for their religious beliefs. And he finds the idea of
sanctions on countries that do not do enough to stop the traffic of
illegal drugs to the United States burdensome. In a flight of candor
with the religious leaders, he allows as how it is difficult to be
honest in assessing another country's behavior if sanctions might be
involved. ``What always happens,'' he says, ``if you have automatic
sanctions legislation is it puts pressure on whoever is in the
executive branch to fudge an evaluation of the facts of what is going
on.''
That is refreshingly frank. It is also disturbing. When I look up
``fudge'' in the dictionary, this is what it tells me the word means:
to fake; to falsify; to exceed the proper bounds or limits of
something; to fail to perform as expected; to avoid commitment.
If I am to believe these remarks, what the President is saying is
that his Administration finds it necessary to falsify the facts; to
avoid commitment; to fake information. His Administration finds it
difficult to be honest when it comes to telling the Congress and the
public what other countries are doing on critical issues. I guess the
question we need to ask now is, what is the fudge factor in the various
reports this Administration has submitted on these issues? We need to
know this for past reports. And we need to know what this factor is in
order to properly evaluate future assessments.
The reason we need to know this is for what the President's comments
suggest. If we believe this report, the President is telling us that
his Administration finds it necessary to be less than candid when it
comes to enforcing the law. Now, I know that many Administrations do
not like the idea that Congress also has foreign policy
responsibilities. Many Administrations have fought against sanctions
for this or that issue they did not think of.
They have also fought for sanctions when it was their idea. What is
of concern here is the admission that this Administration fights shy of
telling the truth in situations where it does not approve of the
sanctions. It fudges the facts, presumably, even though the President
has the discretion, in law, to waive any sanctions for national
security reasons. This then is a candid admission that it enforces the
laws it likes and fudges those it does not. I find this disturbing.
Perhaps the Administration could explain just why it needs to fudge
the facts on drug certification, for example. What drug certification
requires is that the President assess what other countries are doing to
help stop the production and traffic of illegal drugs. This means
assessing what they are doing to comply with international law. To make
a judgment about what they are doing to live up to bilateral agreements
with the United States.
And to account for what these countries are doing to comply with
their own laws. The certification law gives the President considerable
flexibility in determining whether these activities meet some minimally
acceptable standards. He is not required to impose sanctions unless he
determines, based on the facts, that a country is not living up to
reasonable standards. And he can waive any sanctions. This gives the
Administration a great deal of latitude. I have defended this
flexibility. I have argued that just because the Congress and the
Administration disagree, honestly, over an assessment, it does not mean
that the facts are not honest. Or that the judgment is dishonest. But
these recent remarks open up another concern. If the facts are fudged,
however, just how are we to determine what to make of the judgment that
follows?
And what is the occasion for employing the fudge factor? What is it
being avoided or dodged? What the certification law and many of these
others that require sanctions ask for is not terribly complicated or
outlandish. They express the expectation of the Congress and of the
American public that countries live up to certain responsibilities. And
more, that failure to do so involves consequences. This is, after all,
the expectation of law and of behavior in a community of civilized
nations. The want of such standards or the lack of consequences reduces
the chances for serious compliance with international law or the rules
of common decency. Are we really to believe that respect for these
standards and consequences are to be discarded because their
application is inconvenient? Because they reduce some notion of
flexibility? That we only have to enforce or observe the laws we like?
What a principle.
I for one do not intend to live by such a notion. I will also from
now on be far more interested in knowing just what the fudge factor is
in assessments from the Administration. I hope my colleagues will also
be more demanding.
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