[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 56 (Thursday, May 7, 1998)]
[House]
[Pages H2983-H2984]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CAMPAIGN FINANCE REFORM
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Stenholm) is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. STENHOLM. Mr. Speaker, I take this 5 minutes to further clarify
some of the discussions that we had a moment ago concerning the
question of campaign finance reform.
I want to make it very clear for those who are negotiating on what
the rule shall look like and how we shall proceed what the Blue Dog
Coalition suggested in the discharge petition that was filed, that was
getting very close to having the required number of votes in which we
could have had a free and open debate and which we have now been
promised that we will have a clean and open debate.
There are some general principles allowing clean up-or-down votes on
all major campaign finance plans. The freshman bill, the Shays-Meehan
bill, and the Doolittle bill, and any alternatives the leadership might
come up with on either side of the aisle and wishes to offer as
substitutes at the beginning of the amendment process, this is key to
the discharge petition that we filed. It is exactly the same discharge
petition that was used to successfully bring the balanced budget
amendment up in 1992. It is a very fair process if it is allowed to
proceed in this manner.
All major proposals deserve a vote. The freshmen, bipartisanly, have
worked awfully hard; and they worked in an environment in which they
believed that there was not going to be campaign finance reform unless
there was a compromise reached, and they reached that compromise
internally. They worked awfully hard. They deserve to have a chance to
have their idea voted upon as they wish it to be voted upon, not as the
leadership or any other individual wishes. The same is true with the
Shays-Meehan; it deserves to be voted upon on its merits.
And then we use what is called the queen-of-the-Hill rule. Let the
freshman bill be voted upon. If it gets the majority vote, it becomes
the base bill. Then let us vote on Shays-Meehan. If it gets a majority
vote and more votes than the freshman bill, it becomes the base bill;
whichever one gets the most votes, as ascertained by a majority on both
sides, becomes the base bill. And then allow the perfecting amendments
to be offered. Let any one of the 435 of us who have an idea that they
believe is important to the campaign issues before us be offered.
I have one interest, one major interest, that I want to see
addressed. It is the soft money question. A lot of people do not know
what we are talking about by ``soft money.'' But to me it means
unlimited amounts of money given by individuals or corporations for
which there is no real reporting therein.
I am a great believer in the first amendment, and I have been
chagrined to be attacked by many of my so-called
[[Page H2984]]
friends, people whom I agree with in the special interest, the issue
advocacy organizations that believe that somehow, some way, that by
having public disclosure of who is in fact contributing to the ads that
they are responsible for offering, that somehow that is against their
constitutional right. I fail to understand that.
Anybody that wants to run ads against me, as they will between now
and November, that is a first amendment right. I just believe very
strongly that the people of the 17th District deserve the right to know
who is paying for those ads, called public disclosure. This is a debate
that I hope we will spend some considerable time on, because I think
there is a little misunderstanding about this.
No one is talking about doing away with individual rights to express
themselves under the first amendment of the Constitution, but we are
talking about something which we are seeing live and in living color
played out on both sides of the aisle, tremendous expenditures of
dollars in which accusations are occurring on both sides.
{time} 1600
In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, let me just say again to those who are
negotiating the rule in which we are going to consider this, it is
extremely important, and we ask of you in a very respectful way, to go
back and look at the discharge petition and to make sure when that rule
comes to the floor of the House you are truly going to allow the will
of the House to be followed in allowing the Members to express
themselves in a free and unhindered manner.
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