[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 48 (Monday, April 27, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3646-S3647]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EXECUTIVE CALENDAR
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, Calendar Nos. 554,
558 and 569 are confirmed.
The nominations were considered and confirmed, as follows:
THE JUDICIARY
Garr M. King, of Oregon, to be United States District Judge
for the District of Oregon.
Gregory Moneta Sleet, of Delaware, to be United States
District Judge for the District of Delaware.
RAILROAD RETIREMENT BOARD
Cherryl T. Thomas, of Illinois, to be a Member of the
Railroad Retirement Board for a term expiring August 28,
2002.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the President will
be notified of the confirmation of the nominations.
nomination of scott snyder fleming
Mr. CRAIG. Mr. President, since September of 1997, the General
Accounting Office, at my request, has been conducting an investigation
into possible anti-lobbying violations--as well as possible violations
of the Federal Advisory Committee Act--at the Department of Education.
This investigation is ongoing and I have no reason to believe at this
time that the nominee in question, Mr. Fleming, is a key figure in this
investigation nor have I been presented with any evidence of wrongdoing
on his part that would compel me to oppose his nomination. I would,
however, like to take this opportunity to urge Mr. Fleming, in his new
capacity as Assistant Secretary of Education for Legislation and
Congressional Affairs, to cooperate fully with the GAO investigation in
order to resolve this matter expeditiously.
Mr. President, let me explain my involvement with this issue and my
concerns as they relate to allegations of an unusually close, and
perhaps improper, relationship between the Department of Education and
certain lobbyists in this town.
This matter was first brought to my attention by an editorial that
appeared in the Washington Post on September 4, 1997.
That editorial, written by nationally syndicated columnist Robert
Novak, described how--each week while Congress was in session--senior
Department of Education officials and special interest group
representatives gathered in Secretary Riley's conference room for what,
in my opinion, amounted to `political action' or `legislative planning'
sessions.
News of these meetings surfaced in a report published by the Alexis
de Tocqueville Institution's, Paul Steidler. For seven months, Mr.
Steidler attended these meetings and kept detailed minutes of what was
discussed. What emerges from the Steidler notes, if substantiated, is
extremely troubling.
Without discussing the particulars of this investigation, Mr.
President, let me note that I take Mr. Steidler's allegations very
seriously. Collusion between special interest lobbyists and the
executive branch for the express purpose of defeating or promoting
specific legislation, at the grass roots level or here in Congress, is
unacceptable.
Mr. President, the GAO investigation into these matters is still
underway. And, as I said, it does not appear that Mr. Fleming was a
central figure in the formation or conduct of the weekly meetings in
question.
My concern is that the Department of Education cooperate fully with
this investigation so this body and the American people can be certain
that the Department of Education's interests correspond with our
children's best interests and not just the needs of those special
interests that dominate the landscape here in Washington.
I ask unanimous consent that the Novak editorial be printed in the
Record.
There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[From the Washington Post, Sept. 4, 1997]
Triumph of The Blob
(By Robert D. Novak)
At 4 p.m. today, some 45 education lobbyists--``back to
school'' after the August congressional break--will resume
weekly sessions with Department of Education officials in the
secretary of education's conference room. There is doubt
whether these meetings are legal but no question that they
have been effective and, until now, a rare Washington secret.
They began in 1995, when what former education secretary
William J. Bennett calls The Blob--the special-interest
groups that want to maintain the educational status quo--
feared the worst from a newly Republican Congress. With more
than a hundred bills for abolition of the Department of
Education introduced, the Thursday meetings began without the
formal notification required by law for ``advisory
committees''. After 2\1/2\ years of this collaboration the
tide has turned on education, with the Republicans in full
retreat.
``It's pretty much an open meeting,'' Acting Deputy
Education Secretary Marshall (Mike) Smith, who usually
presides, told me. He added that I would be welcome, which he
conceded would make me the first journalist there. In fact,
the sessions have been attended almost exclusively by The
Blob, providing intelligence for the government bureaucrats
who in turn disclose Clinton administration strategy. ``We
rely on you, partly, as your eyes and ears,'' Smith told
participants July 24.
But an interloper appeared at this year's meetings. Paul
Steidler, senior fellow of the conservative Education Reform
Project, heard about them and asked to attend. He got
permission after interrogation by reluctant education
officials. Steidler's subsequent weekly minutes offer a
wondrous insight into how Bill Clinton's Washington works.
``There was boisterous conversation, and one could sense
the camaraderie in the air,''
[[Page S3647]]
Steidler said of the atmosphere preceding his first meeting.
The regulars represent such pro-Clinton groups as the
National School Boards Association, the American Association
of School Administrators and the American Federation of
Teachers. First among equals is the National Education
Association (NEA), the powerful teachers' union. Joel Packer,
the NEA's expert lobbyist, sits next to and is deferred to by
the Education Department's senior official present.
When an Education Department official described Republican
Sen. Paul Coverdell's proposal for $50 million in grants to
fund school-choice pilot programs somebody exclaimed. ``Yeah,
the fear voucher.'' Another voice joined in: ``You get it if
you are scared.'' Steidler noted: ``There was loud and
sustained laughter. I found this to be quite chilling.''
Through seven months of these minutes, the administration
and The Blob marched in lock step to maximize federal funding
and suppress school choice, with scarcely a critical word for
the Clinton administration and no kind word for Republicans.
When it was mentioned that former education secretary Lamar
Alexander would testify to Congress, ``moans and snickers''
were followed by the NEA's Packer saying, ``It's called Mr.
Voucher time''. Commenting on a C-SPAN broadcast of
Republican congressmen discussing education, then-Education
Department lobbyist Kay Casstevens said: ``If you didn't see
it, you're probably better off.''
Ad budget negotiations neared their climax, Smith asked
everybody to make sure they could be reached if they left
town. The joint Education Department-NEA clout soon was
demonstrated.
At the June 16 meeting, the NEA's Adele Robinson alerted
the department to House committee approval of Democratic Rep.
Benjamin Cardin's proposed $150 tax credit for after-school
private tutoring. Smith declared: ``It drives a stake through
[the president's] America Reads [program]. It's close to a
voucher, folks.'' Cardin's proposal was eliminated, thanks to
administration pressure.
So was a Coverdell amendment to the tax bill permitting
parents to use their own tax-free savings for kindergarten
through 12th-grade private schools. ``On behalf of the NEA,''
Packer said at the July 31 meeting, ``I want to profusely
thank the administration for its stand on Coverdell.''
Is the administration's failure to list these meetings in
the Federal Register a violation of the Federal Advisory
Committee Act (FACA)? ``The meetings are not covered by
FACA'' acting Education Department General Counsel Jiumenne
Studley told me, because they have no fixed membership or
specific purpose. ``Anyone who wants can join in,'' she said.
But her assertions are refuted by Paul Steidler's minutes, as
Mike Smith may hear when he comes up for Senate confirmation.