[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 46 (Thursday, April 23, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3495-S3499]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
ACKNOWLEDGING THE HISTORIC NORTHERN IRELAND PEACE AGREEMENT
Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now
proceed to the current resolution regarding Ireland; that there be 30
minutes for debate only, equally divided between the majority and
minority leaders or their designees; that no motions or amendments be
in order, and at the conclusion of yielding back of time, we have the
vote on the resolution on Ireland immediately following the education
vote. So it would be stacked, those two--first the education vote and
then the vote on the Ireland resolution.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and
it is so ordered.
Mr. LOTT. I yield the floor, Mr. President.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the resolution.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
A resolution (S. Con. Res. 90) to acknowledge the historic
Northern Ireland peace agreement.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
Mr. DODD addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Connecticut is recognized.
The Senator controls 15 minutes on his side.
Mr. DODD. I thank the Chair.
Mr. President, I offer this resolution on behalf of myself, Senators
Kennedy, Moynihan; the Democrat leader, Senator Daschle; Senator Leahy;
Senator Lautenberg; Senator Kerry; Senator Mack; Senator D'Amato;
Senator Harkin; and Senator Biden.
Mr. President, today we are here considering this resolution when
there are renewed hopes for peace in Northern Ireland, hopes that
spring from the successful conclusion of 22 months of negotiations on
April 10, Good Friday. I do not think it was mere coincidence that it
was during Holy Week, one of the most sacred periods in the Christian
calendar, that this small miracle occurred, the possibility of peace,
political stability, and reconciliation for the 1.6 million people who
reside in the six counties of Northern Ireland. Many people deserve
credit and congratulations for making this small miracle possible.
First, we should commend the individuals who participated in the
peace process for more than 3 years and stayed the course. It took
courage on their parts, as Senator Mitchell noted, ``to compete in the
arena of democracy.''
I think it is fair to say that one of the giants over the years in
Northern Ireland and the Northern Ireland peace efforts has been John
Hume of Derry, a long-time civil rights crusader and respected leader
of the Social Democratic and Labour Party. John Hume deserves great
praise for his tireless efforts over the past 30 years to bring peace
to his people. David Trimble, president of the Ulster Unionist Party,
and Gerry Adams, president of Sinn Fein, were also indispensable in
making a final agreement possible.
They, along with other participants, deserve enormous credit for
their persistence and determination, for their willingness to make
honorable compromises so that the people of Ireland can look forward to
a day when hatred and bloodshed are not part of their daily landscape.
Let me also take a moment, if I may, to mention a few of the other
key actors in this drama who warrant special recognition. First,
British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who made the search for peace one of
his first priorities upon assuming office last year. He did so because
he believed that the people of Belfast ``deserve a better future than a
life of bloodshed, murder and disharmony.''
Equally important to the success of the process was the Irish
Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, also was new to the office, who inspired trust
and confidence in the nationalist community. They knew of his
commitment to ensuring that any final agreement would protect and
guarantee the rights, freedoms, and traditions of the Irish Catholic
minority in the north.
It goes without saying that the American people can be justifiably
proud of the role played by President Clinton throughout the process.
Were it not for the President's vision, perseverance, and unwillingness
to give up on the negotiations, we would not be here today talking
about a new chapter in the history of Northern Ireland.
Perhaps President Clinton refused to be discouraged because he had
looked into the eyes of so many men and women during his visit to
Belfast in 1995 and saw how deeply they yearned for peace, most
especially peace for their children.
Last but not least, there was Senator George Mitchell, our former
colleague, who shepherded the parties to an agreement. As someone who
served with Senator Mitchell, it came as no surprise to me that George
found a way to overcome what at times appeared to be insurmountable
differences among the parties.
With patience, evenhandedness and acute political skills, Senator
Mitchell guided and empowered the parties to find common ground and
finalize an agreement.
The tireless efforts of Ambassador Jean Kennedy Smith should also be
acknowledged. She was there at every turn to keep everyone focused on
what was happening throughout the process, and to ensure that at
appropriate moments, the necessary encouragement from the United States
was forthcoming.
I should mention as well that our own colleague, Senator Edward
Kennedy of Massachusetts, played a very, very important role over many
years to encourage a political and peaceful resolution of the problems
in the north.
There have been others of our colleagues here in this Chamber,
Senator Moynihan of New York, Senator Leahy of Vermont, Senator Mack of
Florida, and in the other body Peter King of New York, Congressman Neal
of Massachusetts, Ben Gilman, of New York, Joe Kennedy of Massachusetts
all of whom have been deeply committed to finding a peaceful solution
to Ireland's Troubles. I know there are others as well, but these are
the names that come to mind immediately who, for many, many years
sought to bring
[[Page S3496]]
about a political and peaceful resolution to the violence in the north.
The 67-page final document is a complex mosaic of provisions that
endeavors to address the interests and concerns of the two Northern
Ireland communities, Protestant and Catholic, within a framework of
democracy, justice and equal rights.
The April 10 agreement is in many ways the culmination of more than a
decade of efforts by the British and Irish governments to broker peace
in the conflicted North. The 1985 Anglo-Irish Accord, the 1993 Joint
Declaration, and the 1995 New Framework for Agreement were all
important milestones on the road to peace.
Perhaps the secret of success on this occasion was that all of the
parties to the conflict were represented in the negotiations--each side
setting forth for itself its concerns and aspirations. Those concerns
and aspirations have in turn been interwoven into the final text of the
accord.
The August 1994, IRA cease-fire and the cease-fire by the Combined
Loyalist Military Command that followed shortly thereafter created the
opportunity for these all inclusive negotiations to take place.
There were clearly anxious moments over the last several years during
the quest for peace. To be sure, at times the setbacks and
disappointments that followed the promise of the 1994 cease-fire
announcements, left all of us despairing that the situation was without
hope.
You will recall, for example, that the peace process was dealt a near
fatal blow on February 9, 1996, with the detonation of an IRA bomb in
London--a blast that injured scores of innocent people.
Frankly, until the restoration of the IRA cease-fire last July, the
Northern Ireland peace process had hit bottom, it had reached the point
where, in the words of Irish poet Seamus Heaney, ``bad news is no
longer news.''
We are now once again at a turning point in the history of Northern
Ireland. The possibility of peace is as real as it has ever been.
As President Clinton has so aptly observed, ``to engage in serious
negotiations, to be willing to make principled compromises, requires
courage and creativity.''
The political leaders of Northern Ireland demonstrated that courage
and creativity in finalizing this agreement.
It is now up to the people of Ireland--North and South--to ratify
that agreement in the upcoming referendums. More importantly, it rests
in their hands and hearts to make the words on that 67-page peace
accord make a difference in the daily lives of every man, woman and
child who calls Northern Ireland home.
On this day and in this Chamber, with what I hope will be the
unanimous endorsement of every one of our colleagues, I pray, as
everyone else does, that the people of Northern Ireland will have the
courage, wisdom and foresight to do that.
Mr. President, I know my colleague, Senator Kennedy, is here on the
floor. If there is additional time, I ask unanimous consent for another
5 or 10 additional minutes for people to be heard on this issue if it
is appropriate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. There are 6\1/2\ minutes remaining. The
Senator from Massachusetts.
Mr. President, it's a privilege to join my colleagues Senators Dodd,
Moynihan, Kerry, Leahy, Lautenberg, Daschle, Mack, and D'Amato in
sponsoring this resolution, which commends the many leaders responsible
for the achievement of the recent historic peace agreement in Northern
Ireland.
The agreement reached on Good Friday marks a turning point in the
history of Northern Ireland. For too long, it has been a land
synonymous with bloodshed, violence and hatred. But now Northern
Ireland stands as an example to the world that agreement between
differing ethnic and national groups is attainable.
The current Troubles in Northern Ireland began in 1969 and raged
mercilessly in the following decades, to the great distress of the many
citizens there who wanted only peace and justice.
Many efforts to achieve a peaceful settlement over the years were
unsuccessful. But finally, in December 1993, the two governments issued
a Joint Declaration, making it clear that if the groups resorting to
violence declared ceasefires, their political representatives could
join all-inclusive talks on Northern Ireland's future. The time was
ripe, and a hopeful formula for peace had been found.
I also want to especially credit John Hume, who for years tirelessly
worked for peace in Northern Ireland. No one's contribution has been
greater. When the final history is written, the name of John Hume will
stand first.
The courageous decision by President Clinton to grant a visa for
Gerry Adams to visit the United States in early 1994 was a key step
leading to the decision by the Irish Republican Army to declare a
ceasefire in August of that year, and the Loyalist paramilitaries did
the same in October 1994.
In the years that followed, there were many obstacles, setbacks, and
crises to be overcome, but the parties never lost sight of the goal of
the peace.
A new British Government under Prime Minister Tony Blair was elected
in May 1997, and a new Irish Government under Taoiseach Bertie Ahern
came to power in June. Both leaders and especially Secretary of State
Marjorie Mowlan committed themselves to peace, and worked skillfully
and effectively to achieve it.
Negotiations including Sinn Fein and chaired by our former Senate
colleague George Mitchell began, and Senator Mitchell's patience and
determination were critical in guiding the talks to a successful
conclusion.
Great credit also goes to Taoiseach Ahern and Prime Minister Blair.
They made Northern Ireland their high priority, and constantly urged
the parties to keep moving forward to agreement. President Clinton's
continuing strong support was also indispensable in the success that
was finally achieved.
The participants in the talks also deserve great credit. They had the
courage to negotiate and to produce a fair agreement that reflects the
aspirations of Nationalists and Unionists alike.
On May 22, the agreement will be voted on in separate referendums by
the people of Ireland, North and South. Last Saturday, David Trimble
succeeded in obtaining the overwhelming endorsement of the Ulster
Unionist Party for the agreement. I hope that the leaders of all the
parties will work as hard and as effectively for a ``yes'' vote to
convince their followers of the merits of this agreement.
Hopefully, the people of Ireland and Northern Ireland will approve
the agreement in the referendums to be held next month, so that
implementation of the agreement can begin.
An Assembly must be elected. Changes must be made in the policing and
the criminal justice systems to reassure both Nationalists and
Unionists that they will receive equal protection under the law.
Nationalists and Unionists will have to work together in partnership.
After decades of animosity, this challenge is still very real, but
Northern Ireland's parties can rise to meet it, as the events of Good
Friday have proved. And they will have the continuing support of the
United States as they do so.
I thank the majority leader for scheduling this in an extremely
pressed time. Given the recent decisions that have been made, it is
entirely appropriate that the Senate speak on this issue. We are very,
very appreciative of the majority leader giving us the time in a very
busy time to consider this resolution and support it.
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, if my colleague will yield, I also thank the
majority leader. I know the pressures he is under. Everything is
terribly important. As my colleague from Massachusetts said, he is
gracious to allow us to bring this up at this particular time.
I ask--I know there are others, including our colleagues from
Florida, New York and others, who want to be heard on this issue who
may not be able to make it over to speak--that the Record be left open
so their comments on the resolution appear prior to the adoption of the
resolution.
If it is appropriate, I ask for the yeas and nays on this resolution.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There is a sufficient second.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent, for those Senators
who would like to have their statements on this resolution inserted,
that they be inserted at this point in the Record. I
[[Page S3497]]
know Senator Mack, who had gotten away before we made these
arrangements, would like his remarks included at this point.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. KERREY. Mr. President, I rise today to offer my support to the
Resolution being debated on the floor this afternoon. I am proud to be
a cosponsor of this important statement of Senate support for the
Northern Ireland peace agreement. Like my colleagues, I believe the
settlement in Northern Ireland is an historic opportunity to bring
peace to a remarkable people that have suffered from violence for far
too long. And as a nation with deep cultural ties and personal
attachment to Ireland, I believe we can all take a moment to be hopeful
that a new era of peace and prosperity in Northern Ireland is now
possible.
First, I would also like to use this opportunity to offer my
congratulations to our former colleague George Mitchell for his role as
Independent Chairman of the multiparty talks. Despite long odds and
numerous setbacks, Senator Mitchell has demonstrated diplomatic skills
that can only be learned by being Majority Leader of the Senate. His
actions have truly been a credit to our nation.
Mr. President, for the first time in centuries there is hope that a
lasting peace can be achieved in Northern Ireland--I think our words
today fail to capture the importance of this opportunity. The
agreements that led to the April 10 accord are the result of brave
actions by both Protestant and Catholic political leaders, and the
desire to find a solution to the cycle of violence that has virtually
imprisoned all of the people of Northern Ireland for decades. I am
confident, when given the chance to vote in the May 22 referendum, the
people of Ireland will take the opportunity to send a strong message to
their political leaders of their desire to continue to move forward in
this process.
In our euphoria over the recent agreements, we must not forget that
lasting peace will only come with continued diligence. We must not
allow the opponents of peace in Northern Ireland to use terrorism to
destroy what has been painstakingly built so far. Mr. President, with
our strong support for this resolution we send an unmistakable signal
of our willingness to continue to work with any and all people in
Northern Ireland dedicated to bringing about a peaceful and lasting
settlement.
Mr. MOYNIHAN. Mr. President. I rise as an original sponsor of the
resolution acknowledging the historic Northern Ireland peace agreement.
In adopting this resolution, the Senate will demonstrate its strong
support for this agreement which has been so long in coming.
When I first came to the Senate in 1977, Senator Kennedy, Speaker
O'Neill, then-Governor Hugh Carey of New York, and I joined together
and issued this St. Patrick's Day statement:
We appeal to all those organizations engaged in violence to
renounce their campaigns of death and destruction and return
to the path of life and peace. And we appeal as well to our
fellow Americans to embrace this goal of peace, and to
renounce any action that promotes the current violence or
provides support or encouragement for organizations engaged
in violence.
Now, finally, one of the oldest conflicts in Europe has the potential
of healing and being resolved. A courageous agreement has been reached
in Northern Ireland. We in the United States Senate can be particularly
proud of the role that our former colleague and leader George Mitchell
played in mediating this agreement. He deserves no less than the Nobel
Peace Prize.
The search for a just and lasting peace in Northern Ireland has
entered a most promising stage. This resolution indicates the strong
support of the United States Senate for this historic agreement. May it
fulfill our hopes.
Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr, President, I rise today to commend the Senator from
Connecticut (Mr. Dodd), the Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Kennedy),
and the Senator from New York (Mr. Moynihan) for introducing S. Con.
Res. 90, which acknowledges the historic Northern Ireland peace
agreement, and congratulates the individuals who made the agreement
possible.
Just today, in my home state of Wisconsin, leaders representing all
sides of the Northern Ireland peace process gathered in Milwaukee for a
National Symposium on Prospects for Peace in Northern Ireland,
sponsored by the George F. Kennan Forum on International Affairs. Mr.
President, this conference was planned long before the historic peace
agreement was announced. I am pleased that the attendees were able to
come to Milwaukee with a viable agreement already on the table. The
speakers at today's conference, who were involved in the negotiations
of the peace agreement, discussed both the agreement itself and
prospects for a lasting peace in Northern Ireland.
In light of this resolution, I want to repeat some of my remarks for
the peace symposium.
The recent agreement reached by the parties to the conflict in
Northern Ireland offers real hope for an end to three decades of
violence in that troubled land. This historic step is the product of a
new commitment to peace by parties on all sides of this longstanding
conflict.
It is proper that this resolution commends President Clinton for
making the search for an end to the conflict in Northern Ireland a top
foreign policy priority. My former colleague, Senator George Mitchell,
deserves special recognition from this body for his leadership in
helping move the parties to an agreement. Above all, we commend the
leaders from all sides of this conflict, many of whom worked tirelessly
on this agreement, and had the will to put ancient hatreds aside and
make peace their priority.
Now the success of the agreement rests in the hands of the people of
Northern Ireland, who continue to review the details and, eventually,
will have the opportunity to express themselves democratically through
a referendum. Let us hope that all the parties will be able to commit
to this process and that none will turn to the sectarian violence of
the past. It is now the duty of all who seek peace to resist the
efforts of those who may seek to undermine the accords through
violence.
As a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I believe this
agreement signals new hope for longstanding conflicts around in the
world. Just a few years ago, many saw the conflicts in South Africa and
Northern Ireland as intractable, but today one has been peacefully
resolved and the other has made tremendous progress, as we recognize
with this resolution.
So, Mr. President, I am happy to support this resolution with hope
for the future, and commend the brave leaders who have taken a risk for
peace in Northern Ireland.
Mr. CHAFEE. Mr. President, on Good Friday a landmark agreement was
reached in Northern Ireland to start down the road to bring to an end
decades of violent hostilities, and reshape fundamentally the political
institutions of that province. All Americans have reason to be very
pleased that the many competing political factions in Northern Ireland
were able to resolve their longstanding, bitter disagreements.
Today I want to express my particular appreciation of the splendid
efforts of President Clinton's Special Advisor on Ireland, former
Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell. It comes as no surprise to me
that those closest to these negotiations believe that were it not for
the tireless efforts of Senator Mitchell, this agreement would not have
been reached. Having worked with Senator Mitchell for nearly fifteen
years on many complex issues, I can certainly attest to his unique
ability to forge an agreement that most thought unachievable.
Senator Mitchell's many fine attributes served him well in the U.S.
Senate, and helped prepare him for the tremendous challenges he faced
as chairman of the multi-party talks in Northern Ireland:
He has the patience to listen to the contentions of people whose
differences have existed for some three hundred years. Twenty-two
months of talks may well have worn out a less capable, less disciplined
person.
Senator Mitchell also brought with him to Belfast the Senate's
respect for full and fair debate. As chairman of these talks, he
ensured that all voices at the table were permitted to speak.
[[Page S3498]]
He knew well that in the end, a successful agreement required that all
parties felt that they had been listened to.
He possesses unrivaled negotiating skills. When needed, Senator
Mitchell called upon Prime Ministers Blair of Great Britain and Ahern
of Ireland, as well as President Clinton, in order to urge the
participants to keep the talks alive. He also had the strategic
thinking to set a deadline to end the talks.
Senator Mitchell was persistent in bringing about this agreement.
Despite the long odds, he never gave up in his core belief that newborn
children in Northern Ireland deserve the same chance as his six-month-
old son to have peace, stability and reconciliation.
Finally, Senator Mitchell believed in compromise. Unionists and
nationalists were clearly far apart when these talks began, as they had
been for decades. Senator Mitchell was able to forge an agreement that
gave just enough to both sides so that each could declare victory.
Indeed, this ability to bridge differences helped create our very
nation, as our Founding Fathers crafted a Constitution that satisfied
the big states--that sought representation by population--and the small
states, that sought representation by states.
Mr. President, George Mitchell's accomplishment in Northern Ireland
makes us all very proud of him and proud of American values and ideals.
In announcing the Good Friday Agreement, he stated, ``it doesn't take
courage to shoot a policeman in the back of the head, or to murder an
unarmed taxi driver. What takes courage is to compete in the arena of
democracy as these men and women are tonight.''
Senator Mitchell knows the value of this competition of ideas from
his days in this institution. He recognizes that a government which
upholds this competition of ideas serves its people best. The people of
Northern Ireland have recognized this basic truth as well. We salute
George Mitchell, a true statesman who has helped begin the end of one
of the world's most intractable conflicts.
Ms. SNOWE. Mr. President, today I rise to express my support for
Senate Concurrent Resolution 90, which acknowledges the historic
Northern Ireland Peace Agreement reached just two weeks ago.
Both the governments of the Republic of Ireland and the United
Kingdom have worked for many years to facilitate a peaceful resolution
to the conflict in Northern Ireland that has cost so many lives and
caused so much suffering. Ultimately, it was the willingness of the
representatives of Northern Ireland's political parties to adhere to
the principles of non-violence that helped create an atmosphere that
led to this most historic agreement.
I commend all those who helped lay the groundwork for this
achievement: Prime Minister Tony Blair, Prime Minister Bertie Ahern and
President Clinton for their dedication to the peace process. And I am
especially proud of my former colleague, Senator George Mitchell, for
his patient and herculean efforts to heal the deep wounds of this
tragic conflict.
It will come as no surprise to my fellow Mainers and my Senate
colleagues that Senator Mitchell would be unduly modest in recognizing
the role he has played. As he noted, it may be true that the agreement
alone ``guarantees nothing.'' But it does bestow the precious gift of
hope upon a people who finally have ``the chance for a better future.''
In his quiet, understated way, George Mitchell brought individuals
who had been in conflict for the past thirty years out of the shadows
of distrust and into the light of faith--faith in a nonviolent,
democratic resolution. As one of the participants in the talks
commented, ``Here the United States sent one of its most able, skilled,
talented, humble politicians, a supreme diplomat, and frankly we didn't
deserve him.''
That is a poignant and appropriate tribute to a man who has helped
bring the promise of peace to a region most deserving of its blessings.
As one who served with him in the Congress for nearly 15 years, I am
proud to extend my gratitude to Senator Mitchell for his extraordinary
work. And I do so knowing that the honor which would please George
Mitchell most would be the true and lasting success of the remarkable
agreement he helped to broker.
May the Northern Ireland Peace Agreement finally bring an end to the
fear and suffering, and may the future of Northern Ireland be as bright
as the spirit and potential of her extraordinary people.
Ms. COLLINS. Mr. President, it was Samuel Johnson who said in 1777
that the knowledge that you will be hanged in a fortnight does wonders
to concentrate your mind. In 1998, former Senate Majority Leader and
Maine Senator George Mitchell proved the truth of this aphorism by
giving the Northern Ireland peace talks a deadline, placing upon these
negotiations the equivalent, if you will, of a ``sunset'' provision
that left the parties no alternative but finally to come up with a real
solution.
This deadline accomplished its purpose: it concentrated their minds
wonderfully, and this led directly to the historic Stormont Agreement.
Some years ago it scarcely seemed possible to imagine a Northern
Ireland in which children could grow up without fear of sectarian
violence and bloodshed. Today, however, this brighter future is not
only imaginable--it is very nearly here.
That Senator Mitchell should possess such statesmanship and political
acumen is, of course, no surprise in my home state of Maine. Senator
Micthell is greatly admired in this country for his work on behalf of
Maine and on behalf of all Americans. Today, however, the people of
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland--and peace-loving people
everywhere--also owe Senator Mitchell a great debt for helping steer
these talks to their successful conclusion.
It is my great hope that with his statesmanship and steady hand,
Senator Mitchell has now made it possible to achieve a real
reconciliation in Northern Ireland--and for the Irish people to go
about building their future together, in cooperation rather than in
conflict.
And I am very pleased that the Senate tonight will pass legislation
expressing our support for the Irish peace process and the brighter
future represented by the Stormont Agreement.
Mr. MACK. Mr. President, I am proud to join my colleagues in the
United States Senate in congratulating the people of Northern Ireland
for their tremendous courage and perseverence which allowed for the
signing of the historic peace agreement. With continued political
leadership and the inspiring dedication of the Northern Ireland people,
I am optimistic that peace may be at hand.
I traveled to Northern Ireland this past January. In fact, I arrived
on the date that the latest initiative which led to the peace agreement
arrived: January 12. During three days there, as the parties reviewed
the details and held discussions with their constituencies, I developed
a deep admiration for the political leaders who eventually accepted
this agreement.
The concurrent resolution which we are submitting today seeks to
thank all of the people who contributed to this peace agreement; I wish
to personally thank all of the people who spent time listening to and
talking with me.
Mr. President, I learned a great deal about politics and courage from
the representatives of the political parties in Northern Ireland. I
found that politicians in Northern Ireland share many of the challenges
that politicians face in the United States Senate. Specifically, they
often spend hours of each day in very difficult negotiations which may
result in dramatic changes in the lives of those they represent.
Following these meetings, they face their constituencies and justify
their actions. The difference, however, between our jobs and theirs
lies in the stakes. These people literally risked their lives by
engaging in the peace process; they risked their lives to endorse this
agreement; and they continue to bear this risk as the process
continues.
Mr. President, the American people recognize the incredible risks
these leaders take, and we thank them. To these brave men and women,
however, the reward diminishes the risk. If this agreement succeeds as
planned, it may alter the course of history. Because of this brave
sacrifice, the people of Northern Ireland have the promise of
[[Page S3499]]
security, freedom, prosperity and an end to indiscriminate killings and
terrorist acts.
Mr. President, our concurrent resolution thanks a lot of people. But
for me, the most inspiring people I met were outside of Belfast. The
role of the community leaders cannot be overemphasized. While the
negotiations proceeded in Belfast, at homes, neighborhoods and towns
across the region, people were building local relationships which
crossed borders and communities. These are the true heroes of the peace
process. The people I met are making changes and making a differences
where they live. They support the political process, but were not
waiting around for anything coming from the capitals. Spending time
among the people in the border regions, with the strongest faith in
their abilities to make a difference in their own towns and
neighborhoods, I became convinced that peace had a chance in Northern
Ireland.
I salute all of the people of Ireland and Norther Ireland today who
have labored for peace. They are the driving force behind the peace
process, and they will make it work.
Mr. LOTT. I have a few remarks I would like to make on this.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.
Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I thank Senators Kennedy and Dodd for their
comments. I thought it appropriate today, without another day going by,
that the U.S. Senate express itself on this very important issue on
behalf of the American people. That is why we made sure that we brought
it up and had these few minutes to discuss this resolution, and that we
put on the Record our salutations to those who have been involved in
these negotiations. We offer our congratulations to all the
participants in the negotiations. I think they deserve recognition for
their willingness to make honorable compromises in order to reach this
agreement.
I think particular credit goes to our former colleague, Senator
George Mitchell, for his persistence and his doggedness. Frankly, I
wasn't sure that it could be pulled off, but he stayed with it. I think
we owe him a debt of gratitude for his work.
Also, of course, I commend Prime Minister Tony Blair and Taoiseach
Bertie Ahearn for their involvement and leadership. I believe the
American people are proud of the contributions the United States and
our President have made to this effort. We hope it will lead to
approval in the May 22 referendums. Most of all, we hope it will lead
to a lasting peace in Northern Ireland. That is the desire and that is
the prayer of the people in Northern Ireland, in America and,
hopefully, throughout the world. I endorse this resolution.
I have no further request for time. I am prepared to yield back the
remainder of our time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time is yielded back.
Mr. LOTT addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.
Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, Senator Daschle and I have been
communicating. We do have an agreement we think is a fair way to
conclude the debate on the education bill and also an agreement with
regard to how the State Department reorganization conference report
will be considered.
____________________