[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 46 (Thursday, April 23, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3495-S3499]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




      ACKNOWLEDGING THE HISTORIC NORTHERN IRELAND PEACE AGREEMENT

  Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now 
proceed to the current resolution regarding Ireland; that there be 30 
minutes for debate only, equally divided between the majority and 
minority leaders or their designees; that no motions or amendments be 
in order, and at the conclusion of yielding back of time, we have the 
vote on the resolution on Ireland immediately following the education 
vote. So it would be stacked, those two--first the education vote and 
then the vote on the Ireland resolution.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and 
it is so ordered.
  Mr. LOTT. I yield the floor, Mr. President.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the resolution.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       A resolution (S. Con. Res. 90) to acknowledge the historic 
     Northern Ireland peace agreement.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
  Mr. DODD addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Connecticut is recognized.
  The Senator controls 15 minutes on his side.
  Mr. DODD. I thank the Chair.
  Mr. President, I offer this resolution on behalf of myself, Senators 
Kennedy, Moynihan; the Democrat leader, Senator Daschle; Senator Leahy; 
Senator Lautenberg; Senator Kerry; Senator Mack; Senator D'Amato; 
Senator Harkin; and Senator Biden.
  Mr. President, today we are here considering this resolution when 
there are renewed hopes for peace in Northern Ireland, hopes that 
spring from the successful conclusion of 22 months of negotiations on 
April 10, Good Friday. I do not think it was mere coincidence that it 
was during Holy Week, one of the most sacred periods in the Christian 
calendar, that this small miracle occurred, the possibility of peace, 
political stability, and reconciliation for the 1.6 million people who 
reside in the six counties of Northern Ireland. Many people deserve 
credit and congratulations for making this small miracle possible.
  First, we should commend the individuals who participated in the 
peace process for more than 3 years and stayed the course. It took 
courage on their parts, as Senator Mitchell noted, ``to compete in the 
arena of democracy.''
  I think it is fair to say that one of the giants over the years in 
Northern Ireland and the Northern Ireland peace efforts has been John 
Hume of Derry, a long-time civil rights crusader and respected leader 
of the Social Democratic and Labour Party. John Hume deserves great 
praise for his tireless efforts over the past 30 years to bring peace 
to his people. David Trimble, president of the Ulster Unionist Party, 
and Gerry Adams, president of Sinn Fein, were also indispensable in 
making a final agreement possible.
  They, along with other participants, deserve enormous credit for 
their persistence and determination, for their willingness to make 
honorable compromises so that the people of Ireland can look forward to 
a day when hatred and bloodshed are not part of their daily landscape.
  Let me also take a moment, if I may, to mention a few of the other 
key actors in this drama who warrant special recognition. First, 
British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who made the search for peace one of 
his first priorities upon assuming office last year. He did so because 
he believed that the people of Belfast ``deserve a better future than a 
life of bloodshed, murder and disharmony.''
  Equally important to the success of the process was the Irish 
Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, also was new to the office, who inspired trust 
and confidence in the nationalist community. They knew of his 
commitment to ensuring that any final agreement would protect and 
guarantee the rights, freedoms, and traditions of the Irish Catholic 
minority in the north.
  It goes without saying that the American people can be justifiably 
proud of the role played by President Clinton throughout the process. 
Were it not for the President's vision, perseverance, and unwillingness 
to give up on the negotiations, we would not be here today talking 
about a new chapter in the history of Northern Ireland.
  Perhaps President Clinton refused to be discouraged because he had 
looked into the eyes of so many men and women during his visit to 
Belfast in 1995 and saw how deeply they yearned for peace, most 
especially peace for their children.
  Last but not least, there was Senator George Mitchell, our former 
colleague, who shepherded the parties to an agreement. As someone who 
served with Senator Mitchell, it came as no surprise to me that George 
found a way to overcome what at times appeared to be insurmountable 
differences among the parties.
  With patience, evenhandedness and acute political skills, Senator 
Mitchell guided and empowered the parties to find common ground and 
finalize an agreement.
  The tireless efforts of Ambassador Jean Kennedy Smith should also be 
acknowledged. She was there at every turn to keep everyone focused on 
what was happening throughout the process, and to ensure that at 
appropriate moments, the necessary encouragement from the United States 
was forthcoming.
  I should mention as well that our own colleague, Senator Edward 
Kennedy of Massachusetts, played a very, very important role over many 
years to encourage a political and peaceful resolution of the problems 
in the north.
  There have been others of our colleagues here in this Chamber, 
Senator Moynihan of New York, Senator Leahy of Vermont, Senator Mack of 
Florida, and in the other body Peter King of New York, Congressman Neal 
of Massachusetts, Ben Gilman, of New York, Joe Kennedy of Massachusetts 
all of whom have been deeply committed to finding a peaceful solution 
to Ireland's Troubles. I know there are others as well, but these are 
the names that come to mind immediately who, for many, many years 
sought to bring

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about a political and peaceful resolution to the violence in the north.
  The 67-page final document is a complex mosaic of provisions that 
endeavors to address the interests and concerns of the two Northern 
Ireland communities, Protestant and Catholic, within a framework of 
democracy, justice and equal rights.
  The April 10 agreement is in many ways the culmination of more than a 
decade of efforts by the British and Irish governments to broker peace 
in the conflicted North. The 1985 Anglo-Irish Accord, the 1993 Joint 
Declaration, and the 1995 New Framework for Agreement were all 
important milestones on the road to peace.
  Perhaps the secret of success on this occasion was that all of the 
parties to the conflict were represented in the negotiations--each side 
setting forth for itself its concerns and aspirations. Those concerns 
and aspirations have in turn been interwoven into the final text of the 
accord.
  The August 1994, IRA cease-fire and the cease-fire by the Combined 
Loyalist Military Command that followed shortly thereafter created the 
opportunity for these all inclusive negotiations to take place.
  There were clearly anxious moments over the last several years during 
the quest for peace. To be sure, at times the setbacks and 
disappointments that followed the promise of the 1994 cease-fire 
announcements, left all of us despairing that the situation was without 
hope.
  You will recall, for example, that the peace process was dealt a near 
fatal blow on February 9, 1996, with the detonation of an IRA bomb in 
London--a blast that injured scores of innocent people.
  Frankly, until the restoration of the IRA cease-fire last July, the 
Northern Ireland peace process had hit bottom, it had reached the point 
where, in the words of Irish poet Seamus Heaney, ``bad news is no 
longer news.''
  We are now once again at a turning point in the history of Northern 
Ireland. The possibility of peace is as real as it has ever been.
  As President Clinton has so aptly observed, ``to engage in serious 
negotiations, to be willing to make principled compromises, requires 
courage and creativity.''
  The political leaders of Northern Ireland demonstrated that courage 
and creativity in finalizing this agreement.
  It is now up to the people of Ireland--North and South--to ratify 
that agreement in the upcoming referendums. More importantly, it rests 
in their hands and hearts to make the words on that 67-page peace 
accord make a difference in the daily lives of every man, woman and 
child who calls Northern Ireland home.
  On this day and in this Chamber, with what I hope will be the 
unanimous endorsement of every one of our colleagues, I pray, as 
everyone else does, that the people of Northern Ireland will have the 
courage, wisdom and foresight to do that.
  Mr. President, I know my colleague, Senator Kennedy, is here on the 
floor. If there is additional time, I ask unanimous consent for another 
5 or 10 additional minutes for people to be heard on this issue if it 
is appropriate.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. There are 6\1/2\ minutes remaining. The 
Senator from Massachusetts.
  Mr. President, it's a privilege to join my colleagues Senators Dodd, 
Moynihan, Kerry, Leahy, Lautenberg, Daschle, Mack, and D'Amato in 
sponsoring this resolution, which commends the many leaders responsible 
for the achievement of the recent historic peace agreement in Northern 
Ireland.
  The agreement reached on Good Friday marks a turning point in the 
history of Northern Ireland. For too long, it has been a land 
synonymous with bloodshed, violence and hatred. But now Northern 
Ireland stands as an example to the world that agreement between 
differing ethnic and national groups is attainable.
  The current Troubles in Northern Ireland began in 1969 and raged 
mercilessly in the following decades, to the great distress of the many 
citizens there who wanted only peace and justice.
  Many efforts to achieve a peaceful settlement over the years were 
unsuccessful. But finally, in December 1993, the two governments issued 
a Joint Declaration, making it clear that if the groups resorting to 
violence declared ceasefires, their political representatives could 
join all-inclusive talks on Northern Ireland's future. The time was 
ripe, and a hopeful formula for peace had been found.
  I also want to especially credit John Hume, who for years tirelessly 
worked for peace in Northern Ireland. No one's contribution has been 
greater. When the final history is written, the name of John Hume will 
stand first.
  The courageous decision by President Clinton to grant a visa for 
Gerry Adams to visit the United States in early 1994 was a key step 
leading to the decision by the Irish Republican Army to declare a 
ceasefire in August of that year, and the Loyalist paramilitaries did 
the same in October 1994.
  In the years that followed, there were many obstacles, setbacks, and 
crises to be overcome, but the parties never lost sight of the goal of 
the peace.
  A new British Government under Prime Minister Tony Blair was elected 
in May 1997, and a new Irish Government under Taoiseach Bertie Ahern 
came to power in June. Both leaders and especially Secretary of State 
Marjorie Mowlan committed themselves to peace, and worked skillfully 
and effectively to achieve it.
  Negotiations including Sinn Fein and chaired by our former Senate 
colleague George Mitchell began, and Senator Mitchell's patience and 
determination were critical in guiding the talks to a successful 
conclusion.
  Great credit also goes to Taoiseach Ahern and Prime Minister Blair. 
They made Northern Ireland their high priority, and constantly urged 
the parties to keep moving forward to agreement. President Clinton's 
continuing strong support was also indispensable in the success that 
was finally achieved.
  The participants in the talks also deserve great credit. They had the 
courage to negotiate and to produce a fair agreement that reflects the 
aspirations of Nationalists and Unionists alike.
  On May 22, the agreement will be voted on in separate referendums by 
the people of Ireland, North and South. Last Saturday, David Trimble 
succeeded in obtaining the overwhelming endorsement of the Ulster 
Unionist Party for the agreement. I hope that the leaders of all the 
parties will work as hard and as effectively for a ``yes'' vote to 
convince their followers of the merits of this agreement.
  Hopefully, the people of Ireland and Northern Ireland will approve 
the agreement in the referendums to be held next month, so that 
implementation of the agreement can begin.
  An Assembly must be elected. Changes must be made in the policing and 
the criminal justice systems to reassure both Nationalists and 
Unionists that they will receive equal protection under the law. 
Nationalists and Unionists will have to work together in partnership. 
After decades of animosity, this challenge is still very real, but 
Northern Ireland's parties can rise to meet it, as the events of Good 
Friday have proved. And they will have the continuing support of the 
United States as they do so.
  I thank the majority leader for scheduling this in an extremely 
pressed time. Given the recent decisions that have been made, it is 
entirely appropriate that the Senate speak on this issue. We are very, 
very appreciative of the majority leader giving us the time in a very 
busy time to consider this resolution and support it.
  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, if my colleague will yield, I also thank the 
majority leader. I know the pressures he is under. Everything is 
terribly important. As my colleague from Massachusetts said, he is 
gracious to allow us to bring this up at this particular time.
  I ask--I know there are others, including our colleagues from 
Florida, New York and others, who want to be heard on this issue who 
may not be able to make it over to speak--that the Record be left open 
so their comments on the resolution appear prior to the adoption of the 
resolution.
  If it is appropriate, I ask for the yeas and nays on this resolution.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There is a sufficient second.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent, for those Senators 
who would like to have their statements on this resolution inserted, 
that they be inserted at this point in the Record. I

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know Senator Mack, who had gotten away before we made these 
arrangements, would like his remarks included at this point.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. KERREY. Mr. President, I rise today to offer my support to the 
Resolution being debated on the floor this afternoon. I am proud to be 
a cosponsor of this important statement of Senate support for the 
Northern Ireland peace agreement. Like my colleagues, I believe the 
settlement in Northern Ireland is an historic opportunity to bring 
peace to a remarkable people that have suffered from violence for far 
too long. And as a nation with deep cultural ties and personal 
attachment to Ireland, I believe we can all take a moment to be hopeful 
that a new era of peace and prosperity in Northern Ireland is now 
possible.
  First, I would also like to use this opportunity to offer my 
congratulations to our former colleague George Mitchell for his role as 
Independent Chairman of the multiparty talks. Despite long odds and 
numerous setbacks, Senator Mitchell has demonstrated diplomatic skills 
that can only be learned by being Majority Leader of the Senate. His 
actions have truly been a credit to our nation.
  Mr. President, for the first time in centuries there is hope that a 
lasting peace can be achieved in Northern Ireland--I think our words 
today fail to capture the importance of this opportunity. The 
agreements that led to the April 10 accord are the result of brave 
actions by both Protestant and Catholic political leaders, and the 
desire to find a solution to the cycle of violence that has virtually 
imprisoned all of the people of Northern Ireland for decades. I am 
confident, when given the chance to vote in the May 22 referendum, the 
people of Ireland will take the opportunity to send a strong message to 
their political leaders of their desire to continue to move forward in 
this process.
  In our euphoria over the recent agreements, we must not forget that 
lasting peace will only come with continued diligence. We must not 
allow the opponents of peace in Northern Ireland to use terrorism to 
destroy what has been painstakingly built so far. Mr. President, with 
our strong support for this resolution we send an unmistakable signal 
of our willingness to continue to work with any and all people in 
Northern Ireland dedicated to bringing about a peaceful and lasting 
settlement.
  Mr. MOYNIHAN. Mr. President. I rise as an original sponsor of the 
resolution acknowledging the historic Northern Ireland peace agreement. 
In adopting this resolution, the Senate will demonstrate its strong 
support for this agreement which has been so long in coming.
  When I first came to the Senate in 1977, Senator Kennedy, Speaker 
O'Neill, then-Governor Hugh Carey of New York, and I joined together 
and issued this St. Patrick's Day statement:

       We appeal to all those organizations engaged in violence to 
     renounce their campaigns of death and destruction and return 
     to the path of life and peace. And we appeal as well to our 
     fellow Americans to embrace this goal of peace, and to 
     renounce any action that promotes the current violence or 
     provides support or encouragement for organizations engaged 
     in violence.

  Now, finally, one of the oldest conflicts in Europe has the potential 
of healing and being resolved. A courageous agreement has been reached 
in Northern Ireland. We in the United States Senate can be particularly 
proud of the role that our former colleague and leader George Mitchell 
played in mediating this agreement. He deserves no less than the Nobel 
Peace Prize.
  The search for a just and lasting peace in Northern Ireland has 
entered a most promising stage. This resolution indicates the strong 
support of the United States Senate for this historic agreement. May it 
fulfill our hopes.
  Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr, President, I rise today to commend the Senator from 
Connecticut (Mr. Dodd), the Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Kennedy), 
and the Senator from New York (Mr. Moynihan) for introducing S. Con. 
Res. 90, which acknowledges the historic Northern Ireland peace 
agreement, and congratulates the individuals who made the agreement 
possible.
  Just today, in my home state of Wisconsin, leaders representing all 
sides of the Northern Ireland peace process gathered in Milwaukee for a 
National Symposium on Prospects for Peace in Northern Ireland, 
sponsored by the George F. Kennan Forum on International Affairs. Mr. 
President, this conference was planned long before the historic peace 
agreement was announced. I am pleased that the attendees were able to 
come to Milwaukee with a viable agreement already on the table. The 
speakers at today's conference, who were involved in the negotiations 
of the peace agreement, discussed both the agreement itself and 
prospects for a lasting peace in Northern Ireland.
  In light of this resolution, I want to repeat some of my remarks for 
the peace symposium.
  The recent agreement reached by the parties to the conflict in 
Northern Ireland offers real hope for an end to three decades of 
violence in that troubled land. This historic step is the product of a 
new commitment to peace by parties on all sides of this longstanding 
conflict.
  It is proper that this resolution commends President Clinton for 
making the search for an end to the conflict in Northern Ireland a top 
foreign policy priority. My former colleague, Senator George Mitchell, 
deserves special recognition from this body for his leadership in 
helping move the parties to an agreement. Above all, we commend the 
leaders from all sides of this conflict, many of whom worked tirelessly 
on this agreement, and had the will to put ancient hatreds aside and 
make peace their priority.
  Now the success of the agreement rests in the hands of the people of 
Northern Ireland, who continue to review the details and, eventually, 
will have the opportunity to express themselves democratically through 
a referendum. Let us hope that all the parties will be able to commit 
to this process and that none will turn to the sectarian violence of 
the past. It is now the duty of all who seek peace to resist the 
efforts of those who may seek to undermine the accords through 
violence.
  As a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I believe this 
agreement signals new hope for longstanding conflicts around in the 
world. Just a few years ago, many saw the conflicts in South Africa and 
Northern Ireland as intractable, but today one has been peacefully 
resolved and the other has made tremendous progress, as we recognize 
with this resolution.
  So, Mr. President, I am happy to support this resolution with hope 
for the future, and commend the brave leaders who have taken a risk for 
peace in Northern Ireland.
  Mr. CHAFEE. Mr. President, on Good Friday a landmark agreement was 
reached in Northern Ireland to start down the road to bring to an end 
decades of violent hostilities, and reshape fundamentally the political 
institutions of that province. All Americans have reason to be very 
pleased that the many competing political factions in Northern Ireland 
were able to resolve their longstanding, bitter disagreements.
  Today I want to express my particular appreciation of the splendid 
efforts of President Clinton's Special Advisor on Ireland, former 
Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell. It comes as no surprise to me 
that those closest to these negotiations believe that were it not for 
the tireless efforts of Senator Mitchell, this agreement would not have 
been reached. Having worked with Senator Mitchell for nearly fifteen 
years on many complex issues, I can certainly attest to his unique 
ability to forge an agreement that most thought unachievable.
  Senator Mitchell's many fine attributes served him well in the U.S. 
Senate, and helped prepare him for the tremendous challenges he faced 
as chairman of the multi-party talks in Northern Ireland:
  He has the patience to listen to the contentions of people whose 
differences have existed for some three hundred years. Twenty-two 
months of talks may well have worn out a less capable, less disciplined 
person.
  Senator Mitchell also brought with him to Belfast the Senate's 
respect for full and fair debate. As chairman of these talks, he 
ensured that all voices at the table were permitted to speak.

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He knew well that in the end, a successful agreement required that all 
parties felt that they had been listened to.
  He possesses unrivaled negotiating skills. When needed, Senator 
Mitchell called upon Prime Ministers Blair of Great Britain and Ahern 
of Ireland, as well as President Clinton, in order to urge the 
participants to keep the talks alive. He also had the strategic 
thinking to set a deadline to end the talks.
  Senator Mitchell was persistent in bringing about this agreement. 
Despite the long odds, he never gave up in his core belief that newborn 
children in Northern Ireland deserve the same chance as his six-month-
old son to have peace, stability and reconciliation.
  Finally, Senator Mitchell believed in compromise. Unionists and 
nationalists were clearly far apart when these talks began, as they had 
been for decades. Senator Mitchell was able to forge an agreement that 
gave just enough to both sides so that each could declare victory. 
Indeed, this ability to bridge differences helped create our very 
nation, as our Founding Fathers crafted a Constitution that satisfied 
the big states--that sought representation by population--and the small 
states, that sought representation by states.
  Mr. President, George Mitchell's accomplishment in Northern Ireland 
makes us all very proud of him and proud of American values and ideals. 
In announcing the Good Friday Agreement, he stated, ``it doesn't take 
courage to shoot a policeman in the back of the head, or to murder an 
unarmed taxi driver. What takes courage is to compete in the arena of 
democracy as these men and women are tonight.''
  Senator Mitchell knows the value of this competition of ideas from 
his days in this institution. He recognizes that a government which 
upholds this competition of ideas serves its people best. The people of 
Northern Ireland have recognized this basic truth as well. We salute 
George Mitchell, a true statesman who has helped begin the end of one 
of the world's most intractable conflicts.
  Ms. SNOWE. Mr. President, today I rise to express my support for 
Senate Concurrent Resolution 90, which acknowledges the historic 
Northern Ireland Peace Agreement reached just two weeks ago.
  Both the governments of the Republic of Ireland and the United 
Kingdom have worked for many years to facilitate a peaceful resolution 
to the conflict in Northern Ireland that has cost so many lives and 
caused so much suffering. Ultimately, it was the willingness of the 
representatives of Northern Ireland's political parties to adhere to 
the principles of non-violence that helped create an atmosphere that 
led to this most historic agreement.
  I commend all those who helped lay the groundwork for this 
achievement: Prime Minister Tony Blair, Prime Minister Bertie Ahern and 
President Clinton for their dedication to the peace process. And I am 
especially proud of my former colleague, Senator George Mitchell, for 
his patient and herculean efforts to heal the deep wounds of this 
tragic conflict.
  It will come as no surprise to my fellow Mainers and my Senate 
colleagues that Senator Mitchell would be unduly modest in recognizing 
the role he has played. As he noted, it may be true that the agreement 
alone ``guarantees nothing.'' But it does bestow the precious gift of 
hope upon a people who finally have ``the chance for a better future.''
  In his quiet, understated way, George Mitchell brought individuals 
who had been in conflict for the past thirty years out of the shadows 
of distrust and into the light of faith--faith in a nonviolent, 
democratic resolution. As one of the participants in the talks 
commented, ``Here the United States sent one of its most able, skilled, 
talented, humble politicians, a supreme diplomat, and frankly we didn't 
deserve him.''
  That is a poignant and appropriate tribute to a man who has helped 
bring the promise of peace to a region most deserving of its blessings. 
As one who served with him in the Congress for nearly 15 years, I am 
proud to extend my gratitude to Senator Mitchell for his extraordinary 
work. And I do so knowing that the honor which would please George 
Mitchell most would be the true and lasting success of the remarkable 
agreement he helped to broker.
  May the Northern Ireland Peace Agreement finally bring an end to the 
fear and suffering, and may the future of Northern Ireland be as bright 
as the spirit and potential of her extraordinary people.
  Ms. COLLINS. Mr. President, it was Samuel Johnson who said in 1777 
that the knowledge that you will be hanged in a fortnight does wonders 
to concentrate your mind. In 1998, former Senate Majority Leader and 
Maine Senator George Mitchell proved the truth of this aphorism by 
giving the Northern Ireland peace talks a deadline, placing upon these 
negotiations the equivalent, if you will, of a ``sunset'' provision 
that left the parties no alternative but finally to come up with a real 
solution.
  This deadline accomplished its purpose: it concentrated their minds 
wonderfully, and this led directly to the historic Stormont Agreement. 
Some years ago it scarcely seemed possible to imagine a Northern 
Ireland in which children could grow up without fear of sectarian 
violence and bloodshed. Today, however, this brighter future is not 
only imaginable--it is very nearly here.
  That Senator Mitchell should possess such statesmanship and political 
acumen is, of course, no surprise in my home state of Maine. Senator 
Micthell is greatly admired in this country for his work on behalf of 
Maine and on behalf of all Americans. Today, however, the people of 
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland--and peace-loving people 
everywhere--also owe Senator Mitchell a great debt for helping steer 
these talks to their successful conclusion.
  It is my great hope that with his statesmanship and steady hand, 
Senator Mitchell has now made it possible to achieve a real 
reconciliation in Northern Ireland--and for the Irish people to go 
about building their future together, in cooperation rather than in 
conflict.
  And I am very pleased that the Senate tonight will pass legislation 
expressing our support for the Irish peace process and the brighter 
future represented by the Stormont Agreement.
  Mr. MACK. Mr. President, I am proud to join my colleagues in the 
United States Senate in congratulating the people of Northern Ireland 
for their tremendous courage and perseverence which allowed for the 
signing of the historic peace agreement. With continued political 
leadership and the inspiring dedication of the Northern Ireland people, 
I am optimistic that peace may be at hand.
  I traveled to Northern Ireland this past January. In fact, I arrived 
on the date that the latest initiative which led to the peace agreement 
arrived: January 12. During three days there, as the parties reviewed 
the details and held discussions with their constituencies, I developed 
a deep admiration for the political leaders who eventually accepted 
this agreement.
  The concurrent resolution which we are submitting today seeks to 
thank all of the people who contributed to this peace agreement; I wish 
to personally thank all of the people who spent time listening to and 
talking with me.
  Mr. President, I learned a great deal about politics and courage from 
the representatives of the political parties in Northern Ireland. I 
found that politicians in Northern Ireland share many of the challenges 
that politicians face in the United States Senate. Specifically, they 
often spend hours of each day in very difficult negotiations which may 
result in dramatic changes in the lives of those they represent. 
Following these meetings, they face their constituencies and justify 
their actions. The difference, however, between our jobs and theirs 
lies in the stakes. These people literally risked their lives by 
engaging in the peace process; they risked their lives to endorse this 
agreement; and they continue to bear this risk as the process 
continues.
  Mr. President, the American people recognize the incredible risks 
these leaders take, and we thank them. To these brave men and women, 
however, the reward diminishes the risk. If this agreement succeeds as 
planned, it may alter the course of history. Because of this brave 
sacrifice, the people of Northern Ireland have the promise of

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security, freedom, prosperity and an end to indiscriminate killings and 
terrorist acts.
  Mr. President, our concurrent resolution thanks a lot of people. But 
for me, the most inspiring people I met were outside of Belfast. The 
role of the community leaders cannot be overemphasized. While the 
negotiations proceeded in Belfast, at homes, neighborhoods and towns 
across the region, people were building local relationships which 
crossed borders and communities. These are the true heroes of the peace 
process. The people I met are making changes and making a differences 
where they live. They support the political process, but were not 
waiting around for anything coming from the capitals. Spending time 
among the people in the border regions, with the strongest faith in 
their abilities to make a difference in their own towns and 
neighborhoods, I became convinced that peace had a chance in Northern 
Ireland.
  I salute all of the people of Ireland and Norther Ireland today who 
have labored for peace. They are the driving force behind the peace 
process, and they will make it work.
  Mr. LOTT. I have a few remarks I would like to make on this.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.
  Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I thank Senators Kennedy and Dodd for their 
comments. I thought it appropriate today, without another day going by, 
that the U.S. Senate express itself on this very important issue on 
behalf of the American people. That is why we made sure that we brought 
it up and had these few minutes to discuss this resolution, and that we 
put on the Record our salutations to those who have been involved in 
these negotiations. We offer our congratulations to all the 
participants in the negotiations. I think they deserve recognition for 
their willingness to make honorable compromises in order to reach this 
agreement.
  I think particular credit goes to our former colleague, Senator 
George Mitchell, for his persistence and his doggedness. Frankly, I 
wasn't sure that it could be pulled off, but he stayed with it. I think 
we owe him a debt of gratitude for his work.
  Also, of course, I commend Prime Minister Tony Blair and Taoiseach 
Bertie Ahearn for their involvement and leadership. I believe the 
American people are proud of the contributions the United States and 
our President have made to this effort. We hope it will lead to 
approval in the May 22 referendums. Most of all, we hope it will lead 
to a lasting peace in Northern Ireland. That is the desire and that is 
the prayer of the people in Northern Ireland, in America and, 
hopefully, throughout the world. I endorse this resolution.
  I have no further request for time. I am prepared to yield back the 
remainder of our time.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time is yielded back.
  Mr. LOTT addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.
  Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, Senator Daschle and I have been 
communicating. We do have an agreement we think is a fair way to 
conclude the debate on the education bill and also an agreement with 
regard to how the State Department reorganization conference report 
will be considered.

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