[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 39 (Tuesday, March 31, 1998)]
[House]
[Pages H1779-H1780]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FURTHER DEBATE IS NEEDED ON THE IMF
Mr. STEARNS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to discuss attempted
misappropriation of American taxpayers' money for the International
Monetary Fund.
I applaud the efforts by our Speaker to create a second supplemental
appropriations bill to handle this. This will give the House the
ability to have a straight up or down vote on increasing our financial
commitment to the IMF.
The U.S. now presently provides about 18 percent of the IMF funds,
and we are being asked to cough up another $18 billion without a full
debate on the House floor about the merits of such a proposal.
In a recent Wall Street Journal article, three outstanding experts on
international finance gave their views on the International Monetary
Fund. George Shultz, President Reagan's Secretary of State; William
Simon, Presidents Nixon and Ford's Secretary of Treasury; and Walter
Wriston, former Chairman of Citicorp and Citibank. They asked the
question, who needs the IMF? They point out that President Clinton and
the IMF have shifted into overdrive in their efforts to save the
economies of Indonesia, the Philippines, South Korea and Thailand, or
to be more accurate, to save the pocketbooks of international investors
who can face a tide of defaults if these markets are not now shored up.
I welcome the support of these distinguished experts on this subject.
The way I see it, the IMF places American taxpayers in the position of
guaranteeing a return on investment to those who engage in these risky
schemes. The likelihood of an IMF bailout removes the incentive for
nations to not engage in bad economic policies or pursue unsound
financial practices.
As these distinguished gentlemen note in this article, the IMF can
lull nations into complacency by acting as the self-appointed lender of
last resort, a function never contemplated by our Founding Fathers. The
world has changed a great deal since the IMF was founded in 1944 to
assist in global trade by supporting currency convertibility and
providing needed financing to defend exchange rates.
The financial crisis in Asia results from decades of direct
government regulation, the absence of foreign competition, and closed
financial systems. By relying on heavy-handed bureaucracies managing
every aspect of their economies, these nations are destroying
themselves financially.
This observation was echoed in the Wall Street Journal article
recently. ``Asian nations are facing financial difficulties not because
outside forces have imposed bad economic policies on them, but because
they have imposed these policies on themselves.''
According to Shultz, Simon and Wriston, ``the Mexican people suffered
a massive decline in their standard of living as a result of their
crisis. As is typical when the IMF intervenes, the governments and the
lenders are rescued, but not the people.''
They conclude the following. ``The IMF is ineffective, unnecessary
and obsolete. We do not need another IMF. Once the Asian crisis is
over, we should abolish the one we have.''
Now the President is asking us to increase our quota to the IMF
without a constructive debate on the merits of this proposal. In fact,
there is clear evidence that the IMF has sufficient capital to
withstand any immediate financial distress anywhere in the world. The
IMF right now has close to $50 billion in reserves and access to
another $25 billion through their general arrangements to borrow.
In addition, the IMF will receive nearly $28 billion in loan
repayments from other borrowing nations by the end of the year 2000.
If we add the more than $100 billion being borrowed and repaid by
Thailand, Indonesia, and South Korea, the IMF will basically have $200
billion in its coffers, the same amount it had before the Asian crisis
began.
Mr. Speaker, today I ask my colleagues, what is the rush of throwing
more American taxpayer money at the IMF, when there is substantial
capital already in place? It is for one reason only. The proponents of
the IMF do not want to just replenish the IMF fund; they want to expand
the breadth and scope of the IMF itself so that the IMF will play an
even more dominating role in global finances.
[[Page H1780]]
It is our responsibility in Congress to prevent this latest abuse of
taxpayers' money and to defeat the proposal to increase the U.S. share
of IMF money by $18 billion.
____________________