[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 38 (Monday, March 30, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2759-S2760]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
AMERICAN MISSILE PROTECTION ACT OF 1998
Mr. COCHRAN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that Senator
Enzi be added as a cosponsor to S. 1873, the American Missile
Protection Act of 1998.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. COCHRAN. Madam President, this bill was introduced by Senator
Inouye and me on March 19. After we sent a letter to all Senators
inviting cosponsors, we received a very positive response. I am pleased
to advise the Senate that with the addition of Senator Enzi, there are
now 40 cosponsors of S. 1873.
This bill would make it the policy of the United States to deploy as
soon as technologically possible an effective national missile defense
system capable of defending the territory of the United States against
limited ballistic missile attack, whether accidental, unauthorized or
deliberate.
We believe this policy is necessary because of the growing
proliferation threat. The proliferation threat includes both weapons of
mass destruction and long-range ballistic missile delivery systems.
The fact is that determining how quickly the United States will be
facing an ICBM threat from a rogue nation is difficult to estimate. The
Director of Central Intelligence recognized this point last year when
he said to the Senate, ``Gaps and uncertainties preclude a good
projection of exactly when `rest of the world' countries will deploy
ICBMs.''
That ``gaps and uncertainties'' exist is not an indictment of our
intelligence agencies. We have many fine and dedicated people in the
intelligence community who have devoted their professional careers to
obtaining information about and analyzing proliferation. But it is
extremely difficult to predict accurately just how quickly technology
will move forward and will be made in certain countries.
Predicting the rate of technological advance would be difficult even
if rogue states were to accept no outside assistance in their pursuit
of mass destruction weapons and missile delivery platforms of ever-
increasing range. But adding the knowledge now available in the
information age to anyone with a computer and a telephone line to the
fact that some nations are actively assisting pursuit of these
capabilities makes for a situation in which predictions can be outdated
soon after they are made.
Take, for example, the case of the Shahab-3 and Shahab-4, two
intermediate-range ballistic missiles Iran is pursuing with substantial
help from Russian organizations. Last Friday's Washington Times carried
an article entitled ``Pentagon Confirms Details on Iranian Missiles.''
It describes this situation, and I think it is very alarming.
It is no secret that Iran is pursuing these missiles. The Shahab-3,
with a range of 1,300 kilometers, will be capable of striking U.S.
forces throughout the Middle East and our close allies in the region as
well. The Shahab-4, with a range of 2,000 kilometers, will be able to
reach into Central Europe.
We all understand that neither of these missiles will have the range
to strike the United States unless they are launched from some kind of
a mobile platform, like a ship. But the important point is that these
missiles are proceeding at a much more rapid pace than anticipated just
last year, and the reason these missiles can be ready sooner than we
expected is because of Russian expertise provided to Iran.
In February the Director of Central Intelligence testified to the
Senate:
. . . since I testified, Iran's success in getting
technology and materials from Russian companies, combined
with recent indigenous Iranian advances, means that it could
have a medium-range missile much sooner than I assessed last
year.
Madam President, the very kind of outside assistance that is speeding
this Shahab-3 along so rapidly could also contribute in a similar way
to the acquisition of long-range ballistic missiles by rogue nations.
These kinds of nations are interested in ICBMs because they make the
United States vulnerable to coercion or intimidation in time of crisis.
It is a vulnerability that disappears when an effective national
missile defense is deployed.
That is why we have introduced the American Missile Protection Act of
1998. America should end its ICBM vulnerability as soon as the
technology is available.
Madam President, given the uncertainties about just when other
nations will possess ICBMs, it only makes sense to be clear now in our
commitment to deploy defenses against these systems as soon as the
technology is ready. If the choice is to deploy a national missile
defense capable against a limited threat 1 year too soon or 1 year too
late, let it be 1 year too soon. The lesson of the Shahab-3 is that
even the best intentioned estimates can be wrong.
I ask unanimous consent, Madam President, that the article I referred
to from the Washington Times be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[From the Washington Times, Mar. 27, 1998]
Pentagon Confirms Details on Iranian Missiles
(By Bill Gertz)
The Pentagon identified Iran's two medium-range ballistic
missiles for the first
[[Page S2760]]
time publicly this week, giving their ranges and also
providing details on an older Chinese nuclear-tipped missile.
Iran's Shahab-3 missile will have a range of about 800
miles and a second version, the Shahab-4, will be able to hit
targets as far as 1,240 miles away, according to Senate
testimony by Air Force Lt. Gen. Lester Lyles, director of the
Ballistic Missile Defense Organization.
It was the first time the Pentagon has confirmed the
existence of the Shahab missiles, which were disclosed last
year by The Washington Times.
U.S. intelligence officials have said the missiles could be
deployed within two years and that both Russia and China
provided materials and technology.
``The development of long-range ballistic missiles is part
of Iran's effort to become a major regional military power
and Iran could field a [medium-range ballistic missile]
system in the first half of the next decade,'' a Pentagon
official said.
The chart made public Tuesday identified the Iranian and
Chinese missiles as potential targets for U.S. regional
missile defense systems under development. It was part of
Gen. Lyles' testimony before the Senate Armed Services
Committee.
The chart also listed the range of China's CSS-2 nuclear
missile, which has a range of about 1,860 miles and is the
only intermediate-range missile ever exported. Saudi Arabia
purchased about 40 of the missiles. China has deployed about
40 CSS-2s for more than 25 years.
According to an Air Force intelligence report obtained by
The Times last year, the CSS-2 is being replaced by China's
new and more capable CSS-5. About 40 CSS-5s, with a ranges of
about 1,333 miles, have been deployed, and a more accurate
version, is awaiting deployment.
The chart showed two Scud missiles with ranges of between
62 and 186 miles, China's M-9 missile with a 372-mile range,
and the North Korean Nodong, with a 620-mile range.
Meanwhile, Pentagon officials yesterday disclosed new
details of global missile deployments and developments that
will be made public in a report due out next week.
The officials, who declined to be named, revealed that
Russia and China are developing new short-range missiles
called the SSX-26 and CSSX-7, respectively. Both will have
ranges greater than 185 miles. Egypt also has a new 425-mile-
range missile called Vector, they said.
Pakistan and India also have new missiles and are in the
process of building longer-range systems, the officials said.
Pakistan's will have a 700-mile range and India is working on
a longer-range version of the Agni missile with a 1,250-mile
range.
The new missiles could be used in regional conflicts, armed
with nuclear, chemical or biological warheads, or against
U.S. troops abroad. There is also the danger that they might
be transferred to rogue nations.
According to the Pentagon, more than 19 developing nations
currently possess short-range ballistic missiles and six
others have acquired or are building longer-range missiles
with ranges greater than 600 miles.
North Korea has three longer-range missiles dubbed Nodong
and Taepodong 1 and 2. They have ranges of between 600 miles
and 3,700 miles--enough to hit Alaska.
The longer-range missiles of China, Saudi Arabia, North
Korea, India, Pakistan and Iran ``are strategic systems and
most will be armed with nonconventional warheads,'' one
official said.
Missile states of concern include Afghanistan, Belarus,
Bulgaria, China, Egypt, India, Iran, Iraq, Kazakhstan, Libya,
North Korea, Pakistan, Russia, Slovakia, Syria, Turkmenistan,
Ukraine, Vietnam and Yemen.
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