[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 38 (Monday, March 30, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2753-S2754]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




          EDUCATION SAVINGS ACT FOR PUBLIC AND PRIVATE SCHOOLS

  Mr. COVERDELL. As everybody knows by now all too well, we have been 
in the midst of a filibuster going all the way back to last summer on 
education reform proposals. We have been battling the White House, the 
minority leadership and the status quo. I am pleased to announce--in 
fact, I am ecstatic--that the filibuster is over and that a unanimous 
consent has been entered into, I think a reasonable agreement, that 
does adhere to our view that all amendments should have been related to 
education and not extraneous and not broad new tax policy. We will go 
to our education reform on the day we return from the recess on April 
20 of this year.
  Now, the majority leader needs to be commended for the diligence and 
the attention he gave to try to end this filibuster. I also am 
complimentary of the minority leader and his attempt to bring this 
filibuster to an end. But I am especially grateful to the Members on 
the other side of the aisle, principally my key cosponsor, Senator 
Torricelli of New Jersey, for the attempts and effort they made--under 
very difficult circumstances I might add--for an extended period of 
time to recommend that a filibuster was not the way to handle education 
reform.
  Because the filibuster has been ended, America's children are going 
to be the major beneficiaries--and their families. At the end of the 
day, millions of American families are going to be able to open 
education savings accounts to help children in public schools, private 
schools and home schools. Now with the suggestions from the other side 
of the aisle, we are going to have an opportunity for expanded school 
construction and financing that aids and abets school construction 
across our Nation.

  After all is said and done, bringing this to a favorable conclusion 
will lead to a very healthy and wholesome debate about reforming 
education and moving away from the status quo. Madam President, the 
winners, those who are going to gain the most from the fact that we 
have set this filibuster aside, are America's children. They are going 
to be the beneficiaries of the fact that the Senate has now, on a 
bipartisan basis, agreed to go to an extended and meaningful debate 
about reforming education in America, principally grades kindergarten 
through high school.
  I thank all who have been involved on both sides of the aisle. I 
think it will prove most beneficial to America and her children.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from North Dakota.
  Mr. DORGAN. Madam President, I will take just a moment. I did want to 
respond ever so briefly to the remarks of Senator Coverdell.
  I did not object to the unanimous consent request by which we will 
consider the Coverdell proposal. Amendments have now been made in order 
and the proposal will be considered on the floor of the Senate in a way 
that limits the amendments and limits the time for each amendment.
  I say the Senator from Georgia puts his own construct on exactly what 
has happened. There is another construct, and that is that this was not 
a filibuster but a lockout--circumstances where we were told that a 
bill was to come to the floor of the Senate, a bill dealing with tax 
credits for education, and the only circumstance under which it could 
come to the floor of the Senate is if those on the minority side would 
be willing to restrict their amendments both as to type of amendments 
and as to time.
  It is a very unusual Senate procedure. It is not a procedure that has 
been followed by the majority side, I might say. As one Member of the 
Senate who will not want to see this habit-forming, I simply say to the 
Senator from Georgia that I am happy he will get his day on this piece 
of legislation. The amendments have indeed been limited. I think he 
would not want to be in a similar circumstance on the next issue on 
which someone on this side would, if in the majority, say we would like 
to bring our bill to the floor, and by the way, we will only do that in 
ways that restrict your opportunity to offer amendments, and only do 
that in ways that restrict the time of the amendments that you do 
offer.
  For example, among the ideas that exist here are not just an idea to 
provide tax credits for people who send their children to nonpublic 
schools--all schools, but especially nonpublic schools; among the ideas 
that exist

[[Page S2754]]

here are, for example, a proposal to provide some assistance to repair 
some of the crumbling schools in this country, not so that the Federal 
Government will be involved in rebuilding local schools--that is the 
job of local school districts, State and local governments --but an 
incentive in a way that says we can at least pay some of the interest 
on the bonds that provide the right incentive to invest in our schools 
because so many of them are now 30, 50, 70 years old and more, and some 
of them are in desperate condition and need help.
  On that amendment, for example, under this agreement there will be, I 
believe, 1 hour of debate. A significant amendment of significant 
importance, but the Senate will only devote 1 hour to that subject 
because to devote more would somehow abridge the interests of those who 
want to contain the debate on education here in the Senate.

  I use that as an example. There are others. I say to the Senator from 
Georgia, I did not, since the first day of this discussion, feel the 
problem was a filibuster. I felt and still do feel very strongly the 
problem is that the majority leader said this is our bill, this is our 
agenda, it is what we feel is important, and we will bring it to the 
floor, but you must comply with what we expect of you. Don't you be 
offering amendments we don't want. Don't you be demanding time for your 
amendment to talk for 3 hours on school construction, for example--and 
that was what was happening to us over all of these weeks and what 
resulted in a number of cloture votes.
  So I see it differently than does the Senator from Georgia. But as I 
indicated, he will have his day on his amendment, and I have indicated 
previously I have great respect for him, but this ought not be habit-
forming. This is not the way the Senate works with respect to the 
current rules of the Senate. It is not the way your side of the aisle 
dealt with issues when you were in the minority, and I don't think you 
would expect us to deal with these issues in that manner on a routine 
basis.
  As I said, I did not object to the unanimous consent request after 
this had been worked out by the majority leader and the minority 
leader. Education is critically important. In my judgment, there aren't 
many more important issues than education here in the U.S. Senate. This 
ought to be job one for the Senate to deal with the critical education 
issues. We have now a list of them, albeit limited in time and scope 
with respect to the amendments, but when we get to this issue we will 
have, I think, a good and thoughtful and constructive debate.
  I stand today to say do not make it habit-forming to say it is our 
agenda and we will demand every other Senator in this place who is not 
part of the majority conform to our description of how we want to 
debate these amendments, because that is not the way the Senate should 
work.
  I yield the floor.

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