[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 29 (Tuesday, March 17, 1998)]
[House]
[Pages H1201-H1206]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




CALLING FOR AN END TO VIOLENT REPRESSION OF LEGITIMATE RIGHTS OF PEOPLE 
                               OF KOSOVA

  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend rules and agree to the 
concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 235) calling for an end to the 
violent repression of the legitimate rights of the people of Kosova, as 
amended.
  The Clerk read as follows:

                            H. Con. Res. 235

       Whereas the Albanian people of Kosova constitute more than 
     90 percent of the total population of Kosova;
       Whereas the political rights of the Albanian people of 
     Kosova were curtailed when the Government of Yugoslavia 
     illegally amended the Constitution of Yugoslavia without the 
     consent of the people of Kosova on March 23, 1989, revoking 
     the autonomous status of Kosova;
       Whereas in 1990, the Parliament and Government of Kosova 
     were abolished by further unlawful amendments to the 
     Constitution of Yugoslavia;
       Whereas the Mission of Long Duration to Kosova, the Sandzak 
     and Vojvodina, which the Organization for Security and 
     Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) deployed in 1992, eased local 
     tensions through objective human rights monitoring and 
     facilitating dialogue between authorities and the various 
     communities before the authorities of Serbia-Montenegro 
     expelled the Mission in 1993;
       Whereas the State Department's 1997 Country Report on Human 
     Rights in Serbia notes violations of civil liberties in 
     Kosova particularly in the following categories: political 
     and other extra-judicial killing; torture and other cruel 
     inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; arbitrary 
     arrest, detention or exile; denial of fair public trial; and 
     arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home, or 
     correspondence;
       Whereas on the night of February 28, 1998, Serbian 
     paramilitary policy units, reported to number in excess of 
     25,000 men, swept through the Drenica region of Kosova 
     killing more than 20 Albanian citizens, many of who died from 
     being beaten to death;
       Whereas on March 2, 1998, 30,000 demonstrators peacefully 
     marched in Pristina to protest the massacre of February 28 
     and were brutally attacked by Serbian police;
       Whereas a group calling itself the Liberation Army of 
     Kosova has threatened to retaliate against the atrocities 
     committed by Serbian authorities;
       Whereas new elections in Kosova scheduled for March 22, 
     1998, have now been postponed; and
       Whereas the President of the United States and other 
     officials have warned the Government of Serbia that there 
     would be serious consequences if Serbian policies led to an 
     escalation of violence in Kosova: Now, therefore, be it
         Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate 
     concurring), That it is the sense of the Congress that--
       (1) the violent repression carried out by the Serbian 
     police and paramilitary forces against the ethnic Albanian 
     population of Kosova should be condemned by the United States 
     and the international community;
       (2) efforts of the international Contact Group (the United 
     States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia, and Italy) 
     in support of a resolution of the conflict in Kosova are to 
     be commended and intensified;
       (3) no international or United States sanctions currently 
     in force against the Government of Serbia and Montenegro 
     should be terminated at this time, unless such termination 
     serves to support a peaceful resolution to the repression in 
     Kosova;
       (4) the United States should consult with its allies and 
     other members of the United Nations on reimposing those 
     sanctions against Serbia-Montenegro that were terminated 
     following the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement in 1995 
     if Serbian authorities continue to use unlawful violence 
     against the Albanian people of Kosova;
       (5) the United States should acknowledge recent 
     developments in the Republic of Montenegro that indicate that 
     the new leadership of the Republic is seeking a peaceful 
     resolution to the repression in Kosova, particularly the 
     statement by Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic that 
     Kosova must receive a certain degree of autonomy, and his 
     call for a dialog between the Government of Serbia and 
     Montenegro and ethnic Albanians in Kosova;
       (6) the United States should, to the extent practicable, 
     recognize positive actions by the Government of the Republic 
     of Montenegro with regard to repression in Kosova through 
     exclusion from those sanctions that may be applied to the 
     Government of Serbia;
       (7) the elections in Kosova originally scheduled for March 
     22, 1998, and now postponed, should be allowed to proceed 
     unimpeded by Belgrade whenever they take place, as they 
     represent the opportunity for a peaceful expression of the 
     political will of the Albanian people of Kosova;
       (8) all parties should refrain from acts that could lead to 
     heightened tensions in Kosova;
       (9) international and nongovernmental organizations that 
     provide medical assistance should be permitted immediate and 
     unrestricted access to Kosova and all of its citizens;
       (10) international investigators of serious breaches of 
     international humanitarian law should be granted immediate 
     and unimpeded access to all parts of Kosova and to its 
     citizens;
       (11) the agreement on education in Kosova should be 
     implemented immediately, including at the university level, 
     allowing all residents of Kosova regardless of ethnicity to 
     receive education in their native tongue;
       (12) the elected leaders of Kosova should begin a dialog 
     without preconditions with the authorities in Belgrade to 
     resolve the present situation, and to provide for the 
     exercise of the legitimate civil and political rights of all 
     the people of Kosova;
       (13) inasmuch as the Belgrade regime led by the last 
     Communist dictator in Europe, Slobodan Milosevic, continues 
     to abuse democratic norms and the rights of all its citizens, 
     threatening general regional stability, the United States 
     should undertake determined measures and provisions designed 
     to promote human rights and democratic government throughout 
     Serbia and Montenegro;
       (14) the authorities of Serbia-Montenegro should cooperate 
     fully with efforts and initiatives of the Organization for 
     Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to address the 
     problems in Kosova, including the immediate and unconditional 
     return of a Mission of Long Duration;
       (15) staff of the United States Information Agency office 
     in Pristina, Kosova, should be augmented; and
       (16) the United Nations Security Council should consider 
     the question of restoration of the human and political rights 
     of the people of Kosova and actions to halt Belgrade's 
     violent repression of the region's population.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Gilman) and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Davis), each will 
control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman).
  (Mr. GILMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

[[Page H1202]]

  Mr. Speaker, in recent weeks the world has witnessed the horrifying 
spectacle of violence again sweeping a part of the Balkans. Serbian 
paramilitary police forces brutally assaulted the long suffering people 
of the province of Kosova, more than 90 percent of whom are Albanian. 
Whole villages were attacked and their inhabitants were forced to flee 
into the hills. Entire families were massacred as Serbian forces fired 
indiscriminately into their homes.
  When the Kosovars gathered peacefully to protest these atrocities, 
Serbian police met them with more brutality, first firing on the 
marchers with tear gas and water cannon, then beating anyone who came 
within reach.
  It should be noted that the terrible war that destroyed the former 
Yugoslavia began in 1989 in Kosova, when dictator Slobodan Milosevic 
arbitrarily and illegally terminated the autonomous status enjoyed by 
Kosova under the Constitution of the former Yugoslavia.
  The international community and our government in particular has 
repeatedly warned Milosevic of severe consequences should he be 
responsible for further violence in Kosova, where his government has 
forced ethnic Albanians from their jobs, from their classrooms and from 
their communities. He has apparently decided to ignore all these 
warnings. Using as a pretext the emergence of a group calling itself 
the Kosova Liberation Army, or UCK as it is known in Albania, Milosevic 
has ratcheted up his policy of making the lives of the majority of 
Kosovars a living hell through repression and brutality.
  It is with the deepest concern that I introduce this measure now 
before us, H. Con. Res. 235, calling for an end to the violent 
repression of the legitimate rights of the Albanian people of Kosova. I 
want to thank my colleague, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) for 
joining with me in introducing this measure.
  With this resolution, Congress places on the record its concern over 
the worsening situation in Kosova and points to constructive measures 
that could lead to an improvement. In particular, the resolution urges 
all parties to refrain from violence. I fully understand and sympathize 
with the growing frustration of the Albanian citizens of Kosova who 
have peacefully resisted the repressive Milosevic regime for more than 
10 years. However, that violence can only beget further violence in 
Kosova. Only through dialogue between the democratic leaders of the 
Kosovars and the regime in Belgrade can the situation be peacefully 
resolved.
  It is in the interest of our Nation to do whatever we can to 
encourage a beginning of such a dialogue immediately and without any 
preconditions because there must also be some redress for the victims 
of violence and their families. The international community must be 
able to investigate any reports of violations of international law that 
would fall within the purview of the International Tribunal for the 
former Yugoslavia.
  That is why this resolution calls for immediate access for 
international investigators as well as for organizations that can 
provide medical assistance to those who have been wounded. Hopefully, 
this resolution will assist the efforts of our Secretary Madeline 
Albright, Ambassador Gelbard and other diplomats to make clear to 
Milosevic and to the Serbian authorities that we view their actions 
with abhorrence and disgust and that we insist on the speedy and 
peaceful resolution of the problems in Kosova. We cannot and will not 
tolerate another Bosnia in the Balkans.
  Accordingly, I urge my colleagues to send an important message to 
Belgrade by supporting H. Con. Res. 235.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.


                             General Leave

  Mr. DAVIS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all 
Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks on 
House Concurrent Resolution 235.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from Florida?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. DAVIS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman 
from New York (Mr. Engel), one of the leading cosponsors of this 
concurrent resolution.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Florida for 
yielding me this time.
  Mr. Speaker, I was very happy to play a major role in writing this 
legislation. I want to thank my colleague from New York, the 
distinguished chairman of the committee, for introducing this 
legislation along with me.
  We have reached a very important time in the region of Kosova. There 
are 2 million ethnic Albanians living there under Serb occupation and 
tyranny. We saw the extent of that tyranny, as the chairman mentioned, 
a couple of weeks ago when women, children and innocent people were 
just wantonly killed by Serbian police using helicopters and artillery. 
It was something that we ought not to see in the year 1998. It brought 
us back to the beginning of Bosnia and Bosnia, of course, is when the 
West did not object strongly enough and did not take strong measures 
early enough that we saw the tragedy in Bosnia with thousands upon 
thousands of people being killed in ethnic cleansing and genocide. We 
can see the same thing happening in Kosova if the world does not take a 
strong stand now.
  This resolution, H. Con. Res. 235, is an attempt by this Congress to 
take a strong stand because we know that if the situation is going to 
be resolved in Kosova, it can only be resolved with the United States 
taking a very, very strong stand.
  I have been to Kosova a number of times. I intend to go again either 
later this week or later sometime this year. I think it is very, very 
important that the United States stand up strongly for the rights of 
people for self-determination and freedom all over the world.
  As chairman of the Albanian Issues Caucus, we have been talking, I 
have been talking about Kosova for many, many years and saying that a 
flare up like this could make Bosnia almost seem like a tea party, 
regrettably, compared to what could happen in Kosova. When you have 2 
million ethnic Albanians, 90 percent of the population with no economic 
rights, with no political rights, with no human rights, you are bound 
to have a flare up. And for too many years Milosevic, leader of Serbia, 
has refused to even discuss these things with the Albanians in Kosova. 
He summarily took away their autonomy back in 1998. Some people are now 
saying let's go back to autonomy. Why would the Albanians want to go 
back into a situation that failed 10 years ago, that was summarily 
stolen from them 10 years ago. In the old Yugoslavia you had 
counterbalances to the Serbs. You had the Croats and the Bosnians and 
the Macedonians, the Slovenians, and it was not so dominated by the 
Serbs. Today in Serbia or Yugoslavia it is so Serb-dominated they have 
not given any freedoms at all to the Albanian citizens. Why would the 
Albanians want to go back into this situation?
  So we have elections scheduled for later on this week. It is a little 
bit uncertain as to whether those elections will be held, but the 
people of Kosova must be allowed to express their desire in open and 
free elections. They must be allowed to elect their leaders and their 
parliament, which they did 6 years ago, and then they were not allowed 
to meet. So for 6 years there has not been any meeting of the Albanian 
parliament duly elected by the people of Kosova. This cannot continue. 
This must not continue.
  What this resolution does is it condemns Belgrade's brutal crackdown 
in Kosova; again, the killing of innocent men, women and children. It 
calls for the maintenance of the current sanctions against the Belgrade 
regime and consideration of restoring the interwall of sanctions. If 
Milosevic does not do what he is being asked to do, which is to give 
basic freedom to people, we ought to consider slapping new sanctions on 
them. This supports the elections process in Kosova and sending 
monitors, and it is very, very important that we have monitors. It 
demands the full implementation of the education agreement, including 
at the university level. Again, Albanians cannot teach in their 
language, they cannot go to schools. It is just impossible.

  I want to commend the Albanian students in Kosova. Their peaceful 
demonstrations have shown a tremendous level of maturity and must be 
supported by all freedom loving people

[[Page H1203]]

around the world. This resolution also urges the U.N. Security Council 
to discuss Kosova, as well they should. This is a very, very important 
international incident and Kosova ought to be discussed by the Security 
Council. It calls for the return of the OSCE monitors, which were 
thrown away by Milosevic, who will not allow international monitoring. 
We need international monitoring on the ground if we are to prevent a 
tragedy in Kosova. It encourages the expansion of the USIA office. I 
was proud to go there 2 years ago, to Pristina, the capital, and cut 
the ribbon for the United States information office. We ought to expand 
that office to show that we as a Nation are engaged, that the Albanians 
there know there is a friend in the United States, that the Serbs and 
Belgrade understand that we have a presence there where the American 
flag is flying and we care very much about what happens on the ground. 
And the European Union has just recommitted to opening their office in 
Pristina. They should do it as soon as possible.

                              {time}  1700

  In short, Mr. Speaker, what this resolution does, H. Con. Res. 235, 
is simply reinforce the goals which we hold dear as Americans; the 
right of self-determination, a condemnation of a brutal crackdown, and 
saying that the United States of America stands with the Albanian 
citizens of Kosovo because it is right to stand with them. It is right 
to say that they ought to have the freedoms. It is wrong for them to 
have no personal freedoms, to have 80 percent or more unemployment, to 
never have a chance to go to schools. This situation must end.
  And what the Congress is attempting to do here in a bipartisan 
fashion is to say no more brutal crackdowns. This must be condemned by 
the world, and we want to see the right of self-determination. I would 
go one step further. I would implement a no-fly zone and continue to do 
different things that we must have in order to show our solidarity with 
the people of Kosovo.
  But this resolution, I think, strikes the right balance at the right 
time, and I urge my colleagues to support the people of Kosovo who are 
crying out for our help. We can do this, my colleagues, by voting 
unanimously for H.Con.Res. 235.
  Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from California (Mr. Cunningham).
  Mr. CUNNINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, let me give a little different 
perspective. I do not disagree with my colleagues, but I would add 
maybe some enlightening information.
  First of all, during World War II, it was the Serbs that fought with 
the Allies and the United States. I attended a dinner, a banquet of 
some 400 Allied and U.S. Air Force pilots that were giving their thanks 
to the Serbs for getting them behind and through the Croatian and the 
Muslim lines that fought with Nazi Germany.
  I feel that in most cases during the conflict in the former 
Yugoslavia that the Serbs have been pointed out, maimed and not given 
equal treatment. I do not want special recognition, but I ask for a 
more evenhanded look at the Serbians in this conflict.
  I do not think there will be peace in the Middle East in my lifetime, 
nor do I think there will be peace in the former Yugoslavia in my 
lifetime, but most certainly until we get rid of Milosevic, until we 
get rid of Izetbegovic, until we get rid of Tudjman, to me, this is the 
main problem. We need new leadership, we need youth, and we need a new 
direction for that to go.
  If we want a real resolution, let us stop arming the Muslims that are 
tending to go further and further toward Iran and Iraq and surrounding 
themselves with the mujahedin out of both Iran, Iraq and Afghanistan. 
If we want to look at a real potential for the future, when we do end 
up pulling out, it is not going to be the Serbs coming after the 
Croatians or the Muslims, it is going to be the Muslims coming out for 
the Croatians and the Serbs if we continue with that.
  I commend the gentlemen, but I would like to see more of an 
evenhanded approach. If this opens up for investigation into looking at 
the allegations, then it is good. But if it is just chastising one 
group over the other again, as it has in the past, then I do not think 
it is so good. So I will take a look at the resolution, and I thank the 
gentleman for the time.
  Mr. DAVIS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Lampson).
  Mr. LAMPSON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  Yesterday in, Galveston, Texas, I was visited by one of my 
constituents, Lisa Halili, who brought about 15 other people along with 
her, many of whom had relatives and certainly had friends in Kosovo. 
The story that they proceeded to tell me was one that was absolutely 
amazing.
  The pictures that they brought of the murder of Lisa's father-in-law 
last week in Kosovo and the pictures of people who had been tortured, 
who have been butchered, have been sprayed with hot water, all while 
they were attempting to do peaceful demonstrations by carrying bread in 
their hands and by holding their fingers up in a symbol for peace, and 
then being attacked in the way that they have was something that I had 
a difficult time understanding. I do not understand how we could in any 
way stand by while people are injured and killed for participating in a 
nonviolent protest.
  The Serbian Government must acknowledge the basic civil rights of all 
of their citizens. This bill condemns the violent repression of ethnic 
Albanians in Kosovo by Serbian authorities and calls for a dialogue 
between the Serbian Government and the leaders of the ethnic Albanians 
in Kosovo to end violence by all parties.
  So I, too, join my colleagues in asking for an ``aye'' vote on this 
bill, but I would also ask that we might, as soon as possible, consider 
sending humanitarian aid in to these people, because I know now that 
there are other relatives of my own constituents in the Ninth District 
of Texas who are holed up in houses, fearful of being able to go out 
even in search for the medical attention that they need to treat the 
wounds that they presently have. They are able to get out or get 
messages out so that other relatives can call back here, and we are 
receiving word on a daily basis of the condition of these people, but 
it is unquestionably deteriorating.
  As soon as possible, the Red Cross must be allowed in with safe 
passage as well.
  Mr. DAVIS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 7 minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution and commend 
the chairman of the committee and the ranking member for their 
leadership on this issue.
  I regret that the gentleman from California has left the floor.
  Mr. Speaker, one of the things that made me nervous, very frankly, 
during the Cold War, was some well-meaning Members used to get up and 
draw parallelisms between Soviet actions and perceived problems in the 
United States. There was no parallelism or comparison to be drawn. And 
the gentleman from California that tries to draw a parallelism between 
the Muslims and Mr. Izetbegovic and the Croats and the Serbs, I would, 
with all due respect to the gentleman from California, strongly 
disagree.
  President Reagan saw evil, and he called it evil. That was what it 
should have been, in my opinion, Mr. Speaker. Milosevic is evil. I do 
not come to this floor for a brief on Mr. Tudjman or Mr. Izetbegovic, 
but I see no parallel between the war crimes sanctioned by, led by and 
committed by Mr. Milosevic and the other two.
  The fact of the matter, Mr. Speaker, is once again the butcher of 
Belgrade has struck, and the victims are his own citizens. Sadly, Mr. 
Speaker, we should not be surprised. This is a conflict that has been 
simmering for a long, long time; some would say centuries.
  The new Chairman of the OSCE, Foreign Minister Bronislav Geremek of 
Poland, in mid-February, just 30 days ago, referred to the situation in 
Kosovo as, and I quote, a conflict in preparation.
  As many of my colleagues know, Kosovo has been overshadowed for some 
years by the conflict in Bosnia. Preoccupation with Bosnia, in fact,

[[Page H1204]]

contributed to the maintenance of the status quo in Kosovo, especially 
since there was a strong chance early on for the Bosnian conflict to 
have a spillover effect on nearby regions.
  Like a number of my colleagues, I have been to Pristina, the capital 
of Kosovo. I have talked to Kosovars, but, more importantly, I have 
talked to Milosevic's hand-picked representative in Pristina. And I 
asked that representative, ``Is there one person, just one, one 
Kosovar, out of the 90 percent Albanian population in Kosovo, just one 
that you think is reasonable enough to sit down at the table with and 
discuss the resolution of the conflicts that exist in Kosovo?'' That 
representative of Mr. Milosevic could not think of one name in all of 
Kosovo that would be an appropriate interlocutor for peaceful 
discussions of the resolution of conflicts. Is it any wonder, 
therefore, that conflict has not been resolved, if one side could not 
find one person with whom to discuss reasonable resolution?

  The recent violence has shattered this status quo, and we are now 
faced with a possibility of further violence in Kosovo which could 
spill over into neighboring Macedonia and, indeed, Albania itself. 
Clearly, Slobodon Milosevic has fomented hatred between the people of 
the former Yugoslavia as a means to maintain power and ward off 
democratic development in Serbia itself.
  In 1989, as has been said by my friend from New York, whose 
leadership has been so outstanding on this issue, Milosevic 
unilaterally and illegally revoked Kosovo's previous autonomy. He made 
discrimination against ethnic Albanians, who constitute 90 percent of 
the population of Kosovo, official policy. Discrimination was and is 
now official policy of the government in Belgrade.
  He has repressed freedom of speech, and his police force has 
arbitrarily harassed, detained, tortured and, yes, even murdered 
innocent Albanians on a regular basis. The recent massive attacks by 
Serbian police and paramilitary units are said to be in response to the 
formation of the Kosovo Liberation Army, which seeks to fight 
repression with terrorism.
  Mr. Speaker, terrorism in any form must be condemned loudly and 
unequivocally. Violence by either sides will only beget more violence. 
That said, however, the magnitude of the response by the Serbian 
authorities is reprehensible. The attacks on several Albanian villages, 
which left dozens dead, including women and children, and many others 
injured or displaced, is an absolute and undeniable contravention of 
the standard for the behavior of governments, as stated in Helsinki 
Final Act and numerous United Nations documents. They are to be 
condemned, and those responsible must face consequences.
  Mr. Speaker, this resolution calls for the maintenance of sanctions 
against the Government of Serbia, the reestablishment of the OSCE 
mission, and the immediate implementation of the agreement on 
education.
  I also support the contact group's call for the prosecution of war 
criminals, war criminals present in Yugoslavia, not just by definition 
of us on the floor, but of our own State Department under the Bush 
administration and under this administration. Mr. Speaker, I believe 
what has happened in Kosovo constitutes crimes against humanity, and 
the Hague-based tribunal should have authority to prosecute.
  Finally, I agree with the contact group's recommendation of an 
adaption of the mandate for UNPREDEP, the U.N. peacekeeping force in 
neighboring Macedonia, which has, as we know, a U.S. contingent. If 
Kosovo explodes, its potential for direct spillover into neighboring 
countries is actually greater than it was for Bosnia, and we must be 
prepared for that threat.
  Mr. Speaker, given our witness to the horrors which took place in 
Bosnia, we should be aware of the dangers in Kosovo, and we must not 
fail to act.
  Mr. DAVIS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the 
distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler).
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this 
time, and I rise to support this resolution and to condemn thoroughly 
the brutal acts of repression and of murder that have occurred recently 
in Kosovo.
  Last month Serbian paramilitary police units swept through Kosovo and 
killed dozens of ethnic Albanians. Many people were brutally beaten to 
death. Then, on March 2nd, during a peaceful protest against this 
massacre, Serbian police again attacked about 30,000 Kosovo residents.

                              {time}  1715

  This is an outrage. The actions of the Serbian government warn us 
that ethnic hatred still threatens to erupt into genocide. They must 
halt these actions immediately, and they must take concrete steps to 
ensure that this type of violent police oppression will never occur 
again.
  Unfortunately, Slobodan Milosevic has made discrimination against 
ethnic Albanians official policy. He has made ethnic hatred and ethnic 
slaughter official policy in a fashion not seen in Europe since the 
Nazis.
  We had ample warning that this brutality would happen. The State 
Department on Human Rights stated that ``political violence, including 
killing by police, resulted mostly from efforts by Serbian authorities 
to suppress and intimidate ethnic minority groups.'' It went on to 
report that police repression continues to be directed against ethnic 
minorities, and police committed the most widespread and worst abuses 
against Kosovo's 90 percent ethnic Albanian population.
  All of this was reported before the most recent incidents of this 
year. So we must act swiftly and firmly. The Serbian authorities must 
not be allowed to get away with these atrocities.
  The work of the International Contact Group ought to be commended, 
but it must be intensified. They ought to make very clear to the 
government in Belgrade that another round of ethnic cleansing and of 
ethnic murder will not be tolerated.
  International war crimes investigators and organizations providing 
medical assistance must have immediate and unfettered access to the 
people of Kosovo. International observers supported by the contact 
group must establish a presence in Kosovo and maintain constant 
vigilance against further Serbian abuses.
  We must impose tougher sanctions against Serbia, and we must maintain 
an arms embargo against this brutal regime. We cannot sit idly by while 
the butchers in Belgrade use violence and oppression to maintain their 
political power.
  We cannot allow the bloodshed and destruction that occurred in Bosnia 
to begin all over again in Kosovo. We cannot allow this violence to 
escalate and spread into neighboring nations and result possibly in a 
general war.
  The elections scheduled in Kosovo should be allowed to proceed 
unimpeded by Belgrade, and the elected leaders who will be elected in 
Kosovo should begin a dialogue with the Belgrade authorities in an 
attempt to resolve the situation without violence.
  These are just a few of the steps that must be taken in order to 
prevent further bloodshed and oppression.
  Unfortunately, we have not acted soon enough to address these obvious 
and persistent abuses and murderous actions by Serbia, and today dozens 
of people are dead because of international indifference. The time to 
act officially is now. We must not waste any more time.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  (Mr. SMITH of New Jersey asked and was given permission to revise and 
extend his remarks.)
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the 
resolution, H. Con. Res. 235, calling for an end to the violent 
repression of the legitimate rights of the people of Kosovo. In recent 
weeks we have seen yet another outbreak of deadly violence in the 
Balkans, with the Serbian police and the military units striking 
certain regions in Kosovo and killing as many as 80 Kosovar Albanians.
  I am an original cosponsor of the resolution, and I appreciate very 
much the work done by my colleagues, the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Engel) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman), the chairman of 
the full committee, to bring this measure to the floor. The measure was 
considered in committee last week, at which time a number of amendments 
that I offered

[[Page H1205]]

were adopted, including one asking that the OSCE mission be allowed 
back into Kosovo as soon as possible.
  Mr. Speaker, we must all recognize that, despite the complexity of 
the Balkans, primary responsibility for nearly a decade of conflict in 
the former Yugoslavia lies squarely on the shoulders of Milosevic and 
his regime in Belgrade. Since 1989, when Milosevic unilaterally revoked 
Kosovo's autonomy, he has established as official policy discrimination 
against ethnic Albanians, who constitute 90 percent of the population 
of Kosovo, especially in terms of employment. Milosevic's police force 
in Kosovo is, in reality, more of an army, which has arbitrarily 
harassed, detained, tortured and even murdered innocent Albanians on a 
regular basis.
  Tomorrow, in fact, the Commission on Security and Cooperation in 
Europe, which I co-chair, will be conducting a hearing on the issue of 
the repression and the violence in Kosovo. As the Commission has 
followed closely this situation in Kosovo, it has become clear that Mr. 
Milosevic responds to criticism only when there is a clear resolve that 
his aggression, violence, and abuse of human rights will invoke serious 
consequences.
  I would note that the language of the resolution states that no 
independent national or United States sanctions currently in force 
against the Government of Serbia or Montenegro should be terminated at 
this time unless a judgment is made that such termination would help 
encourage a peaceful resolution to the repression in Kosovo.
  In this resolution, we call on the authorities of Serbia-Montenegro 
to fully cooperate with efforts and initiatives of the OSCE, including 
the immediate and unconditional return of a mission of long duration. 
The mission mandate should focus on all of Serbia and Montenegro and 
should be held by a person of prominence.
  Belgrade expelled the mission, you might recall, Mr. Speaker, in 1993 
and has made its return contingent on the lifting of Yugoslavia's 
suspension in the OSCE. Both Kosovar Albanians and Kosovar Serbs have 
told us that the return of the mission is desirable. The mission would 
monitor the situation both in Kosovo and in Serbia and Montenegro and 
would facilitate local dialogue in order to help deter an escalation of 
conflict and the violation of human rights.
  I believe, Mr. Speaker, that we should enthusiastically support the 
investigation and prosecution of the International Criminal Tribunal 
for the Former Yugoslavia of crimes against humanity committed in 
Kosovo. The events in Kosovo in recent days are reminiscent of what 
took place at the beginning of the Bosnian conflict in 1992, and they 
could similarly escalate into massive and violent ethnic cleansing.
  Mr. Speaker, this is a very good resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. DAVIS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
distinguish gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin).
  (Mr. LEVIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks.)
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. 
There is no defense to the massacre of 80 ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, 
innocent men, women and children. There are not two sides to this story 
of murder. Ethnic cleansing is evil, pure and simple. This is not an 
internal affair of Serbia. This could spill over into other places.
  When I was co-chair of the Congressional Delegation that went to 
Belgrade a few years ago, we told Mr. Milosevic very clearly we would 
hold him responsible for his actions. This resolution does exactly 
that.
  I remember the faces of people in Sarajevo that war, conflict and 
death might be over. And now the Serbs have brought destruction and 
death to Kosovo. We raise our voices to say to the Serbian government, 
no more. This resolution should be passed unanimously by this body.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to my friend, 
the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran).
  Mr. MORAN of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague and friend, 
the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), for yielding; and I thank 
the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Davis) and my colleagues on both sides 
of the aisle.
  We are in agreement on this. This needs to be done. The whole free 
world needs to react to the brutality that is occurring in Kosovo.
  Kosovo is a nation of 2 million people. They voted 7 years ago for 
independence status, along with their sister republics in Yugoslavia, 
Slovenia, Macedonia, Bosnia and Croatia. They were denied it even 
though they voted overwhelmingly for this status.
  Slobodan Milosevic is only supported by 5 percent of the population, 
but yet he reacted to this vote with unprecedented brutality. 
Repression, beatings, murders, rapes go on constantly, many of them for 
the purpose of intimidating the population.
  There are 60,000 Serb police, paramilitary and military forces that 
exercise complete control over 2 million Albanian Muslim Kosovars. It 
is wrong. It is unbelievable that this situation exists at the end of 
the 20th century.
  When I was over in Kosovo, I saw the hospitals, the clinics closed, 
schools closed, physicians dismissed, businesses summarily closed by 
the Serb police. In fact, when the OSCE monitors were driven out of the 
country, the incidence of brutality and human rights violations 
increased 85 percent.
  This was all monitored by a Council for the Defense of Human Rights 
and Freedoms that we met with in Pristina. Yet, when we met with them 
that very week, Serbian police had gone into their office and beaten 
them. Serbian police stole the photographs, the records that they had. 
When their attorney attempted to protest to the court, he opened his 
door that night and was bludgeoned on the head for protesting.
  In this country, attorneys for the defense go to court. In Kosovo, 
they go to the hospital.
  This is wrong. This is intolerable, what is existing. These people 
only want freedom. They want the opportunity to protect themselves and 
to exercise their most basic human rights.
  We saw in one school where the Serbian government, through the 
police, had taken over half of the school that was supposed to be 
available for 1,000 children. There were a hundred or so Serbian 
children using half of it because they were Serbian, and there are 
almost 1,000 children limited to the other half of the school only 
because they were Muslim children. And they had bricked over some of 
the bathrooms.
  One of the parents protested at this cruelty toward young children. 
And because he protested, because he had two young daughters in that 
school, he was mutilated, cut open from head to groin, and dumped on 
the doorstep of his family. This is the kind of thing that has given 
rise to the protests we read about today.
  The OSCE human rights monitors need to be monitoring human rights 
violations. 90% of the population needs to be enfranchised--legally 
politically and economically. We will not have peace in the Balkans 
until their is justice in Kosovo.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Florida (Mr. Davis) has 1 
minute remaining. The gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) has 7\1/2\ 
minutes remaining.
  Mr. DAVIS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I would like to urge my colleagues to support this 
resolution for the reasons that have been so eloquently expressed here 
today on the floor by both sides.
  This resolution rightly calls for an end to the violent repression in 
Kosovo and for the beginning of a necessary dialogue between the Serb 
authorities and the leaders that will contribute to the return of 
legitimate civil and political rights for all the people there.
  Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to comment on the 
current crisis in Kosovo. The recent death of four policemen and 25 
Albanians--followed by the March 5 assault of Servian forces against 
ethnic Kosovar Albanians--has marked a new stage in the Balkan crisis. 
The crackdown in Kosovo, the southernmost province of Serbia, has 
escalated the conflict between ethnic Albanians and the Serb leadership 
in Belgrade. Kosovo is home to an estimated 2 million ethnic Albanians 
and fewer than 200,000 Serbs. Old ethnic rivalries and tensions are 
running high in Kosovo.
  Mr. Speaker, the United States and its allies need to take concrete 
steps to ensure that this

[[Page H1206]]

latest round of violence in the Balkans does not spread to Albania, 
Macedonia, Greece and perhaps Turkey. We should take proactive steps by 
learning from recent history. We must encourage a meaningful dialogue 
between Serbs and Kosovar Albanian leaders that leads to peaceful 
solutions and protects basic human rights.
  Mr. Speaker, the State Department has said that it supports ``an 
enhanced status for Kosovo within the context of the Federal Republic 
of Yugoslavia [Serbia/Montenegro].'' Our position is clearly a step in 
the right direction. It is responsible; it demonstrates our commitment 
to a peaceful resolution to the conflict; and it underpins our 
commitment to basic human rights.
  One of the deplorable legacies of the Bosnian war is that human 
rights will be violated if the international community sits back and 
allows for abuses to happen. We go on record today stating that we will 
not tolerate abuses and vioience. It is wrong, and it is absurd.
  The 1995 Dayton Peace Accords clearly demonstrate that peace won't 
happen without considerable U.S. leadership. In fact, British Foreign 
Secretary Robin Cook recently met with Yugoslav President Slobodan 
Milosevic on the issue of greater autonomy for ethnic Albanians, and 
his comments are instructive: ``I did not feel encouraged to believe 
that there is yet a recognition in Belgrade that there will have to be 
significant further steps of increased autonomy to Kosovo if we are to 
find an acceptable political solution (Washington Post, March 6, 
1998).''

  To this end, the political leadership of the ethnic Albanian majority 
in Kosovo has sought greater independence and freedom from Serb 
authorities since the early 1990s, but Serbia has flatly rejected the 
idea. Serbs see Albania as their cultural homeland. It is fitting that 
we respect and appreciate the Serbs' history but, at the same time, we 
must take steps to facilitate greater self-governance for ethnic 
Albanians. They comprise at least 90% of Kosovo's 2 million people. For 
me the message is clear: the U.S. must support fundamental human rights 
in the Serbian province of Kosovo. The ethnic Albanians deserve an 
enhanced political status and a heightened degree of autonomy. Again, 
autonomy, in a word, could be an antidote for further violence and 
bloodshed in the region.
  Mr. Speaker, writing in Sunday's Washington Post, columnist Jim 
Hoagland helps policy makers return to key principles in this malaise 
we call the post-Cold War world. He reminds us of the value of human 
dignity and our fight for human rights. Hoagland reminds us that the 
``demographic laws of gravity'' cannot be defied:

       Washington should cease paying tribute to territorial 
     integrity maintained by brute force, whether that force is 
     exercised in Serbia, Iraq, Indonesia or China. The United 
     States should stop opposing in word and deed the aspirations 
     of Kosovars, Kurds, Timorese or Tibetans willing to fight 
     oppression visited on them by other dominant ethnic groups 
     that have a monopoly on firepower and organized violence. . . 
     . Big government in the form of nation-state superstructures 
     like the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, and big racial ideology 
     in the form of pan-Slavism and pan-Arabism, have been tossed 
     on history's ash heap in this decade. It is a time when the 
     center does not hold,
especially in places like the Balkans, ``when atomization is the 
dominant force in international politics.''

  Mr. Speaker, I encourage my colleagues to support H. Con. Res. 235 
that calls for an end to violent repression in Kosovo. Most of all, I 
ask my colleagues to take a stand for basic human rights and the 
inviolability of human dignity.
  Mr. BONIOR. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this 
resolution to condemn the violent repression of the people of Kosova, 
and I comment my colleagues--Mr. Gilman and Mr. Engel--for their 
leadership on this issue.
  Over the past several weeks we have all seen the horrible images and 
listened to the cries of grief and outrage.
  Those who were executed by the Serbian forces in front of their 
families last week have now been properly buried.
  We mourn them, and extend our deepest condolences to the loved ones 
who survive them.
  It is hard to fathom the cruelty of men who would randomly shoot 
people, proudly display their lifeless bodies like trophies, then bury 
them in a ditch.
  But that is what we have seen.
  It is hard to comprehend how such terrible hatred can so overwhelm a 
person, that it empties them of all compassion and humanity.
  But that is what we have seen.
  And it is also hard to understand how a people so brutalized can hang 
on to hope and keep going. But the ethnic Albanians of Kosova will 
prevail.
  For nine years, Serbia has repressed and harassed them. Now this 
campaign of terror has degenerated into open slaughter, and many 
innocent people have died.
  Today we join together to say: ``No More.''
  This violence cannot continue, and we must do whatever it takes to 
stop the bloodshed.
  Serbian aggression in Bosnia has taught all of us a hard lesson: that 
the United States and its allies cannot simply remain on the sidelines.
  We brought peace to Bosnia only after we showed Slobodan Milosevic 
(pronounced Slow-buh-dahn Mill-oh-so-vitch) that his brute force would 
be countered with swift and decisive military action.
  Now Milosevic must accept that he faces the same consequences if he 
does not halt his campaign of terror in Kosova.
  Milosevic must also recognize the legitimate will of the people of 
Kosova for a free and independent state.
  It's been said that you can bury the dead, but you can never bury a 
dream. Their dream of freedom is stronger than ever, and we stand with 
them today.
  Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution. I wish 
I could say that Serbia's repression of Kosova comes as a surprise but 
I think we saw it coming by Slobodan Milosevic's aggression in the 
region.
  If dialogue is to happen between the Serbs and the ethnic Albanians, 
then we must stop sending mixed messages and signals. Let me say that I 
think that we were too quick to reward Belgrade for its positive steps 
in Bosnia peace process without taking into consideration what was 
going on in Kosova.
  One of the greatest fears is a spill over into Macedonia which would 
be terrible for many reasons [Greece and Turkey] not just geo-strategic 
ones. I wish I had been here to ask Robert Gelbard about what seems to 
be the approval of the 700 man extension of the UN peacekeeping force 
in Macedonia--UNPREDEP (Unpred)--whch was due to withdraw this summer.
  I know that the election scheduled for March 22 was cancelled 
especially after the slaughter of 84 people. I understand that Robert 
Gelbard, in a private meeting with Milosevic, asked just for the 
families to see the victims bodies before they were buried. Even while 
Gelbard was boarding the plane, Serbia proceeded with the burial 
against the wishes of those that were mourning. In addition, let me say 
that when one side is really serious about talks they at least inform 
the other side of an agenda, time and place of the meetings.
  Ethnic cleansing and massacrers cannot be tolerated whether in 
Rwanda, Bosnia or another Serbian enclave--Kosova. In response to the 
recent attacks, I along with other members of the Albanian caucus, have 
sent a letter to the President to address the deteriorating situation 
in Kosova. In conclusion, Kosova reminds me of the Tiananmen Square 
incident. Years later, we are still going on with ``business as 
usual.'' I hope Pristina [Priss-s-tina] won't fall victim to this type 
of policy.
  Mr. DAVIS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my 
time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) that the House suspend the rules 
and agree to the concurrent resolution, House Concurrent Resolution 
235, as amended.
  The question was taken.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and 
nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 5 of rule I and the 
Chair's prior announcement, further proceedings on this motion will be 
postponed until tomorrow.

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