[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 29 (Tuesday, March 17, 1998)]
[House]
[Pages H1196-H1201]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EXPRESSING SENSE OF CONGRESS REGARDING NORTHERN IRELAND
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and
agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 152) expressing the
sense of the Congress that all parties to the multiparty peace talks
regarding Northern Ireland should condemn violence and fully integrate
internationally recognized human rights standards and adequately
address outstanding human rights violations as part of the peace
process, as amended.
The Clerk read as follows:
H. Con. Res. 152
Whereas multiparty talks regarding Northern Ireland
attended by representatives of the British and Irish
Governments and representatives elected from political
parties in Northern Ireland are underway for the first time
since the partition of Ireland in 1922 creating a momentous
opportunity for progress on human rights concerns;
Whereas human rights violations and the lack of
accountability by those responsible for such violations have
been persistent features of the conflict in Northern Ireland;
and
Whereas more than 3,000 people have died and thousands more
have been injured as a result of the political violence in
Northern Ireland since 1969: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate
concurring), That--
(1) the Congress condemns the violence committed on all
sides of the conflict in Northern Ireland as illegal, unjust,
and inhumane;
(2) the Congress commends the leadership in both the
British and Irish Governments and former United States
Senator George Mitchell, Independent Chairman of the
multiparty talks, for fostering a new environment in which
human rights concerns may be addressed and an agreement may
be reached expeditiously through inclusive talks with respect
to Northern Ireland; and
(3) it is the sense of the Congress that--
(A) all parties should reject violence and work diligently
through democratic, peaceful means to reach a just and
lasting peace in Northern Ireland;
(B) human rights should be protected for all citizens and
any peace agreement in Northern Ireland must recognize the
state's obligation to protect human rights in all
circumstances; and
(C) there are a number of measures which can be taken
immediately that would remedy abusive human rights policies
and build confidence in the peace process, such as acting
upon the Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights (SACHR)
report and recommendations put forth by other human rights
organizations.
{time} 1615
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Barrett of Nebraska). Pursuant to the
rule, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Davis) each will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith).
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
First of all, this resolution is a bipartisan resolution. I am very
pleased and honored to have the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman),
the chairman of the Committee on International Relations, as one of the
principal cosponsors of this bill; also, the gentleman from New York
(Mr. King); the gentleman from New York (Mr. Manton); the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Walsh); the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
Kennedy); the gentleman from New York (Mr. McHugh); the gentleman from
New Jersey (Mr. Payne); the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Shays); the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Hinchey); the gentleman from New Jersey
(Mr. Andrews); and the gentlewoman from Connecticut (Mrs. Kennelly) to
name just some of the cosponsors of this H. Con. Res. 1252.
Mr. Speaker, we are expressing a sense of the Congress that all
parties to the multiparty peace talks regarding Northern Ireland should
condemn violence and fully integrate internationally recognized human
rights standards and address the outstanding human rights violations as
part of the peace process.
Mr. Speaker, I think it is important to note that Amnesty
International, Human Rights Watch, the British Irish Watch, the
Committee on the Administration of Justice, Lawyers Committee for Human
Rights, and many, many others have urged that this House pass this
resolution.
As a matter of fact, just to read some of their statements, Human
Rights Watch said, ``Human Rights Watch fully supports the resolution
now being considered for passage by the Congress regarding human rights
in the Northern Ireland peace process. The resolution rightly
recognizes the gravity of past violations and the role that such abuses
have played in perpetuating the conflict. The resolution is a signal
that Congress is eager to prevent the same kind of lack of attention to
human rights issues which has doomed other peace processes and may
threaten the success of the Northern Ireland peace process if action is
not taken now.''
Mr. Speaker, the Committee on the Administration of Justice and I
recently traveled to the north of Ireland, met with all of the parties,
like other Members of this House have and other Members of the Senate,
but I found that the Committee on the Administration of Justice tries
to evenhandedly promote human rights. Whether they be Protestant or
Catholic, a person's value and dignity must be respected.
Well, of the committee, Martin O'Brien stated, and I quote, ``Any
effort by Congress to raise these issues is particularly welcomed and
deserves widespread support. In that regard, the initiative is to be
supported, and it would be helpful if the concerns of the Congress on
human rights be raised with the British and the Irish Governments,''
and it goes on, and I would put the full statement into the Record at
the appropriate time.
Mr. Speaker, there is a great opportunity, a window of opportunity
right now, especially on St. Patrick's Day, but in the coming weeks as
part of these multiparty talks to come to a conclusion. We need to
express in a bipartisan way, Democrats, Republicans, moderates,
liberals and conservatives, that we are foursquare, fully behind
[[Page H1197]]
this effort to bring peace to the north of Ireland where some 3,000
people have been killed by paramilitaries on both sides, as well as by
agents of the British Government.
It is time to say no to violence; that no matter what dips may be in
the road ahead, that violence is not a solution. Knee-capping and
terrorism is not a means to an end, no matter how justified one may
think they are. Whether it be the IRA on the Catholic side or perhaps
on the Protestant side, some of the terrorist groups, all of those acts
of violence are to be condemned, and we ought to be promoting peace,
and that is, indeed, what we are doing. Thankfully, the United States
is playing a very real and significant role.
Former Senator Mitchell is the chairman of these multiparty talks and
has done an exemplary job in bringing the disparate factions together
to try to come to a peaceful resolution.
Again, this window of opportunity is right now before them. The
discussions begin in earnest again on March 23, and we expect,
hopefully before Easter, that there will be a framework, there will be
a final document produced; maybe that is a bit premature, but that is
part of the expectation, and that a referendum could be held sometime
in the latter part of May, perhaps in June, to begin or to further this
process.
I found on that trip, and I have also had two lengthy human rights
hearings in my subcommittee in which we heard from all parties, that
the time for peace is at hand, and I think by going on the record
today, we send a clear, unmistakable message that we, too, are watching
and hoping and praying that peace will come to the north of Ireland and
that human rights will be at its core. It cannot be an ancillary issue;
it cannot be a P.S., a postscript at the end of the statement. They
need to be integral in this peace agreement, and all parties, I think,
need to recognize the value and the dignity of each and every human
life, and that is what I think will lead to justice, and justice to a
sustainable peace.
So I would hope that everyone could get behind H. Con. Res. 152 and
we could make a unanimous statement here on the floor today that we are
for this peace process.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. DAVIS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman
from New Jersey (Mr. Payne).
(Mr. Payne asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of ending the sad state
presently in the north of Ireland. This resolution goes to the heart of
the matter, and let me commend the sponsor and those who are supporting
this great resolution.
I had the distinct pleasure last Thursday of introducing Mr. Gerry
Adams, the President of Sinn Fein, at my alma mater at Seton Hall, at
the university where thousands came to hear his talk. It was sponsored
by the School of Diplomacy at Seton Hall, and he went on to discuss
what must be done.
It will be 2 years this July since I visited the north of Ireland and
had the opportunity to see for myself the violence and the killing
associated with the Orange Order marchers in the village of Drumcree. I
had the opportunity to stay in Belfast for several days and visited
many towns, including Derry. Unfortunately, the situation today looks
like a repeat of the past.
Before July, the north of Ireland will host seven parades. While I
think that having constructive dialogue concerning the composition and
makeup or whether the members are independent and impartial of the
Parade Commission is good, it is just not enough. The dismissal and
rejection of John Larkin leads me to believe that this body is a
unionist commission for the unionist people. How can an apprentice boy,
an ex-UDA member, an ex-member of the Policy Authority, be independent
and fair? The celebration and victory of William of Orange, in which
Irish land was seized and confiscated, is an insult to Catholics
everywhere, and today for the parades to go on makes no sense.
Sadly, this parade glorifies a part of history and is provocative in
nature. That is why I, along with Members of the Irish Caucus, have
written Mo Mowlam urging the British Government to prohibit any marches
by any group through any neighborhood in the north of Ireland,
especially during the marching season.
When I was there, one could hear gunfire and shooting throughout the
city. Police statistics estimated that there were 1,600 rounds of
plastic bullets shot during the troubles. The plastic bullets severely
maim and injure their victims. They are 3\1/2\ inches long and about
1\1/2\ inches thick. These are supposed to be used for crowd control,
but they can kill, they can maim, they can injure, and young children
have been hit with these and have found it to be fatal. My experience
there moved me to introduce H.R. 1075, to ban the use of plastic
bullets in the north of Ireland.
As we celebrate St. Patrick's Day, let us not forget the hard-working
Irish immigrants that built the Delaware and Raritan Canal located in
my State of New Jersey. State Senator Dick Codey has introduced a
resolution asking the State to appropriate $50,000 to help build the
monument to these great workers. Today, the canal supplies water to 1.2
million residents in central New Jersey. Although best known today for
its picturesque scenery where joggers, bikers and fishermen go for
recreation, little was known about the Irish laborers that died
sometimes while working on the canal. Many of the canal diggers,
sometimes using their bare hands, built these channels during the 19th
century as the major link between manufacturers and their markets.
There was a cholera epidemic which killed many of these men who were
just buried on the side of the canal.
The canal opened in 1834 and quickly became one of the country's
busiest navigation canals. New Jersey Governor Peter Vroom made the
inaugural voyage at that time from Trenton to New Brunswick where
crowds cheered at every bridge and lock.
The Hibernian raised $1,000 for the headstone to honor the men.
Without much fanfare, they dedicated it just before St. Patrick's Day 3
years ago. We are looking forward to seeing this monument built in the
State of New Jersey. Let me conclude by saying, as Dr. King said, that
``injustice anywhere . . . justice everywhere.''
Gerry Adams was born on October 6, 1948 in the working class areas of
West Belfast.
Upon finishing school in the 1960's Gerry supported himself as a
bartender while becoming increasingly involved in the civil rights
movement. Modeled on the civil rights movement in the U.S., the Irish
effort was founded to fight discrimination against northern Catholics
by the British government in the areas of housing, employment,
education and language. The brutal reaction of the Unionist government
in the six countries resulted in the ultimate breach of civil rights--
murder by the government of peaceful protesters at what has become know
as Bloody Sunday. Lets never forget Bloody Sunday, January 30, 1972, a
day that will live on in infamy.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may
consume to the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman).
(Mr. GILMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to support this human rights resolution on
Northern Ireland, H. Con. Res. 152. The distinguished Chairman of our
subcommittee on human rights and international operations, the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) has done an outstanding job in
crafting this resolution. It is highly appropriate that we consider
this resolution today, St. Patrick's Day.
The Committee on International Relations has held extensive hearings
on human rights and on fair employment in the north of Ireland during
104th, and in this current Congress. This resolution before us embodies
many of the key findings and recommendations from those extensive
hearings. We took firsthand testimony from many from Northern Ireland
on the underlying causes and the troubles there. The need for respect
for human rights is an essential element in finding lasting solutions
for Northern Ireland. It is very clear from the long and disappointing
history of the troubles in Northern Ireland. There have been far too
many previous failed attempts at political solutions that neglected
this key human rights concern.
[[Page H1198]]
The world must no longer neglect the need to promote fundamental
respect for human rights and for economic justice in the north of
Ireland. The need for fundamental reform, especially in the treatment
of the minority nationalist community, must be a strong United States
foreign policy priority and goal. Helping to make human rights a
centerpiece of the solutions to the long and divisive troubles in the
north of Ireland will have a salutary impact on the current search for
lasting peace that is now underway in Belfast.
After many years of following very closely and visiting on numerous
occasions the north of Ireland, I strongly urge support for this long
overdue human rights initiative before our body.
Former Irish President Mary Robinson, now the U.N. High Commissioner
for Human Rights, said it best not too long ago while visiting Capitol
Hill. Mrs. Robinson made a key point that the adoption of human rights
guarantees a very important part of a sustainable peace in Northern
Ireland. Father Sean McManus of the Irish national caucus also helped
to make clear what is needed and why in stating, ``It is a violation of
human rights that has been the fundamental cause of the troubles in
Northern Ireland,.'' Father Sean should know, for he is a native of
Northern Ireland.
Accordingly, I urge adoption of this resolution by all of those
concerned about peacefully securing lasting solutions and justice in
Northern Ireland.
Mr. DAVIS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez).
(Mr. MENENDEZ asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this
time.
Mr. Speaker, today is St. Patrick's Day, a day when we celebrate the
great tenacity and spirit of the Irish. The color green reminds us of
the mystical island, rolling hills and people which captivated St.
Patrick. I look forward to the day when the Irish people, Catholic and
Protestant alike, can revel in the great treasure that is Ireland
without regard to their religious or political affinities.
There is reason to be hopeful. The peace process in Ireland, despite
recent setbacks, is moving forward, and the labor government has
adopted a more open posture on dialogue with Sinn Fein and has
expressed a willingness to reopen the investigation into the events of
bloody Sunday.
{time} 1630
These are positive developments. However, they cannot and do not
mitigate the Congress's concern about the pattern of human rights
abuses against the Catholic population in Northern Ireland. History
should not inhibit progress, but we cannot forget the repressive
tactics used against the Irish people, from the potato famine to Bloody
Sunday to the present day harassment and repression by the Royal Ulster
Constabulary and the British system on persons like Colin Duffy. Trust
remains something to be won, not given.
After years and years of intransigence and abuse, the Catholic
minority is rightfully angry and suspicious. The history and abuse of
human rights in Northern Ireland is long and treacherous.
From the confinement of Roisin McAliskey during her pregnancy; the
inflammatory marches of the Orange Order, which we have again this
year, as Mo Mowlam visits the capital today; that, in fact, the British
government will understand the enormous consequences of those marches
and the manner in which they have taken place and the potential risks
to peace that they generate; the use of plastic bullets; the baseless
harassment and imprisonment of persons sympathetic to the Republican
cause; and the countless violations of human rights stemming from
Britain's emergency legislation which governs the 6 northeast counties
in Ireland. The populace of Northern Ireland has suffered myriad abuses
of its civil and human rights.
The resolution of these long outstanding issues is necessary to begin
the process of reconciliation.
I intend to introduce a separate resolution which endorses the
CEARTA, a document drafted in Northern Ireland and endorsed by many
Irish groups in the United States. It builds on the idea that there
exists a historic opportunity to build peace in Ireland and recognizes
that the people living in the north are entitled to the same basic
rights as those residing elsewhere in Ireland.
It further calls for an end to the emergency legislation, reform of
the legal system, the creation of unarmed and accountable police
services, the end to all forms of discrimination, equality for the
Irish language and culture, and the release of all political prisoners.
At this time in the marching season, we hope that the British
government will have heard the many voices here in the Congress and
abroad about the consequences. We hope they change that course of
events.
I want to commend my colleague, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr.
Smith), for introducing this timely resolution. I urge its adoption.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, first of all, let me thank my friend, the gentleman from
New Jersey (Mr. Menendez), for his kind remarks. We are in solidarity
on this. I think this is again one of those issues that unites this
Chamber.
Let me just close by noting that House Concurrent Resolution 152 puts
Congress on record as supporting not just the peace process, which we
all want hostilities to end, but also to put human rights at the core,
at the center of those negotiations. It is timely and needed and will
help ensure that human rights concerns are in no way overlooked when
the final document is produced.
Mr. Speaker, the history of the ``Troubles'' of Northern Ireland are
marked by violent crimes of parliamentary groups and at times by agents
of the British government. The failure of the British government to
protect the human rights of its citizens, especially Catholics in the
north of Ireland, have helped to fuel the violence.
Notwithstanding the abuses perpetrated by partisan paramilitary
forces or by the police, for that matter, we must remember that the
essential responsibility for protecting rights and maintaining the rule
of law belongs to the government which, in this case, at this
particular time, is the British government.
When governments resort to methods that are illegal, unjust or
inhumane, even when these methods are seemingly directed against the
guilty or the dangerous, the effect is not to preserve law and order,
but to seriously undermine it. It is particularly saddening that the
British government, America's trusted ally, is the object of serious
and credible charges of disrespect for the rule of law in the north of
Ireland.
All of the major human rights organizations, from Amnesty
International to the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights and Human
Rights Watch, have been particularly critical of pervasive restrictions
on the due process of law in Northern Ireland; and they have testified
that law enforcement officials of the UK, members of the Royal Ulster
Constabulary, tolerate and even perpetrate some of the gross abuses
that have taken place in the north of Ireland.
Under so-called emergency legislation applicable only in Northern
Ireland, police have expansive powers to arrest and detain suspects and
to search premises without a warrant. In addition, the government can
suspend the right to trial by jury, the much-maligned Diploic Courts
Systems, and the universally recognized right to be preserved from
self-incrimination in like manner has been abridged.
It seems to me that the power to arbitrarily arrest, detain,
intimidate, the power to deny timely and appropriate legal counsel, and
the power to compel self-incrimination is an abuse of power normally
associated with some of our adversaries, not our allies.
Thus, the resolution is a wake-up call to our friends. Friends do not
let friends abuse human rights.
Witness after witness, Mr. Speaker, who came into our two hearings
expressed a fear that as the political issues are addressed, universal
human rights such as the right to silence, the
[[Page H1199]]
right to jury trial, the right to attorneys, the right to work free of
discrimination will be neglected.
House Concurrent Resolution 152 puts on notice those who are
negotiating and says, in a very friendly way but in a very firm way,
that the U.S. Congress believes that there must be reform on human
rights issues if genuine peace is to be achieved. It also points out
that there are many human rights reforms that could be enacted today
without waiting for a final peace negotiation.
Among the immediate changes are those proposed by Britain's own
standing advisory committee or commission, I should say, on human
rights, SACHR, to eliminate religious discrimination against Catholics
in the workplace. Other reforms suggested by human rights groups, such
as repealing the emergency legislation, conducting independent
inquiries into the deaths of Pat Finucane, Robert Hamill and other
human rights abuses, and banning plastic bullets, are all doable. If
enacted immediately, these changes could help pave the way for further
reconciliation, further confidence-building and, hopefully, for a
lasting and sustainable peace.
Mr. Speaker, House Concurrent Resolution 152 has been reviewed and
has been endorsed by all of the major human rights organizations. It
does put us on record as standing four-square.
Let me just say one final point, Mr. Speaker. In the upcoming weeks
we hope to have an additional hearing in our subcommittee that would
deal with an issue of very grave concern. That is the issue of defense
attorneys in the north of Ireland. We have found, much to my shock and
dismay, an ongoing intimidation campaign against those who would defend
those who have been accused of wrongdoing in Northern Ireland.
It seems to me that defense attorneys are not unlike those that we
stood up for time and time again during the heydays of the Cold War,
the Helsinki monitors, people who have stood up and said that due
process must be protected. I may not like my client, I may not like
what you say they are alleged to have done, but you are not going to
intimidate the attorney that is there to defend them, because that
would be a breach of due process and of basic human rights.
We are going to be looking at that in the coming weeks in the
subcommittee, and hopefully by then this process will be that much
further along, and this resolution that is under consideration in
Belfast will have a happy conclusion.
I urge Members to support this resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. DAVIS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel).
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the
time.
Mr. Speaker, I want to associate myself with the remarks of my good
friend and the chairman of the subcommittee, the gentleman from New
Jersey (Mr. Smith), who has been a tireless fighter for human rights
all over the world; certainly in Ireland, but all over the world as
well.
I rise in support of House Concurrent Resolution 152. I think it is
very fitting that we have this resolution today on St. Patrick's Day.
I have been to Ireland and the north of Ireland a number of times. I
have struggled, along with the people there and many of us in Congress
for many years, to try to bring peace and justice to the beleaguered
people in the north of Ireland.
I think anyone who has visited some of the areas in Northern Ireland,
particularly some of the Catholic neighborhoods, really gets a feeling
of a people under occupation in Belfast and in Derry and some of the
other places. But we can say, Mr. Speaker, that there is some hope. We
can say that the atmosphere has improved, so that we hope that there
will be an agreement between the parties in the talks led by Senator
Mitchell.
I think there are a number of reasons why there is improvement. I
think the British government, the current British government under
Prime Minister Blair, has gone a great deal of the way in stepping
forward, making progress. I think that helps create a better
atmosphere. But there is still a long, long way to go.
This resolution, of course, rejects violence, as well we should; and
a peace-loving people on both sides have to reject violence. Violence
is not the way to act. But we also must understand that human rights
must be protected. That is stated clearly in House Concurrent
Resolution 152.
We know in the north of Ireland the human rights of people,
particularly of the Catholics in the north of Ireland, have not been
respected. There has been unemployment, 70 and 80 percent in some
areas. There have been a lack of human rights. As I mentioned before,
when you go into some of those areas, the bog side in Derry and some of
the places in West Belfast, you truly feel that it is a people under
occupation. That is wrong.
As the gentleman from New Jersey said, because Britain is our ally we
have even more of an obligation to point out some of the shortcomings
and some of the things that we wish would change.
So the struggle for peace and justice in Ireland will continue. It
has to continue with the United States' participation. That is one of
the ways that we can make progress and move forward. I compliment
President Clinton for making this a priority, and I compliment the job
Senator Mitchell has done.
There need to be a lot of steps taken. We need to have the emergency
legislation repealed, and some of the other things taken.
Also, we have an issue here in the United States. There were many,
many Irish deportees that do not want to go back to the north of
Ireland because they fear for their lives. We were able to get a stay
on that. We want the Justice Department to make this stay permanent. It
affects at least two of my constituents, and I have circulated letters
and have 30 co-signers of the letter calling on the Justice Department
not to send these deportees back.
As you say, Mr. Speaker, I think House Concurrent Resolution 152 is
the right resolution at the right time. We all pray for peace in the
north of Ireland. We pray for peace and justice.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may
consume to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman).
(Mr. GILMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I would like to address a question to the
chairman of our Subcommittee on International Operations and Human
Rights, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith).
I would ask the gentleman, would he agree with what Father Sean
McManus stated in a recent letter dated March 17, today, as a matter of
fact, on the cause of some of the problems, the troubles in Ireland?
He said, and I am quoting from his letter, ``Inequality is at the
heart of the problem in Northern Ireland, and, therefore, equality must
be at the heart of the solution. Passing the MacBride Principles into
law is a perfect way for our Nation to show its support for the Irish
peace process based on nonviolence and equality.''
Would the gentleman agree with that?
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. GILMAN. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I agree fully with the MacBride
Principles, which are patterned after the Sullivan Principles, which
were instrumental in eliminating, or very important in the process of
eliminating, discrimination in South Africa. They are contained, as we
know, in the State Department Conference Report, which will be up
tomorrow as part of the fund for Africa.
So I would hope Members would be put on notice that tomorrow, when we
do vote on the State Department Conference Report authored by Mr.
Helms, my good friend, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman), and
myself, that that contains the MacBride Principles, which advance the
cause of religious freedom in the north of Ireland.
So I thank the gentleman for asking that question.
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey for
reminding us that that important provision is part of the measure, the
State Department authorization measure, which will be on the floor
tomorrow.
[[Page H1200]]
Mr. Speaker, I include for the Record the full letter from Father
Sean McManus.
The letter referred is as follows:
Irish National Caucus, Inc.,
Washington, DC, March 17, 1998.
Hon. Ben Gilman,
House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Gilman: I want to thank you for again
enshrining, the MacBride Principles in the Foreign Affairs
Reform and Restructuring Act.
The MacBride Principles have proven to be the most
effective campaign ever against anti-Catholic discrimination
in Northern Ireland.
Inequality is at the heart of the problem in Northern
Ireland, and, therefore, equality must be at the heart of the
solution. Passing the MacBride Principles into law is the
perfect way for the U.S. to show its support for the Irish
peace process, based on non-violence and equality.
Chairman Gilman, Irish-Americans deeply appreciate your
dedicated and outstanding leadership on Irish affairs.
Thank you.
Sincerely,
Fr. Sean McManus,
President.
Mr. DAVIS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to briefly point out that it seems that
there is virtually unanimity, if not complete unanimity, on the merits
of the resolution before us.
It is very pleasing that we can share the fact with the public today
that the historic and very delicate and complex all-party talks are
progressing in Belfast. These talks will resume next week, with the
participation of both Sinn Fein, the major Protestant Unionist Party,
and the Ulster Unionists.
I also think it is important to point out that there was a better way
to have handled this resolution today. It is appropriate and symbolic
to have brought it up on St. Patrick's day; but, unfortunately, this
side of the aisle had only a few hours' prior notice that this
resolution was even coming up, which deprived us of the opportunity to
confirm that the administration had been consulted on this.
The focus here today has been on how well-executed the plan has been
in the all-party talks, and depriving us of the opportunity to work
with the administration to ensure that that execution continues is an
unnecessary risk.
Mr. Speaker, when we violate our own rules, when we circumvent our
own process, we make some of our greatest errors. This version of this
bill was heard in the Committee on International Relations, wherein
lies the expertise of this body on foreign relation matters, which has
been so clearly demonstrated today by comments on both sides of the
aisle.
So I think it is just important to point out that in the future, when
we take up significant matters like this, we really should honor our
own process to assure that we produce our very best work.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
{time} 1645
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the
distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Lazio).
Mr. LAZIO of New York. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the distinguished
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) for his work on this resolution
and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman), the distinguished
chairman of the full committee, my colleagues and friends, for their
work not just on behalf of this resolution but on behalf of the peace
process in Northern Ireland. They have done remarkably good work.
I rise today in strong support of H. Con. Res. 152. This is at a
particularly timely moment in the peace talks in Northern Ireland.
America has strong historic and cultural ties to Ireland. We share a
communal heritage and familiar backgrounds. However, with all of our
resources we cannot solve this problem for Ireland and Britain. The
will of the Irish and British people is the one element in the peace
talks that will be the determining factor. At this pivotal moment, the
fate of Northern Ireland lies in the hands of those involved in the
negotiations. I commend both Bertie Ahern, the Taoiseach of Ireland,
British Prime Minister Tony Blair, along with Mo Mowlam, British
Secretary for Northern Ireland, John Hume, David Trimble and Gerry
Adams for their commitment to working toward a peaceful resolution. I
encourage them to seize this historic opportunity to end the violence
in Northern Ireland and to put in place a new framework that encourages
this end.
I will say that just in speaking to the parties today, being in
America, they seem like they have moved closer together. There is
better dialogue than ever before. Cultivating that peace process, that
dialogue, that positive communication is something that we had been
uniquely suitable to do.
The history of Northern Ireland is marked by the events of Bloody
Sunday, the hunger strikes and many other tragedies. On this St.
Patrick's Day let us renew our commitment to the negotiations and
encourage the Irish and British governments to resolve their
differences and come to a realistic framework for peace. I understand
that when the negotiators return to the table, they will be faced with
the Easter deadline. This is indeed a critical moment, but it is also
exciting and hopeful and perhaps the very best chance for peace in
decades.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of
my time.
Just to conclude, Mr. Speaker, I urge every Member to vote for this
resolution. Again it puts us on record supporting not only the peace
process, but the all important inclusiveness of the human rights
dimension. We do not want it to be a sub or a sidebar issue. It ought
to be a mainstream issue. There is not evidence enough that it has
been.
Let me also just say, as I have done in meeting with Mo Mowlam, and I
know many of my colleagues have done this in the past, we have all
raised specific questions and issues. I raised Sean Kelly and Michael
Timmons when I met with her. Our hope is that these two gentlemen and
others who find themselves in a similar circumstance or who have been
incarcerated because of the common purpose laws, were not convicted of
committing a crime but were in proximity to a crime and therefore found
themselves getting life sentences for their unfortunate proximity to a
heinous act. I met with those two individuals in the Maze prison last
year. I was very much impressed. The human rights organizations with
whom I have had contact with believe that they are innocent and our
hope is that in the spirit of reconciliation and, above all, in the
spirit of justice these individuals will find their way to freedom.
We had Sean Kelly's father testify at our hearing and he gave a very
persuasive account as to what happened. Again, the human rights
organizations have looked at these cases very carefully and have
concluded that this has been a miscarriage of justice if ever there was
one. So our plea to the government of the United Kingdom would be to
let these individuals out. It is a positive step towards
reconciliation, but above all it would be a step in the right direction
towards peace.
Mrs. KENNELLY of Connecticut. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my
strong support for House Concurrent Resolution 152 which moves the
issue of human rights to the forefront of the peace talks in Northern
Ireland. We are at a crossroads in the history of Northern Ireland and
have a unique opportunity to finally secure lasting peace in an area
that has too often endured violence.
Since 1969, the political violence in Northern Ireland has claimed
more than 3,000 lives and resulted in injuries to thousands more. This
must finally end and all parties must work together in a democratic,
peaceful manner, to ensure that human rights will be respected for all
the people of Northern Ireland.
I am encouraged by the leadership of the Irish and British
Governments and the efforts of former United States Senator George
Mitchell, who have fostered the opportunity for an end to the violence
and brought hope for a lasting peace in Northern Ireland.
I urge my colleagues to support this important resolution, and to
support an end to the violence and human rights abuses in Northern
Ireland.
Mr. MANTON. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H. Con.
Res. 152 and thank my colleague Chris Smith for introducing this
important and timely legislation to address human rights in the
Northern Ireland peace process.
As a Co-Chair of the Congressional Ad Hoc Committee on Irish Affairs,
I have worked closely with my colleagues to ensure a just and lasting
peace in Northern Ireland. Nearly 3,000 people have lost their lives
through the
[[Page H1201]]
political strife that has plagued this community for over 25 years.
Today, however, there is hope. With the leadership of former Senator
George Mitchell, substantive talks between the British and the Irish
governments, along with those representing various political parties,
have made landmark progress.
I believe H. Con. Res. 152 sends a clear and strong message to all
parties involved in these talks that they must address the central
issue to the troubles in Northern Ireland--the denial of basic human
rights. We, as Members of Congress, must raise this important issue and
continue to demonstrate our support to finding an end to the violence
in Northern Ireland.
In order to develop a lasting peace in this region, many of the
blatant human rights abuses must come to a stop. The abuses of diplock
courts, mistreatment of detainees in Northern Ireland, threats against
business owners, and harassment by the police against citizens can
simply no longer be accepted or allowed to continue. This legislation
addresses these and other human rights abuses and strongly suggests
that parties from both sides of the conflict to embrace and practice
international human rights standards.
Although the MacBride Principle have had a positive impact on the
economic and labor climate in Northern Ireland, Catholic males are
still twice as likely as Protestant males to be unemployed. H. Con.
Res. 152 encourages leaders in the peace talks to ensure that Catholics
have the means necessary to receive the training essential to obtaining
a job.
I commend the new leadership in Britain and in Ireland for their
efforts on this issue. I believe the movement towards peace will be
much swifter as these two governments address the need to reach an
agreement on human rights. In addition, I know their leadership, along
with that of former Senator George Mitchell, will foster progress and
bring political, social and economic stability to Northern Ireland.
Mr. Speaker, thank you for allowing this important human rights
measure to come to the floor. I also want to again congratulate my
friend and colleague, Chris Smith, for his leadership on this issue.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my
time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Barrett of Nebraska). The question is on
the motion offered by the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) that
the House suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution, H.
Con. Res. 152, as amended.
The question was taken.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and
nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 5 of rule I, the Chair
announces that further proceedings on this motion will be postponed
until tomorrow.
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