[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 24 (Tuesday, March 10, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1711-S1713]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




   MESSAGE OF THE DALAI LAMA ON THE 39TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE TIBETAN 
                                UPRISING

 Mr. MOYNIHAN. Mr. President, today marks the 39th anniversary 
of the Tibetan uprising, a time when many Tibetan citizens gave their 
lives to defend their freedom and to prevent the Dalai Lama from being 
kidnapped by the Chinese army. For those who stand with the Tibetan 
people, it is a day to consider what can be done to lend support to 
their aspirations.

[[Page S1712]]

  Every year on this day, Tibetan around the world mark the event by 
conducting peaceful protests against the continued Chinese occupation 
of Tibet. A vital part of those gatherings is the annual message from 
the Dalai Lama. The statements show his Nobel prize to be well 
deserved, as they demonstrate his commitment to a peaceful resolution 
of this conflict. I ask that the statement by the Dalai Lama for this 
anniversary be printed in the Record.

               Address by the Dalai Lama, March 10, 1998

       Great changes are talking place all over the world at the 
     dawn of a new millennium. While there are instances of new 
     conflicts breaking out, it is encouraging that we are also 
     able to witness the emergency of a spirit of dialogue and 
     reconciliation in many troubled parts of the world. In some 
     ways, this twentieth century could be called a century of war 
     and bloodshed. It is my belief that humanity in general has 
     drawn lessons from the experiences gained during this 
     century. As a result, I believe the human community has 
     become more mature. There is, therefore, hope that with 
     determination and dedication we can make the next century a 
     century of dialogue and non-violent conflict resolution.
       Today, as we commemorate the thirty-ninth anniversary of 
     our freedom struggle, I wish to express my sincere 
     appreciation and great respect for the resilience and 
     patience shown by the Tibetan people in the face of 
     tremendous odds. The current situation in Tibet and the lack 
     of any substantive progress in resolving the Tibetan problem 
     is no doubt causing an increasing sense of frustration among 
     many Tibetans. I am concerned that some might feel compelled 
     to look for avenues other than peaceful resolutions. While I 
     understand their predicament, I wish to firmly reiterate once 
     again the importance of abiding by the non-violent course of 
     our freedom struggle. The path of non-violence must remain a 
     matter of principle in our long and difficult quest for 
     freedom. It is my firm belief that this approach is the most 
     beneficial and practical course in the long run. Our peaceful 
     struggle until now has gained us the sympathy and admiration 
     of the international community. Through our non-violent 
     freedom struggle we are also setting an example and thus 
     contributing to the promotion of a global political culture 
     of non-violence and dialogue.
       The sweeping changes across the globe have also embraced 
     China. The reforms, initiated by Deng Xiaoping, have altered 
     not only the Chinese economy, but also the political system, 
     making it less ideological, less reliant on mass 
     mobilization, less coercive, and less stifling for the 
     average citizen. The government is also notably far less 
     centralized. Moreover, the post-Deng Xiaoping leadership in 
     China seems to have become more flexible in its international 
     policy. One indication of this is China's greater 
     participation in international fora and cooperation with 
     international organizations and agencies. A remarkable 
     development and achievement has been the smooth transfer of 
     Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty last year and Beijing's 
     subsequent pragmatic and flexible handling of issues 
     concerning Hong Kong. Also recent statements from Beijing on 
     restarting cross-strait negotiations with Taiwan reflect 
     apparent flexibility and softening of its stance. In short, 
     there is no doubt that China today is a better place to live 
     in than 15 or 20 years ago. These are historic changes that 
     are commendable. However, China continue to face grave human 
     rights problems and other formidable challenges. It is my 
     hope that the new leadership in China, with this renewed 
     confidence, will have the foresight and courage to provide 
     greater freedom to the Chinese people. History teaches us 
     that material progress and comfort alone are not the full 
     answer to the needs and yearnings of any human society.
       In stark contrast to these positive aspects of the 
     development in China proper, the situation in Tibet has sadly 
     worsened in recent years. Of late, it has become apparent 
     that Beijing is carrying out what amounts to a deliberate 
     policy of cultural genocide in Tibet. The infamous ``strike 
     hard'' campaign against Tibetan religion and nationalism has 
     intensified with each passing year. This campaign of 
     repression (initially confined to monasteries and nunneries) 
     has now been extended to cover all parts of the Tibetan 
     society. In some spheres of life in Tibet, we are witnessing 
     the return of an atmosphere of intimidation, coercion and 
     fear, reminiscent of the days of the Cultural Revolution.
       In Tibet human rights violations continue to be wide-
     spread. These abuses of rights have a distinct character, and 
     are aimed at preventing Tibetans as a people from asserting 
     their own identity and culture and their wish to preserve it. 
     This Buddhist culture inspires the Tibetan people with values 
     and concepts of love and compassion that are of practical 
     benefit and relevance in daily life and hence the wish to 
     preserve it. Thus, human rights violations in Tibet are often 
     the result of policies of racial and cultural discrimination 
     and are only the symptoms and consequences of a deeper 
     problem. Therefore, despite some economic progress in Tibet, 
     the human rights situation has not improved. It is only by 
     addressing the fundamental issue of Tibet that the human 
     rights problems can be overcome.
       It is an obvious fact that the sad state of affairs in 
     Tibet is of no benefit at all either to Tibet or to China. To 
     continue along the present path does nothing to alleviate the 
     suffering of the Tibetan people, nor does it bring stability 
     and unity to China, which are of overriding importance to the 
     leadership in Beijing. Also, one of the main concerns of the 
     Chinese leadership has been to improve its international 
     image and standing. However, its inability to resolve the 
     Tibetan problem peacefully has been tarnishing the 
     international image and reputation of China. I believe a 
     solution to the Tibetan issue would have far-reaching 
     positive implications for China's image in the world, 
     including in its dealings with Hong Kong and Taiwan.
       With regard to a mutually-acceptable solution to the issue 
     of Tibet, my position is very straightforward. I am not 
     seeking independence. As I have said many times before, what 
     I am seeking is for the Tibetan people to be given the 
     opportunity to have genuine self-rule in order to preserve 
     their civilization and for the unique Tibetan culture, 
     religion, language and way of life to grow and thrive. My 
     main concern is to ensure the survival of the Tibetan people 
     with their own unique Buddhist cultural heritage. For this, 
     it is essential, as the past decades have shown clearly, that 
     the Tibetans be able to handle all their domestic affairs and 
     to freely determine their social, economic and cultural 
     development. I do not believe that the Chinese leadership 
     would have any fundamental objections to this. Successive 
     Chinese leaderships have always assured that the Chinese 
     presence in Tibet is to work for the welfare of the Tibetans 
     and to ``help develop'' Tibet. Therefore, given a political 
     will, there is no reason why the Chinese leadership cannot 
     start addressing the issue of Tibet by entering into a 
     dialogue with us. This is the only proper way to ensure 
     stability and unity, which the Chinese leadership asserts 
     are their primary concern.
       I take this opportunity to once again urge the Chinese 
     leadership to give serious and substantive considerations to 
     my suggestions. It is my firm belief that dialogue and a 
     willingness to look with honesty and clarity at the reality 
     of Tibet can lead us to a viable solution. It is time for all 
     of us to ``seek truth from facts'' and to learn lessons 
     derived from a calm and objective study of the past and to 
     act with courage, vision and wisdom.
       The negotiations must aim to establish a relationship 
     between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples based on friendship 
     and mutual benefit; to ensure stability and unity; and to 
     empower the Tibetan people to exercise genuine self-rule with 
     freedom and democracy, thus allowing them to preserve and 
     cultivate their unique culture as well as to protect the 
     delicate environment of the Tibetan plateau. These are the 
     principle issues. However, the Chinese government is making 
     consistent efforts to confuse the real issues at stake. They 
     allege that our efforts are aimed at the restoration of 
     Tibet's old social system and the status and privileges of 
     the Dalai Lama. As far as the institution of the Dalai Lamas 
     is concerned, I stated publicly as early as 1969 that it is 
     for the people of Tibet to decide whether this institution is 
     to continue or not. In my own case, I made it clear in a 
     formal public statement in 1992 that when we return to Tibet, 
     I will hold no positions in any future Tibetan government. 
     Moreover, no Tibetan, whether in exile or within Tibet, has a 
     desire of restoring Tibet's old social order. It is, 
     therefore, disappointing that the Chinese government 
     continues to indulge in such baseless and distorted 
     propaganda. This is not helpful in creating a conducive 
     atmosphere for dialogue, and I hope that Beijing will refrain 
     from making such allegations.
       I also would like to express my sincere appreciation and 
     gratitude to the many governments, parliaments, non-
     governmental organizations, Tibet support groups and 
     individuals, who continue to be deeply concerned with the 
     repression in Tibet and urge to resolve the question of Tibet 
     through peaceful negotiations. The United States has set a 
     precedence of appointing a Special Coordinator for Tibetan 
     Affairs in order to facilitate dialogue between us Tibetans 
     and the Chinese government. The European and Australian 
     parliaments have recommended similar initiatives. Last 
     December, the International Commission of Jurists issued its 
     third report on Tibet, entitled Tibet: Human Rights and the 
     Rule of Law. These are timely initiatives and most 
     encouraging developments. Moreover, the growing empathy, 
     support and solidarity from our Chinese brothers and sisters 
     in China as well as those overseas for the fundamental rights 
     of the Tibetan people and for my ``Middle-Way Approach'' are 
     of particular inspiration and a source of great encouragement 
     for us Tibetans.
       Furthermore, on this occasion of the fiftieth anniversary 
     of India's independence I wish to express on behalf of the 
     Tibetan people our heart-felt congratulations and reiterate 
     our immense appreciation and gratitude to the people and 
     government of India, which has become a second home to the 
     majority of the Tibetans in exile. India represents not only 
     a safe haven for us Tibetan refugees, but is also for us 
     a country whose ancient philosophy of Ahimsa and deep-
     rooted democratic tradition have inspired and shaped our 
     values and aspirations. Moreover, I believe India can and 
     should play a constructive and influential role in 
     resolving the Tibetan problem peacefully. My ``Middle-Way 
     Approach'' is in line with the basic Indian policy vis-a-
     vis Tibet and China. There is no reason why India should 
     not be actively engaged in encouraging and promoting 
     dialogues between Tibetans and the Chinese

[[Page S1713]]

     government. It is clear that without peace and stability 
     on the Tibetan plateau, it is unrealistic to believe that 
     genuine trust and confidence can be restored in the Sino-
     Indian relationship.
       Last year we conducted an opinion poll of the Tibetans in 
     exile and collected suggestions from Tibet wherever possible 
     on the proposed referendum, by which the Tibetan people were 
     to determine the future course of our freedom struggle to 
     their full satisfaction. Based on the outcome of this poll 
     and suggestions from Tibet, the Assembly of Tibetan People's 
     Deputies, our parliament in exile, passed a resolution 
     empowering me to continue to use my discretion on the matter 
     without seeking recourse to a referendum. I wish to thank the 
     people of Tibet for the tremendous trust, confidence and hope 
     they place in me. I continue to believe that my ``Middle Way 
     Approach'' is the most realistic and pragmatic course to 
     resolve the issue of Tibet peacefully. This approach meets 
     the vital needs of the Tibetan people while ensuring the 
     unity and stability of the People's Republic of China. I 
     will, therefore, continue to pursue this course of approach 
     with full commitment and make earnest efforts to reach out to 
     the Chinese leadership.
       With my homage to the brave men and women of Tibet, who 
     have died for the cause of our freedom, I pray for an early 
     end to the suffering of our people and for peace and welfare 
     of all sentient beings.

                          ____________________