[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 7 (Thursday, February 5, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S447-S449]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




         SENATOR KENNEDY'S ELOQUENT ADDRESS IN NORTHERN IRELAND

  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, earlier this month, our colleague Senator 
Kennedy made his first ever visit to Northern Ireland.
  On Friday, January 9, in the Guildhall, in the City of Derry, Senator 
Kennedy delivered the first Tip O'Neill Memorial Lecture, sponsored by 
the University of Ulster, the City Council of Derry, and the U.S. 
Consulate in Belfast.
  Senator Kennedy's leadership on this issue and his longstanding 
efforts to reach out to both Protestants and Catholics in Northern 
Ireland were evident in his remarks and in the warm reception he 
received from both sides of the community during his visit.
  For many years, Senator Kennedy has been at the forefront of this 
country's commitment to do all it can to end the violence in Northern 
Ireland and achieve a lasting peace for that troubled land. I believe 
all of us in Congress share that commitment.
  I commend Senator Kennedy for his contribution to the current peace 
initiative. I believe that his eloquent address will be of interest to 
all of us in Congress and I ask unanimous consent that it be printed in 
the Record.
  There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

  Address of Senator Edward Kennedy--``Northern Ireland--a View From 
                               America''


  tip o'neill memorial lecture, university of ulster, magee college, 
      incore, guildhall--derry, northern ireland--january 9, 1998

       I want to thank Professor Lord Smith and the University of 
     Ulster's Initiative on Conflict Resolution and Ethnicity, the 
     home of the Tip O'Neill Chair in Peace Studies and the Tip 
     O'Neill Fellowship, for inviting me here today. Let me also 
     thank the Deputy Mayor, Joe Miller and everyone at Derry City 
     Council for welcoming me to this beautiful city. I'm grateful 
     to Dr. Maurice Hayes for his generous introduction, and I 
     commend him and the Ireland Funds for establishing this 
     living memorial to a great man, a great friend of mine, and a 
     great friend of Ireland.
       I'm especially honored that Mr. and Mrs. Restorick and Mr. 
     and Mrs. McGoldrick have traveled from Peterborough in 
     England and from Craigavon to take part in this occasion. In 
     the face of great personal tragedy, these two families refuse 
     to hate. They honor their sons Stephen and Michael most by 
     their resolve that no other family shall have to suffer what 
     they endure. Their lives every day are as eloquent as their 
     words here today.
       I'm honored as well that the U.S. Ambassador to the U.K., 
     Philip Lader, is with us today. Ambassador Lader has close 
     personal and professional ties to President Clinton, and I 
     have great respect for his skill and judgment. He is perhaps 
     best known in America for his ability to bring people 
     together, and he's an excellent choice to represent President 
     Clinton here at this auspicious and hopeful time.
       And I'm delighted that my sister Jean is here. My family 
     has a great love for this island from which we come and which 
     for us will always be a home. Jean visited Ireland in 1963 
     with President Kennedy and I know he would be proud--as all 
     the Kennedys are--of the extraordinary work she has done as 
     our Ambassador to Ireland.
       A President of Harvard is reported to have said that the 
     reason universities are such great storehouses of learning is 
     that every entering student brings a little knowledge in--and 
     no graduating student ever takes any knowledge out.
       But I'm sure that's not true at the University of Ulster.
       This institution teaches, in many different ways, the most 
     important lesson of all--that all knowledge is universal and 
     all men and women are brothers and sisters.
       It was here, in the Guildhall, in November 1995 that 
     President Clinton inaugurated the Tip O'Neill Chair in Peace 
     Studies. As he said on that occasion, ``peace is really the 
     work of a lifetime.''
       In that spirit, I come here to give the Tip O'Neill 
     Memorial Lecture. And it is fitting that I do so in this 
     place, because Tip's ancestral home on his grandfather 
     O'Neill's side was just down the road in Buncrana.
       Throughout Tip's life, Ireland was one of his greatest 
     loves. His Irish smile could light up a living room, the 
     whole chamber of the U.S. House of Representatives, and the 
     whole State of Massachusetts.
       One of Tip's most famous stories was about a gift by Henry 
     Ford to help build a new hospital in Ireland. His gift was 
     $5,000, but a local newspaper the next day reported that it 
     was $50,000. The editor apologized profusely for the mistake, 
     and said he'd run a correction right away, explaining that 
     the actual gift was only $5,000. It took Henry Ford about one 
     second to realize what was happening, and he said, ``No, no, 
     don't run the correction. I'll give the $50,000, but on one 
     condition--that you install a plaque over the entrance to the 
     hospital with this inscription--``I came unto you, and you 
     took me in.''
       Tip was scrupulously neutral in the American presidential 
     campaign of 1980, when I was running for President against 
     Jimmy Carter. But Tip told me that every night, before he 
     went to sleep, he was secretly praying that we would have 
     another Irish President of the United States. The prayer was 
     a little ambiguous--but Tip's Irish friend Ronald Reagan, who 
     eventually won that election, was very grateful.
       This doesn't quite feel like my first visit to Derry, since 
     I've known John Hume for so long, and I've heard him sing 
     ``The Town I Love So Well'' so many times.
       I first met him a quarter century ago, in the fall of 1972. 
     I was troubled by what had been taking place here, and people 
     I knew well in Massachusetts told me to get in touch with 
     him. I was traveling to Germany for a NATO conference in 
     November of that year. So I called John and he agreed to meet 
     me in Bonn. We had dinner at the home of Ireland's Ambassador 
     there, Sean Ronan. When I signed the Ambassador's guest book, 
     I wrote that I hoped to see him again when there was peace in 
     Ireland. I see Ambassador Ronan here today, so I'm more 
     hopeful than ever that lasting peace is finally very close.
       In the following years, John Hume came to Washington often, 
     and we would sit together and talk about the Troubles. He has 
     been a constant voice of reason, an often lonely champion of 
     non-violence, a stalwart advocate of peace.
       In 1977, because of John, four Irish-American elected 
     officials--Tip O'Neill, Senator

[[Page S448]]

     Daniel Patrick Moynihan of New York, Governor Hugh Carey of 
     New York, and I--joined forces to condemn the support for 
     violence that was coming from the United States, and to 
     insist that dollars from America must never be used to kill 
     innocent men and women and children in Northern Ireland. And 
     so the Four Horsemen were born, and over the years, we acted 
     together on many occasions to do what we could to advance a 
     peaceful resolution of the conflict.
       Forty-four million Americans are of Irish descent. It is no 
     accident that America has an abiding interest in the island 
     of Ireland--and in the current generation, an abiding 
     commitment to peace and justice in Northern Ireland. Over the 
     years, we have welcomed many leaders of Northern Ireland--
     from politics, business, churches and communities. We have 
     listened to all and tried to be a friend to all.
       When President Clinton took office in 1993, it was clear 
     that America had a President who would go the extra mile for 
     peace--and an opportunity soon arose. In December 1993, the 
     Irish and British Governments issued their Downing Street 
     Declaration, which gave birth to the current peace 
     initiative. Soon thereafter, President Clinton was faced with 
     a critical decision--whether the goal of ending the violence 
     would be enhanced by granting a visa for Gerry Adams to visit 
     the United States. I had been receiving reports for several 
     months from a delegation led by journalist Niall O'Dowd that 
     the IRA was serious about silencing the guns. My sister Jean 
     had heard the same reports.
       John Hume and Jean both said that a visit by Gerry Adams to 
     the United States could be very important in achieving a 
     ceasefire by the IRA. So I and others in Congress urged 
     President Clinton to act favorably. He made the bold and 
     courageous decision to grant the visa, despite advice from 
     some quarters in Congress and the Administration that he 
     should deny it. The visa was given, the ceasefire followed, 
     and a new and hopeful period in the history of Northern 
     Ireland was born.
       Since then, there have been setbacks along the way. But 
     America's interest has not faltered, and President Clinton 
     has provided continuing encouragement. His visit to this 
     island in November and December of 1995 was a powerful 
     demonstration that America cares about peace--and the 
     outpouring of affection that greeted him from Protestants and 
     Catholics alike was an unmistakable sign to political leaders 
     on both sides that peace was the people's priority.
       Today, we stand at a defining moment in the modern epic of 
     this land. The talks that are about to resume offer both a 
     challenge and an opportunity. In the coming crucial weeks, 
     the parties will determine whether this is a genuine way 
     forward, or just another failed station on the way of 
     sorrows.
       To Nationalists who have suffered decades of injustice and 
     discrimination, I say ``Look how far you've come''. One need 
     only look around to see the success of the Nationalist 
     community--what John Hume has done for the peace process and 
     for new investment in Derry--what Seamus Heaney, Seamus 
     Deane, Brian Friel, Frank McGuinness, and Phil Coulter have 
     done for the spirit of Ireland--North and South. Ireland has 
     its first ever President from Northern Ireland. Gerry Adams 
     and other Sinn Fein leaders have been to Downing Street. You 
     have come so far. Have faith in yourselves and in the future.
       And to Unionists who often feel afraid of what the future 
     may bring, I recall that you are descendants of the pioneers 
     who helped build America, and now you can be the pioneers who 
     build a better future for this island.
       Everyone is well aware of the numerous contributions of 
     Irish immigrants--mostly Catholic--who came to America in the 
     19th century, fleeing famine. Many of those famine ships left 
     from Derry. But it is often forgotten that more than half of 
     the 44 million Americans of Irish descent today are 
     Protestants.
       Most of that Protestant immigration came in the 1700's and 
     early 1800's. As far back as the late 1600's, persecution of 
     Scottish Presbyterians led many to leave Ulster and seek 
     religious freedom in the American colonies. The father of 
     American Presbyterianism was born only a few miles from here. 
     Magee College, our host today, was in fact a training 
     college for Irish Presbyterianism. Historically, the very 
     hallmark of that faith is respect for differences. The 
     Presbyterian tradition helped endow America with that 
     respect. It is one of our greatest strengths. That same 
     basic value--respect for differences--is now the key to a 
     better future here as well.
       The impact on America of Scotch-Irish settlers from what is 
     today Northern Ireland was profound. Large numbers joined our 
     fight for independence. Five signed the Declaration of 
     Independence. John Dunlap of Strabane printed the 
     Declaration, and also established the first daily newspaper 
     in America.
       In the years that followed America's independence, these 
     settlers were instrumental in founding the Democratic Party 
     in the United States. They helped assure the election of two 
     of our greatest Presidents, Thomas Jefferson and Andrew 
     Jackson.
       Jackson himself was of Ulster Presbyterian stock and proud 
     of it. As he said on a visit to Boston in 1833, ``I have 
     always been proud of my ancestry and of being descended from 
     that noble race. Would to God, Sir, that Irishmen on the 
     other side of the great water enjoyed the comforts, 
     happiness, contentment and liberty that they enjoy here.''
       Eleven other Presidents of the United States were of 
     Scotch-Irish heritage, including President Clinton.
       In ways such as these, Protestants of Irish descent have 
     made indispensable contributions to America as a land of 
     freedom and opportunity for all. You are part of our heritage 
     and history. We are brothers and sisters, not enemies. The 
     vast--vast--majority of Irish Catholics in America bear you 
     no ill will. Our hope is that as your ancestors did for 
     America, you will lead the way to peace and justice for 
     Northern Ireland.
       It is an apt coincidence that the goal for the peace talks 
     is to reach a successful conclusion in this year that marks 
     the two hundredth anniversary of the United Irishmen 
     Rebellion of 1798. As 1998 begins, we can all salute the 
     idealism and courage of those leaders two centuries ago--
     Catholics, Presbyterians, and Anglicans as one. Their brave 
     doomed uprising took its immediate inspiration from the 
     French Revolution and its call for liberty, equality, and 
     fraternity. But Wolfe Tone, Samuel Neilson, Thomas Russell, 
     William Drennan and other members of the United Irishmen were 
     also well aware of the Irish role in the American Revolution.
       For some, the United Irishmen will be remembered primarily 
     as courageous and independent-minded ancestors. Others will 
     celebrate the political philosophy they created. The point is 
     that all traditions can draw current inspiration from the 
     vision that guided their struggle. They believed that the 
     different traditions in Ireland were not destined to be 
     enemies, but had a profound shared interest in championing 
     and guarding each others' rights.
       So I hope that the participants in the current all-
     important talks can draw inspiration from all these streams 
     of our common heritage, and succeed in devising new 
     arrangements for this land that will at last give true effect 
     to our shared ideals.
       Many people have already taken risks for peace. John Hume 
     laid the groundwork over many years for the current progress, 
     and is one of the shining apostles of non-violence in our 
     century. Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness impressively led 
     the way to the IRA cease-fire of 1994 and its restoration 
     last summer. David Trimble demonstrated genuine leadership in 
     bringing the Ulster Unionist Party to the peace table. John 
     Alderdice deserves credit for his efforts to bridge the gap 
     between the two communities. The representatives of the 
     Loyalist paramilitaries--David Ervine, Gary McMichael and 
     others--helped achieve the Loyalist cease-fire and have 
     made ceaseless efforts to maintain it. The Women's 
     Coalition deserves admiration and support for 
     participating and persevering--and for demonstrating anew 
     the rightful place of women at the highest level of 
     politics.
       The Governments of Bertie Ahern and Tony Blair have carried 
     the process forward with skill and wisdom. Mo Mowlam is 
     tireless in her commitment. George Mitchell's transatlantic 
     shuttle diplomacy is America's special gift to the peace 
     process --living daily proof that the United States not only 
     cares, but can be scrupulously even-handed too. John de 
     Chastelain and Harri Holkeri deserve credit for their 
     leadership and patience. And numerous others--church leaders 
     such as Father Alex Reid and Reverend Roy Magee--community 
     workers such as Geraldine McAteer and Jackie Redpath--have 
     worked hard and well at building bridges.
       Above all, the people of Northern Ireland deserve credit 
     for never giving up their dreams of peace, and for constantly 
     reminding political leaders of their responsibility to 
     achieve it. As Yeats wrote, ``In dreams begins 
     responsibility.''
       There are some who seek to wreck the peace process. They 
     are blinded by fear of a future they cannot imagine--a future 
     in which respect for differences is a healing and unifying 
     force. They are driven by an anger that holds no respect for 
     life--even for the lives of children.
       But a new spirit of hope is gaining momentum. It can banish 
     the fear that blinds. It can conquer the anger that fuels the 
     merchants of violence. We are building an irresistible force 
     that can make the immovable object move.
       In 1968, at a time of unconscionable violence in America, 
     my brother Robert Kennedy spoke of the dream of peace and an 
     end to conflict, in words that summon us all to action now:
       ``It is up to those who are here--fellow citizens and 
     public officials--to carry out that dream, to try to end the 
     divisions that exist so deeply in our country and to remove 
     the stain of bloodshed from our land.''
       It is not my plan or place to address the details of the 
     talks--that is for the participants. But comments from 
     observers may prove useful as a source of perspective and 
     reflection, as a way to dispel distortions and 
     misunderstandings and to create possibilities for peace--and 
     above all, to demonstrate as powerfully as we can that 
     America truly cares.
       Irish Americans are anything but indifferent to what is 
     happening. We have a long-enduring desire to see peace and 
     prosperity take root here. Our commitment embraces the 
     welfare of all the people of Northern Ireland--and when we 
     say ``all,'' we mean all.
       Whoever we are, wherever we come from, whatever our 
     differences--there is one self-evident, fundamental, enduring 
     truth. There must be no return to violence. Killing produces 
     only more killing. Endless, escalating

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     cycles of death and devastation have brought unspeakable 
     human tragedy, deeper division between and within the two 
     great traditions, and painful stagnation and failed 
     prosperity for Northern Ireland.
       It does not have to be that way. Addressing the Irish 
     Parliament in 1963, President Kennedy quoted the famous words 
     of George Bernard Shaw: ``Some people see things as they are 
     and say, `Why?' But I dream things that never were, and I 
     say, `Why not?''' May those words inspire the search for 
     peace today.
       The present must learn from the past. As the Joint 
     Declaration states: ``the lessons of Irish history, and 
     especially of Northern Ireland, show that stability and well-
     being will not be found under any political system which is 
     refused allegiance or rejected on grounds of identity by a 
     significant minority of those governed by it.''
       Equality and mutual respect are the twin pillars of peace. 
     It is clear that the Nationalist community will never accept 
     a role of subservience to Unionism. And the Unionist 
     community will never accept a role of subservience to 
     Nationalism.
       The obvious and inescapable conclusion is that these two 
     traditions can find a stable relationship only on a basis of 
     equality and mutual respect. A successful outcome must mean 
     no second-class citizens on this island, and no second-class 
     traditions either.
       The peace process does not mean asking Unionists or 
     Nationalists to change or discard their identity and 
     aspirations. It means using democratic methods, not bombs and 
     bullets, to resolve the inevitable differences and tensions 
     between them.
       However far into the future, whatever the color of the 
     flags, there will be two communities, each with its own 
     character and its own pride, sharing this beautiful piece of 
     earth.
       The heritage of America offers a hope and a lesson. The 
     motto of America--to which John Hume has often referred--is 
     the Latin phrase ``e pluribus unum''--out of many, one--the 
     whole is greater than the sum of its parts. The diversity of 
     America is America's greatest strength, and the diversity 
     here can be your greatest strength as well.
       As you travel the road together, the choice is whether it 
     will be as wary adversaries forever fearful of each other, or 
     as friends and neighbors who agree on fair rules for the 
     journey ahead, willing to meet and master fateful challenges 
     together.
       At its core, the conflict is about each side cherishing its 
     noble ideals, and fearing the other may damage or destroy 
     them.
       If the true goal for each side is the protection of its 
     rights and aspirations, rather than the denial of the rights 
     and aspirations of the other, then surely there is a high and 
     common ground. Protecting the rights of both sides, based on 
     principles of equality and mutual respect, is the surest 
     path--perhaps the only path--to peace.
       I appeal to the talks participants to ask nothing for their 
     own side they are not prepared to grant to the other--and to 
     ask nothing from the other side they would not accept for 
     their own. Let us make that principle the Golden Rule for the 
     road to peace--to do unto others as we would have them do 
     unto us.
       I urge everyone involved in the peace process to approach 
     the talks with a view to giving as much as they can, rather 
     than as little as they think they can get away with. In the 
     words of Seamus Heaney, you must ``walk on air, against your 
     better judgment.''
       As we come to a new century, the three basic 
     relationships--within the North, between North and South, and 
     between Britain and Ireland--can be transformed. Hatred and 
     injustice can be replaced with respect and equality.
       Taking full advantage of this unique opportunity will bring 
     lasting peace, and a genuine place in history for all those 
     who make it happen. Failure to grasp this opportunity will be 
     devastating. History will harshly judge any who fail the test 
     and waste the decisive moment.
       I particularly encourage the young people of this island to 
     become involved in the work for peace. For it is you --even 
     more than your parents and your grandparents--who have the 
     most to gain, and the most to lose.
       As you extend yourselves to reach agreement, the United 
     States will exert itself to build more bridges. Personal 
     bridges. Political bridges. Economic bridges. And be assured, 
     I will do all in my power to see that the U.S. assumes a 
     central role in providing economic assistance to implement 
     the agreement that is reached.
       In the closing pages of the Iliad, Priam, the elderly king 
     of Troy, goes to Achilles to beg for the return of his son 
     Hector, whom Achilles has slain in the war. Achilles, in an 
     act of simple humanity, gives the old man the body of his 
     son.
       The last lines of Michael Longley's eloquent poem 
     ``Ceasefire'' draw an analogy with Northern Ireland. Priam 
     speaks these words:
       ``I get down on my knees and do what must be done
       And kiss Achilles' hand, the killer of my son.''
       The two communities in Northern Ireland must reach out and 
     do what must be done--and join hands across centuries and 
     chasms of killing and pain.
       And there is great pain in both communities. Families --
     Protestant and Catholic-- have been denied the bodies of 
     loved ones to bury. Families--like those whose loved ones 
     were killed on Bloody Sunday--have been denied the truth. 
     Families --like those whose loved ones died at Enniskillen--
     have been denied justice. Families--enduring generations of 
     unemployment --have been denied opportunity. Families--
     harassed by security forces--have been denied dignity. 
     Families--victims of punishment beatings--have been denied 
     justice. Children--Catholic and Protestant--have been denied 
     their future. It is time to say enough is enough is enough is 
     enough. It is time to replace hate with hope.
       My prayer today is that individuals, families, and 
     political, religious, business, educational and community 
     leaders across Northern Ireland will show the forgiveness and 
     compassion and humanity that John and Rita Restorick showed--
     that Gordon Wilson showed--that Joyce McCartan showed--that 
     Michael and Bride McGoldrick showed--that everyone must show.
       Like so many of you here, my family has been touched by 
     tragedy. I know that the feelings of grief and loss are 
     immediate--and they are enduring. The best way to ease these 
     feelings is to forgive, and to carry on--not to lash out in 
     fury, but to reach out in trust and hope.
       So in closing, let me share with you a letter my father 
     wrote in 1958 to a friend whose son had died. Fourteen years 
     earlier, my oldest brother Joe had been killed in World War 
     II. Ten years earlier, my oldest sister Kathleen had been 
     killed in an airplane crash. My father wrote to his grieving 
     friend:
       ``There are no words to dispel your feelings at this time 
     and there is no time that will ever dispel them. Nor is it 
     any easier the second time than it was the first. And yet, I 
     cannot share your grief because no one could share mine. When 
     one of your children goes out of your life, you think of what 
     he might have done with a few more years and you wonder what 
     you are going to do with the rest of yours. Then one day, 
     because there is a world to be lived in, you find yourself a 
     part of it again, trying to accomplish something--something 
     that he did not have time enough to do. And, perhaps, that is 
     the reason for it all. I hope so.''
       Too many lives of too many sons and daughters of this land 
     have been cut short. We must dedicate ourselves to accomplish 
     for them what many ``did not have time enough to do''--a 
     lasting peace for Northern Ireland.
       Thank you, and may God bless the work ahead.

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