[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 7 (Thursday, February 5, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S447-S449]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SENATOR KENNEDY'S ELOQUENT ADDRESS IN NORTHERN IRELAND
Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, earlier this month, our colleague Senator
Kennedy made his first ever visit to Northern Ireland.
On Friday, January 9, in the Guildhall, in the City of Derry, Senator
Kennedy delivered the first Tip O'Neill Memorial Lecture, sponsored by
the University of Ulster, the City Council of Derry, and the U.S.
Consulate in Belfast.
Senator Kennedy's leadership on this issue and his longstanding
efforts to reach out to both Protestants and Catholics in Northern
Ireland were evident in his remarks and in the warm reception he
received from both sides of the community during his visit.
For many years, Senator Kennedy has been at the forefront of this
country's commitment to do all it can to end the violence in Northern
Ireland and achieve a lasting peace for that troubled land. I believe
all of us in Congress share that commitment.
I commend Senator Kennedy for his contribution to the current peace
initiative. I believe that his eloquent address will be of interest to
all of us in Congress and I ask unanimous consent that it be printed in
the Record.
There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
Address of Senator Edward Kennedy--``Northern Ireland--a View From
America''
tip o'neill memorial lecture, university of ulster, magee college,
incore, guildhall--derry, northern ireland--january 9, 1998
I want to thank Professor Lord Smith and the University of
Ulster's Initiative on Conflict Resolution and Ethnicity, the
home of the Tip O'Neill Chair in Peace Studies and the Tip
O'Neill Fellowship, for inviting me here today. Let me also
thank the Deputy Mayor, Joe Miller and everyone at Derry City
Council for welcoming me to this beautiful city. I'm grateful
to Dr. Maurice Hayes for his generous introduction, and I
commend him and the Ireland Funds for establishing this
living memorial to a great man, a great friend of mine, and a
great friend of Ireland.
I'm especially honored that Mr. and Mrs. Restorick and Mr.
and Mrs. McGoldrick have traveled from Peterborough in
England and from Craigavon to take part in this occasion. In
the face of great personal tragedy, these two families refuse
to hate. They honor their sons Stephen and Michael most by
their resolve that no other family shall have to suffer what
they endure. Their lives every day are as eloquent as their
words here today.
I'm honored as well that the U.S. Ambassador to the U.K.,
Philip Lader, is with us today. Ambassador Lader has close
personal and professional ties to President Clinton, and I
have great respect for his skill and judgment. He is perhaps
best known in America for his ability to bring people
together, and he's an excellent choice to represent President
Clinton here at this auspicious and hopeful time.
And I'm delighted that my sister Jean is here. My family
has a great love for this island from which we come and which
for us will always be a home. Jean visited Ireland in 1963
with President Kennedy and I know he would be proud--as all
the Kennedys are--of the extraordinary work she has done as
our Ambassador to Ireland.
A President of Harvard is reported to have said that the
reason universities are such great storehouses of learning is
that every entering student brings a little knowledge in--and
no graduating student ever takes any knowledge out.
But I'm sure that's not true at the University of Ulster.
This institution teaches, in many different ways, the most
important lesson of all--that all knowledge is universal and
all men and women are brothers and sisters.
It was here, in the Guildhall, in November 1995 that
President Clinton inaugurated the Tip O'Neill Chair in Peace
Studies. As he said on that occasion, ``peace is really the
work of a lifetime.''
In that spirit, I come here to give the Tip O'Neill
Memorial Lecture. And it is fitting that I do so in this
place, because Tip's ancestral home on his grandfather
O'Neill's side was just down the road in Buncrana.
Throughout Tip's life, Ireland was one of his greatest
loves. His Irish smile could light up a living room, the
whole chamber of the U.S. House of Representatives, and the
whole State of Massachusetts.
One of Tip's most famous stories was about a gift by Henry
Ford to help build a new hospital in Ireland. His gift was
$5,000, but a local newspaper the next day reported that it
was $50,000. The editor apologized profusely for the mistake,
and said he'd run a correction right away, explaining that
the actual gift was only $5,000. It took Henry Ford about one
second to realize what was happening, and he said, ``No, no,
don't run the correction. I'll give the $50,000, but on one
condition--that you install a plaque over the entrance to the
hospital with this inscription--``I came unto you, and you
took me in.''
Tip was scrupulously neutral in the American presidential
campaign of 1980, when I was running for President against
Jimmy Carter. But Tip told me that every night, before he
went to sleep, he was secretly praying that we would have
another Irish President of the United States. The prayer was
a little ambiguous--but Tip's Irish friend Ronald Reagan, who
eventually won that election, was very grateful.
This doesn't quite feel like my first visit to Derry, since
I've known John Hume for so long, and I've heard him sing
``The Town I Love So Well'' so many times.
I first met him a quarter century ago, in the fall of 1972.
I was troubled by what had been taking place here, and people
I knew well in Massachusetts told me to get in touch with
him. I was traveling to Germany for a NATO conference in
November of that year. So I called John and he agreed to meet
me in Bonn. We had dinner at the home of Ireland's Ambassador
there, Sean Ronan. When I signed the Ambassador's guest book,
I wrote that I hoped to see him again when there was peace in
Ireland. I see Ambassador Ronan here today, so I'm more
hopeful than ever that lasting peace is finally very close.
In the following years, John Hume came to Washington often,
and we would sit together and talk about the Troubles. He has
been a constant voice of reason, an often lonely champion of
non-violence, a stalwart advocate of peace.
In 1977, because of John, four Irish-American elected
officials--Tip O'Neill, Senator
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Daniel Patrick Moynihan of New York, Governor Hugh Carey of
New York, and I--joined forces to condemn the support for
violence that was coming from the United States, and to
insist that dollars from America must never be used to kill
innocent men and women and children in Northern Ireland. And
so the Four Horsemen were born, and over the years, we acted
together on many occasions to do what we could to advance a
peaceful resolution of the conflict.
Forty-four million Americans are of Irish descent. It is no
accident that America has an abiding interest in the island
of Ireland--and in the current generation, an abiding
commitment to peace and justice in Northern Ireland. Over the
years, we have welcomed many leaders of Northern Ireland--
from politics, business, churches and communities. We have
listened to all and tried to be a friend to all.
When President Clinton took office in 1993, it was clear
that America had a President who would go the extra mile for
peace--and an opportunity soon arose. In December 1993, the
Irish and British Governments issued their Downing Street
Declaration, which gave birth to the current peace
initiative. Soon thereafter, President Clinton was faced with
a critical decision--whether the goal of ending the violence
would be enhanced by granting a visa for Gerry Adams to visit
the United States. I had been receiving reports for several
months from a delegation led by journalist Niall O'Dowd that
the IRA was serious about silencing the guns. My sister Jean
had heard the same reports.
John Hume and Jean both said that a visit by Gerry Adams to
the United States could be very important in achieving a
ceasefire by the IRA. So I and others in Congress urged
President Clinton to act favorably. He made the bold and
courageous decision to grant the visa, despite advice from
some quarters in Congress and the Administration that he
should deny it. The visa was given, the ceasefire followed,
and a new and hopeful period in the history of Northern
Ireland was born.
Since then, there have been setbacks along the way. But
America's interest has not faltered, and President Clinton
has provided continuing encouragement. His visit to this
island in November and December of 1995 was a powerful
demonstration that America cares about peace--and the
outpouring of affection that greeted him from Protestants and
Catholics alike was an unmistakable sign to political leaders
on both sides that peace was the people's priority.
Today, we stand at a defining moment in the modern epic of
this land. The talks that are about to resume offer both a
challenge and an opportunity. In the coming crucial weeks,
the parties will determine whether this is a genuine way
forward, or just another failed station on the way of
sorrows.
To Nationalists who have suffered decades of injustice and
discrimination, I say ``Look how far you've come''. One need
only look around to see the success of the Nationalist
community--what John Hume has done for the peace process and
for new investment in Derry--what Seamus Heaney, Seamus
Deane, Brian Friel, Frank McGuinness, and Phil Coulter have
done for the spirit of Ireland--North and South. Ireland has
its first ever President from Northern Ireland. Gerry Adams
and other Sinn Fein leaders have been to Downing Street. You
have come so far. Have faith in yourselves and in the future.
And to Unionists who often feel afraid of what the future
may bring, I recall that you are descendants of the pioneers
who helped build America, and now you can be the pioneers who
build a better future for this island.
Everyone is well aware of the numerous contributions of
Irish immigrants--mostly Catholic--who came to America in the
19th century, fleeing famine. Many of those famine ships left
from Derry. But it is often forgotten that more than half of
the 44 million Americans of Irish descent today are
Protestants.
Most of that Protestant immigration came in the 1700's and
early 1800's. As far back as the late 1600's, persecution of
Scottish Presbyterians led many to leave Ulster and seek
religious freedom in the American colonies. The father of
American Presbyterianism was born only a few miles from here.
Magee College, our host today, was in fact a training
college for Irish Presbyterianism. Historically, the very
hallmark of that faith is respect for differences. The
Presbyterian tradition helped endow America with that
respect. It is one of our greatest strengths. That same
basic value--respect for differences--is now the key to a
better future here as well.
The impact on America of Scotch-Irish settlers from what is
today Northern Ireland was profound. Large numbers joined our
fight for independence. Five signed the Declaration of
Independence. John Dunlap of Strabane printed the
Declaration, and also established the first daily newspaper
in America.
In the years that followed America's independence, these
settlers were instrumental in founding the Democratic Party
in the United States. They helped assure the election of two
of our greatest Presidents, Thomas Jefferson and Andrew
Jackson.
Jackson himself was of Ulster Presbyterian stock and proud
of it. As he said on a visit to Boston in 1833, ``I have
always been proud of my ancestry and of being descended from
that noble race. Would to God, Sir, that Irishmen on the
other side of the great water enjoyed the comforts,
happiness, contentment and liberty that they enjoy here.''
Eleven other Presidents of the United States were of
Scotch-Irish heritage, including President Clinton.
In ways such as these, Protestants of Irish descent have
made indispensable contributions to America as a land of
freedom and opportunity for all. You are part of our heritage
and history. We are brothers and sisters, not enemies. The
vast--vast--majority of Irish Catholics in America bear you
no ill will. Our hope is that as your ancestors did for
America, you will lead the way to peace and justice for
Northern Ireland.
It is an apt coincidence that the goal for the peace talks
is to reach a successful conclusion in this year that marks
the two hundredth anniversary of the United Irishmen
Rebellion of 1798. As 1998 begins, we can all salute the
idealism and courage of those leaders two centuries ago--
Catholics, Presbyterians, and Anglicans as one. Their brave
doomed uprising took its immediate inspiration from the
French Revolution and its call for liberty, equality, and
fraternity. But Wolfe Tone, Samuel Neilson, Thomas Russell,
William Drennan and other members of the United Irishmen were
also well aware of the Irish role in the American Revolution.
For some, the United Irishmen will be remembered primarily
as courageous and independent-minded ancestors. Others will
celebrate the political philosophy they created. The point is
that all traditions can draw current inspiration from the
vision that guided their struggle. They believed that the
different traditions in Ireland were not destined to be
enemies, but had a profound shared interest in championing
and guarding each others' rights.
So I hope that the participants in the current all-
important talks can draw inspiration from all these streams
of our common heritage, and succeed in devising new
arrangements for this land that will at last give true effect
to our shared ideals.
Many people have already taken risks for peace. John Hume
laid the groundwork over many years for the current progress,
and is one of the shining apostles of non-violence in our
century. Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness impressively led
the way to the IRA cease-fire of 1994 and its restoration
last summer. David Trimble demonstrated genuine leadership in
bringing the Ulster Unionist Party to the peace table. John
Alderdice deserves credit for his efforts to bridge the gap
between the two communities. The representatives of the
Loyalist paramilitaries--David Ervine, Gary McMichael and
others--helped achieve the Loyalist cease-fire and have
made ceaseless efforts to maintain it. The Women's
Coalition deserves admiration and support for
participating and persevering--and for demonstrating anew
the rightful place of women at the highest level of
politics.
The Governments of Bertie Ahern and Tony Blair have carried
the process forward with skill and wisdom. Mo Mowlam is
tireless in her commitment. George Mitchell's transatlantic
shuttle diplomacy is America's special gift to the peace
process --living daily proof that the United States not only
cares, but can be scrupulously even-handed too. John de
Chastelain and Harri Holkeri deserve credit for their
leadership and patience. And numerous others--church leaders
such as Father Alex Reid and Reverend Roy Magee--community
workers such as Geraldine McAteer and Jackie Redpath--have
worked hard and well at building bridges.
Above all, the people of Northern Ireland deserve credit
for never giving up their dreams of peace, and for constantly
reminding political leaders of their responsibility to
achieve it. As Yeats wrote, ``In dreams begins
responsibility.''
There are some who seek to wreck the peace process. They
are blinded by fear of a future they cannot imagine--a future
in which respect for differences is a healing and unifying
force. They are driven by an anger that holds no respect for
life--even for the lives of children.
But a new spirit of hope is gaining momentum. It can banish
the fear that blinds. It can conquer the anger that fuels the
merchants of violence. We are building an irresistible force
that can make the immovable object move.
In 1968, at a time of unconscionable violence in America,
my brother Robert Kennedy spoke of the dream of peace and an
end to conflict, in words that summon us all to action now:
``It is up to those who are here--fellow citizens and
public officials--to carry out that dream, to try to end the
divisions that exist so deeply in our country and to remove
the stain of bloodshed from our land.''
It is not my plan or place to address the details of the
talks--that is for the participants. But comments from
observers may prove useful as a source of perspective and
reflection, as a way to dispel distortions and
misunderstandings and to create possibilities for peace--and
above all, to demonstrate as powerfully as we can that
America truly cares.
Irish Americans are anything but indifferent to what is
happening. We have a long-enduring desire to see peace and
prosperity take root here. Our commitment embraces the
welfare of all the people of Northern Ireland--and when we
say ``all,'' we mean all.
Whoever we are, wherever we come from, whatever our
differences--there is one self-evident, fundamental, enduring
truth. There must be no return to violence. Killing produces
only more killing. Endless, escalating
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cycles of death and devastation have brought unspeakable
human tragedy, deeper division between and within the two
great traditions, and painful stagnation and failed
prosperity for Northern Ireland.
It does not have to be that way. Addressing the Irish
Parliament in 1963, President Kennedy quoted the famous words
of George Bernard Shaw: ``Some people see things as they are
and say, `Why?' But I dream things that never were, and I
say, `Why not?''' May those words inspire the search for
peace today.
The present must learn from the past. As the Joint
Declaration states: ``the lessons of Irish history, and
especially of Northern Ireland, show that stability and well-
being will not be found under any political system which is
refused allegiance or rejected on grounds of identity by a
significant minority of those governed by it.''
Equality and mutual respect are the twin pillars of peace.
It is clear that the Nationalist community will never accept
a role of subservience to Unionism. And the Unionist
community will never accept a role of subservience to
Nationalism.
The obvious and inescapable conclusion is that these two
traditions can find a stable relationship only on a basis of
equality and mutual respect. A successful outcome must mean
no second-class citizens on this island, and no second-class
traditions either.
The peace process does not mean asking Unionists or
Nationalists to change or discard their identity and
aspirations. It means using democratic methods, not bombs and
bullets, to resolve the inevitable differences and tensions
between them.
However far into the future, whatever the color of the
flags, there will be two communities, each with its own
character and its own pride, sharing this beautiful piece of
earth.
The heritage of America offers a hope and a lesson. The
motto of America--to which John Hume has often referred--is
the Latin phrase ``e pluribus unum''--out of many, one--the
whole is greater than the sum of its parts. The diversity of
America is America's greatest strength, and the diversity
here can be your greatest strength as well.
As you travel the road together, the choice is whether it
will be as wary adversaries forever fearful of each other, or
as friends and neighbors who agree on fair rules for the
journey ahead, willing to meet and master fateful challenges
together.
At its core, the conflict is about each side cherishing its
noble ideals, and fearing the other may damage or destroy
them.
If the true goal for each side is the protection of its
rights and aspirations, rather than the denial of the rights
and aspirations of the other, then surely there is a high and
common ground. Protecting the rights of both sides, based on
principles of equality and mutual respect, is the surest
path--perhaps the only path--to peace.
I appeal to the talks participants to ask nothing for their
own side they are not prepared to grant to the other--and to
ask nothing from the other side they would not accept for
their own. Let us make that principle the Golden Rule for the
road to peace--to do unto others as we would have them do
unto us.
I urge everyone involved in the peace process to approach
the talks with a view to giving as much as they can, rather
than as little as they think they can get away with. In the
words of Seamus Heaney, you must ``walk on air, against your
better judgment.''
As we come to a new century, the three basic
relationships--within the North, between North and South, and
between Britain and Ireland--can be transformed. Hatred and
injustice can be replaced with respect and equality.
Taking full advantage of this unique opportunity will bring
lasting peace, and a genuine place in history for all those
who make it happen. Failure to grasp this opportunity will be
devastating. History will harshly judge any who fail the test
and waste the decisive moment.
I particularly encourage the young people of this island to
become involved in the work for peace. For it is you --even
more than your parents and your grandparents--who have the
most to gain, and the most to lose.
As you extend yourselves to reach agreement, the United
States will exert itself to build more bridges. Personal
bridges. Political bridges. Economic bridges. And be assured,
I will do all in my power to see that the U.S. assumes a
central role in providing economic assistance to implement
the agreement that is reached.
In the closing pages of the Iliad, Priam, the elderly king
of Troy, goes to Achilles to beg for the return of his son
Hector, whom Achilles has slain in the war. Achilles, in an
act of simple humanity, gives the old man the body of his
son.
The last lines of Michael Longley's eloquent poem
``Ceasefire'' draw an analogy with Northern Ireland. Priam
speaks these words:
``I get down on my knees and do what must be done
And kiss Achilles' hand, the killer of my son.''
The two communities in Northern Ireland must reach out and
do what must be done--and join hands across centuries and
chasms of killing and pain.
And there is great pain in both communities. Families --
Protestant and Catholic-- have been denied the bodies of
loved ones to bury. Families--like those whose loved ones
were killed on Bloody Sunday--have been denied the truth.
Families --like those whose loved ones died at Enniskillen--
have been denied justice. Families--enduring generations of
unemployment --have been denied opportunity. Families--
harassed by security forces--have been denied dignity.
Families--victims of punishment beatings--have been denied
justice. Children--Catholic and Protestant--have been denied
their future. It is time to say enough is enough is enough is
enough. It is time to replace hate with hope.
My prayer today is that individuals, families, and
political, religious, business, educational and community
leaders across Northern Ireland will show the forgiveness and
compassion and humanity that John and Rita Restorick showed--
that Gordon Wilson showed--that Joyce McCartan showed--that
Michael and Bride McGoldrick showed--that everyone must show.
Like so many of you here, my family has been touched by
tragedy. I know that the feelings of grief and loss are
immediate--and they are enduring. The best way to ease these
feelings is to forgive, and to carry on--not to lash out in
fury, but to reach out in trust and hope.
So in closing, let me share with you a letter my father
wrote in 1958 to a friend whose son had died. Fourteen years
earlier, my oldest brother Joe had been killed in World War
II. Ten years earlier, my oldest sister Kathleen had been
killed in an airplane crash. My father wrote to his grieving
friend:
``There are no words to dispel your feelings at this time
and there is no time that will ever dispel them. Nor is it
any easier the second time than it was the first. And yet, I
cannot share your grief because no one could share mine. When
one of your children goes out of your life, you think of what
he might have done with a few more years and you wonder what
you are going to do with the rest of yours. Then one day,
because there is a world to be lived in, you find yourself a
part of it again, trying to accomplish something--something
that he did not have time enough to do. And, perhaps, that is
the reason for it all. I hope so.''
Too many lives of too many sons and daughters of this land
have been cut short. We must dedicate ourselves to accomplish
for them what many ``did not have time enough to do''--a
lasting peace for Northern Ireland.
Thank you, and may God bless the work ahead.
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