[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 7 (Thursday, February 5, 1998)]
[House]
[Pages H355-H358]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
RONALD REAGAN WASHINGTON NATIONAL AIRPORT
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 349 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 349
Resolved, That upon the adoption of this resolution it
shall be in order to consider in the House the bill (S. 1575)
to rename the Washington National Airport located in the
District of Columbia and Virginia as the ``Ronald Reagan
Washington National Airport''. The bill shall be considered
as read for amendment. The previous question shall be
considered as ordered on the bill to final passage without
intervening motion except: (1) one hour of debate equally
divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority
member of the Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure;
and (2) one motion to recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Solomon) is
recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, for the purposes of debate only, I yield 30
minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Moakley), my very good
friend, pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During
consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for debate
purposes only.
(Mr. SOLOMON asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks and include extraneous material.)
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, this resolution is a closed rule providing
for consideration of S. 1575, which is a bill to rename the Washington
National Airport as the, and listen carefully, as the Ronald Reagan
Washington National Airport. That will be the name of the airport, if
this bill passes.
The rule provides for 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled
by the chairman and ranking member of the Committee on Transportation.
The rule also provides that the bill shall be considered as read.
Finally, the bill provides 1 motion to recommit.
Mr. Speaker, the passage of this rule will bring us one step closer
to finishing the task of renaming the National Airport after a truly
great American and an outstanding President, Ronald Wilson Reagan.
At this time I include for the Record 2 articles, one which appeared
back in 1993 by myself in the Congressional Record, and the other by
Donald Devine, the former Director of the U.S. Office of Personnel
Management that appeared in today's papers.
A Tribute to Ronald Reagan
(By Hon. Jerry Solomon)
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced
policy of January 4, 1995, the gentleman from New York, [Mr.
Solomon] is recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the
majority leader.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I take this special order tonight
to pay tribute to a great American, the greatest American
that I have ever known, and that is President Ronald Reagan.
As you know, I had intended to hold this event last night as
a birthday present for the former President, but the House
was occupied on an even better birthday present, passage of
the line item veto. And what better birthday present could be
offered to the President and to Mrs. Reagan than to complete
the unfinished business of the Reagan revolution?
I know I speak for every Member of this House, Mr. Speaker,
and virtually all Americans in offering President Reagan and
his beloved First Lady, Nancy, our prayers and our very best
wishes on this very wonderful occasion.
Mr. Speaker, what do you get for the man who has
everything, so that saying goes? Well, Mr. Speaker, as we
observe President Reagan's birthday, a better question is how
do we appropriately honor a man who has done so much for us,
for our country and for the cause of freedom around the
world? Our tribute this evening should extend beyond the
President's accomplishments in office, although they are
numerous, too numerous to mention here tonight.
Let us examine Ronald Reagan's record with the benefit of
historical reflections. The story has been told that during
his darkest hours, President Nixon was reassured by those
around him that history would treat him well. Ever sharp and
skeptical, President Nixon shot back, ``That depends on who
is writing the history.'' In the case of Ronald
[[Page H356]]
Reagan, Mr. Speaker, most of those writing the history of his
Presidency have done everything in their power to turn light
into darkness, achievement into failure and hope into
despair.
Those of us who stood shoulder to shoulder with Ronald
Reagan from the very beginning are here today on the occasion
of his 84th birthday to say that we are not going to let them
get away with it anymore.
Ronald Reagan's views now occupy the center, the main
street, of American politics. Look at some recent House
votes, the balanced budget amendment passed this House by 300
to 132; unfunded mandates reform to implement the new
federalism Ronald Reagan espoused passed this House by a vote
of 360 to 74, and the line item veto just the other day, 294
yeses to only 134 noes. All of these measures passed with
substantial Democratic support from the other side of the
aisle as well, good conservative Democrats voting for the
Ronald Reagan programs that we were unable to deliver a
number of years ago.
And, yes, Mr. Speaker, throughout the proceedings of the
104th Congress and, indeed, through the election of 1996,
coming up, a history debate has been resolved in favor of the
ideals articulated by President Reagan and his remarkable
vision.
Over the last 15 years, President Reagan's goals were
subject to the most robust scrutiny that our system of
democracy has to offer. During the 1994 election, some
liberal Democrats even campaigned against the Contract With
America on the basis that the contract was a continuation of
what, of the Reagan legacy. Can you imagine?
Well, Mr. Speaker, the actions of this Congress are
evidence that President Reagan's legacy has not just endured
that test of scrutiny and criticism but that it flourishes
today to the benefit of all Americans.
It is useful to look back, however, in order to more fully
savor and appreciate President Reagan's vision. American
morale in the 1970's, think back, could not have been lower.
President Jimmy Carter declared us in a state of malaise.
Ronald Reagan's Presidency was what turned things around.
Ronald Reagan's economic policies triggered the largest and
longest peacetime extension of our economy in the history of
this Nation.
Nineteen million new jobs were created. Incomes grew at all
levels and new industries and technologies flourished and
exports exploded. Why? Because President Reagan, he cut
taxes, he slowed the growth of domestic spending and
regulation, and he restored faith in what he liked to call
the magic of the marketplace.
That magic then caught on all around the globe. Remember,
my colleagues, the world in 1980 was a very different place
than it is today. The Soviet Union was continuing a massive
arms buildup, bolstering the formidable number of missiles
already pointed at the West, and at cities right here in the
United States of America. Soviet troops were marching
literally through Afghanistan. Do you remember that? Eastern
Europe suffered under the boot of totalitarian regimes, and
the Berlin Wall scarred the face of Europe.
The United States military was described back in those days
as a hollow force, and our citizens were held hostage by
thugs in a place call Iran. Do you remember that?
Our world today contains pockets of instability, but the
simple fact is that democratic tide that has swept this globe
in the last 5 years is a direct result of Ronald Reagan's
Presidency. The man and his policies were essential to
freedom's march across this globe. It was Ronald Reagan
who faced down the nuclear freezeniks in this Congress and
in Western Europe by deploying the Pershing II in West
Germany.
Eventually this deployment and a policy called Peace
Through Strength, Mr. Speaker, that you and I helped to
formulate, forced the Soviets to the bargaining table. The
result in 1987 was the IMF Treaty, the first agreement to
eliminate an entire class of weapons. Ronald Reagan turned
out to be right on that issue.
It was Ronald Reagan who armed freedom fighters in
Afghanistan and in Nicaragua, allowing those nations to
determine the course of their own destiny. Ronald Reagan was
right.
It was Ronald Reagan who said this country had a moral
obligation to defend its citizens from nuclear attach, and
that we had to strive for something better than that and the
same policy of mutually assured destruction with weapons
aimed at every city in America. He said we must work for the
day when nuclear missiles were no longer pointed at American
cities.
But the experts laughed, and they ridiculed. ``This is
nothing more than a naive daydream of a silly old man.'' Do
you remember reading those headlines by the liberal press in
this country? But you know what, again, Ronald Reagan was
right. President Reagan pointed out from the start that the
Soviet system was morally and financially bankrupt. Such a
system, he argued, could not bear the cost of occupying
Eastern Europe.
What was the ultimate result of Ronald Reagan's Peace
Through Strength policies? Well, as Ronald Reagan used to
say, the Soviet Union collapsed and captured nations all
around this world were freed from the atheistic tyranny of
the tentacles of communism.
Once again. Ronald Reagan was right.
It was Ronald Reagan who stood under the shadow of the
Berlin Wall, which you all remember, and said, ``Mr.
Gorbachev, tear down this wall.'' I will never forget his
saying that. The experts laughed again, and decried his pleas
as a public relations stunt. Do you remember that? But Ronald
Reagan was right again as he always was. Ronald Reagan
encouraged us to maintain a strong defense in case the United
States was forced to defend its interests in any remote
corner of the globe, and after all, that is the reason this
Republic of States was formed, to provide for a common
defense, to protect America's interests around the world.
Given this, should anyone really be surprised that our
Armed Forces performed so well during the Persian Gulf war?
President Bush and General Schwartzkopf were able to lead
our troops magnificently and to bring them home with
astonishingly low casualties. Do you remember that? Once
again, Ronald Reagan was right. Those of us who served in
the House at the time and fought President Reagan's fights
right here on this floor were so proud to do so.
I was honored that President Reagan signed my legislation
to create the Department of Veterans Affairs so that we could
guarantee that, with an all-volunteer military, it would
work.
As a member of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. I
was so, proud to carry his water for a foreign policy
respected around the world by friends and foe alike, and it
was a privilege to join these battles, looking back at the
enormous good that came of those policies. But, Mr. Speaker,
more than any specific policy, we must salute Ronald Reagan's
ability to bring out the best in us as a nation. He consoled
us on the evening of the Challenger disaster. Do you remember
that? It was a sad day in our history.
And on the 40th anniversary of the D-Day landing. Mr.
Speaker, President Reagan painted a vivid picture of the
scene on that day and genuinely proposed that we, we dedicate
ourselves to the cause for which those soldiers gave a last
full measure of devotion.
He never offended us with staged prayers or phony flag
placements. He words and his gestures were all genuine, and,
as proud as we should be of his many accomplishments, Mr.
Speaker, it is a sad commentary that it took over 5 years
longer, over 5 years longer, to tear down the wall of
resistance to the line-item veto and the balanced budget
amendment. It took 5 years longer than it did to tear down
the Berlin Wall and the Iron Curtain.
Ronald Reagan inspired a generation of young people to
ignore the cynical bombardment of the media and hold dear the
American heritage: ``hopeful, big-hearted, idealistic,
daring, decent and fair,'' as he described it during his
second inaugural address.
Mr. Speaker, last night 1,000 supporters turned out for a
birthday party, including the former British Prime Minister
Maggie Thatcher, that I attended along with many of you to
pay tribute to this great President Ronald Reagan. We were so
fortunate to have him as our President during that period of
time in the history of our country, and at this time I would
yield to a Democrat, one of the finest Members of this House,
the gentleman from California (Mr. Condit). He is an
outstanding Member.
____
Poaching on Reagan's Legacy
(By Donald Devine)
As Ronald Reagan celebrates his 87th birthday tomorrow, he
is recognized now even by most of his critics as the most
influential president since Franklin Roosevelt. Bill
Clinton--struggling for mere survival--still tries
rhetorically to denigrate this record. But he adds his
unacknowledged acquiescence by the facts of his puny budget
increases--his voice is forced to request millions and will
acquire less, while his heart lusts billions--and his abject
submission to his predecessor's vision, by his concession:
``The era of big government is over.''
As Lady Thatcher put it in her Heritage Foundation lecture,
while it is ``an irony that it is an administration of
instinctive spenders and regulators that now is reaping much
of the political reward,'' the unmistakable fact is that
``today's American prosperity in the late 1990s is the
result, above all, of the fundamental shift of direction
President Reagan promoted in the 1980s.'' Successor
conservative leaders in both his and her countries first
departed from this program and then were frustrated that they
were unable to re-create it.
Yet, if Ronald Reagan himself ran in the year 2000, he
would not run on the Reagan platform. Despite the plethora of
rightist leaders trying to poach the Reagan legacy, it is too
late: His set of policies is passe. All conservatives can
learn from President Reagan now is his basic philosophy and
his character. As Dinesh D'Souza puts it in his new book,
``Ronald Reagan: How an Ordinary Man Became an Extraordinary
Leader,'' it is sufficient to learn that he ``had a vision
for America, he was not afraid to act, and he believed in the
good sense and decency of the American people.'' Vision,
courage, good sense and decency were the essence of Ronald
Reagan, as they were of his view of America. While he deeply
valued the conservative values of the Founders, what made him
such a leader was his courage and good sense, including being
able to see the world both clearly as it was and
idealistically as it should be.
There is much talk about optimism being the secret of
President Reagan's success. But it was not a sunny optimism
that skirted tough issues. As Mr. D'Souza documents, he often
went courageously against literally all ``expert'' opinion,
not only on obviously big
[[Page H357]]
issues such as his refusal to concede the Strategic Defense
Initiative to get an arms agreement with the Soviet Union but
also when he boldly confronted Libya, invaded Grenada, shut
down the air controllers union, and even refused to cancel
his visit to the Bitburg cemetery. Contrary to those who now
see him as assertive generally in foreign policy, he was also
prudent enough to be almost disengaged on major foreign
issues like South Africa, Chile and Haiti. He had enormous
courage to act and the prudence not to risk American
treasure nor blood unless absolutely necessary.
While President Reagan will be most remembered for his
critical role in ending the Cold War, his domestic legacy of
taming the welfare state might be greater in the long run.
Many thought he lacked courage here and even Mr. D'Souza
believes he did not reduce domestic spending. Yet, the facts
show he reduced non-defense spending hundreds of billions,
from 17.9 to 16.4 percent of gross national product. Indeed,
a return to the Founders' idea of limited government was
equal to his passion against the evil empire. At his first
Inaugural he was clear he ``was not cutting government
spending just to save money, but to return power to states,
communities and citizens.'' Consequently, William Kristol and
David Brooks' National Greatness Conservatism, when it claims
``the revitalization of our local civic culture depends,
ultimately, on our national political health,'' and that
``America won't be good locally if it isn't great
nationally,'' has it quite backward in the Reagan philosophy.
To Ronald Reagan, it is communities and individual that make
us great.
Virginia I. Postrel and James K. Glassman were closer when
they responded that Kristol-Brooks conservatives ``confuse
small government with no government and neutral government
with vice.'' Lacking faith in non-governmental and community
institutions to solve problems, ``national-greatness
conservatives are desperately seeking the moral equivalent of
the Cold War'' to keep the national government busy. Yet,
Postrel-Glassman's emphasis upon individual happiness,
private pursuits and avoiding ``gloom and doom'' at all
costs, is at variance with the urgency with which Ronald
Reagan viewed America's departure from limited government and
how difficult he thought it would be to rebuild private
institutions. For he believed big government had grievously
wounded the nation and he had a sense of urgency for its
reform.
Ronald Reagan was and still would be moved by the fact that
1 out of 3 American children are born to unmarried mothers
and that, for the first time in history, these
accumulating 1.2 millions per year will not have a family
to guide them. His solution would not be some Clinton-
Light additional millions to some silly, bureaucratic
child-care program but an urgent desire to break the
government-supported incentives in welfare that reward
this behavior.
Unlike members of Congress prematurely claiming success, he
would face the fact that, at the last moment, the Republicans
caved on the largest part of welfare and dropped Medicaid
reform; and they later kept silent when President Clinton,
paying off his public sector union friends, doomed workfare
by not allowing those on welfare to get their most likely
job, on a government payroll.
Mr. Reagan would not claim success on education because the
GOP spent as much as Mr. Clinton but face the fact that only
40 percent of eighth grade urban children have basic reading,
math or science skills. More shocking, only 60 percent of
suburban students have. That is, even 40 percent in the
prosperous areas are not taught basic educational skills in
the near-monopoly government schools as a result, not of
oversight, but of a plan to de-emphasize these skills because
failure to master them might cause lower self-esteem.
Even for those lucky enough to have a family, good
education and a real job, leisure is polluted with senseless
violence, amoral entertainment and vile behavior from a
little box in this own homes.
What is more important than kids and family, friends and
neighbors, and one's own living space? Official complacency
about them is why polls show Americans are still dissatisfied
in the midst of one of the greatest economic expansions in
history. When that economic bubble bursts, as it soon will
(probably from Asian economic flu), Reagan-like tax and
regulatory policy will help revive the economy.
But conservatives need a program for the more fundamental
problems too. Real welfare reform, private and charter school
voucher scholarships, the strengthening of private
institutions by letting them have more of their own money to
spend on their own children, families and neighbors, and
determined presidential moral leadership to tell Hollywood we
simply will not tolerate such filth, is a Reagan program to
both fulfill his legacy and celebrate his birthday properly.
Happy birthday, Mr. President, we miss you.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MOAKLEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Solomon), my colleague and my dear friend and chairman of the Committee
on Rules, for yielding me the customary half-hour, and I yield myself
such time as I may consume.
(Mr. MOAKLEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks and include extraneous material.)
Mr. MOAKLEY. The chairman of the Committee on Rules and the chairman
of the authorizing committee, we have all agreed that we fought this
battle yesterday, and so I rise in opposition to this closed rule, and
I rise in opposition to the idea of changing the name of the local
airport against the wishes of the people it serves.
I will submit the rest of my statement at this point in the Record.
I thank my colleague from New York, my very good friend Mr. Solomon,
for yielding me the customary half hour and I yield myself such time as
I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this closed rule and in
opposition to the idea of changing the name of a local airport against
the wishes of the people it serves.
Mr. Speaker as I said yesterday, I have every respect for former
President Reagan. He had an enormous impact on this country and he
deserves to be remembered.
And this bill the Senate bill which leaves the name Washington
National Airport and tacks on Ronald Reagan at the beginning is a
slight improvement over yesterdays.
But the fact remains this Congress is still proposing renaming an
airport despite very strong local opposition this Congress is proposing
having the Federal Government run roughshod over the local airport
authority President Reagan never would have done that.
Today's action Mr. Speaker, is despite the bill which President
Reagan himself signed into law in 1986 ceding management responsibility
of this very airport to the Metropolitan Washington Airport Authority.
I want to add, Mr. Speaker, that the responsibility that President
Reagan so wisely handed over to the local airport authority includes
the right to change the name of the airport and the right to keep the
name just as it is.
So I do not believe we do President Reagan's philosophy of empowering
localities any justice by completely ignoring their wishes on the name
of their airport.
The Airport Authority does not want the name changed, the county of
Arlington does not want the name changed, the Greater Washington Board
of Trade does not want the name changed, and the Congressman who
represents the district in which the airport is located does not want
the name changed.
I'm not sure if my Republican colleagues realize it Mr. Speaker but
if they vote to change the name of this airport, it will be the first
time ever that Congress has named a building against the wishes of the
local representative.
And my very good friend Mr. Moran has been extremely patient and
thorough in his arguments on behalf of his constituents despite this
bullying and we should respect him as each of us would expect to be
respected.
Because, Mr. Speaker today we must let Jim Moran speak for the 8th
District of Virginia lest tomorrow someone try to speak for any one of
us.
I urge my colleagues to defeat this closed rule, it is unfair, it
contradicts the very ideas President Reagan espoused, and it does not
do justice to the memory of one of this centuries most loved
Presidents.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I
move the previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
The resolution was agreed to.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Mr. SHUSTER. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 349, I call up
the Senate bill (S. 1575) to rename the Washington National Airport
located in the District of Columbia and Virginia as the ``Ronald Reagan
Washington National Airport,'' and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the title of the Senate bill.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 349, the Senate
bill is considered read for amendment.
The text of the Senate bill is as follows:
S. 1575
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. REDESIGNATION.
The airport described in the Act entitled ``An Act to
provide for the administration of the Washington National
Airport, and for other purposes'', approved June 29, 1940 (54
Stat. 686), and known as the Washington National Airport,
shall be known and designated as the ``Ronald Reagan
Washington National Airport''.
SEC. 2. REFERENCES.
(a) In General.--
(1) The following provisions of law are amended by striking
``Washington National
[[Page H358]]
Airport'' each place it appears and inserting ``Ronald Reagan
Washington National Airport'':
(A) Subsection (b) of the first section of the Act of June
29, 1940 (54 Stat. 686, chapter 444).
(B) Sections 106 and 107 of the Act of October 31, 1945 (59
Stat. 553, chapter 443).
(C) Section 41714 of title 49, United States Code.
(D) Chapter 491 of title 49, United States Code.
(2) Section 41714(d) of title 49, United States Code, is
amended in the subsection heading by striking ``Washington
National Airport'' and inserting ``Ronald Reagan Washington
National Airport''.
(b) Other References.--Any reference in a law, map,
regulation, document, paper, or other record of the United
States to the Washington National Airport shall be deemed to
be a reference to the ``Ronald Reagan Washington National
Airport''.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 349, the
gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Shuster) and the gentleman from
Minnesota (Mr. Oberstar), each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Shuster).
Mr. SHUSTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
All we are doing here today is adding the word ``Washington'' to the
legislation that we passed yesterday. Yesterday we passed legislation
renaming the airport the Ronald Reagan National Airport. We are taking
the Senate version, which inserts the name ``Washington'' and makes it
the Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport. By agreement with our
friends on the other side, we do not expect a rollcall vote on this
matter and expect it to move expeditiously.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. OBERSTAR. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I rise in opposition to the conference report for all the reasons I
articulated yesterday, and without recapitulating them, I yield such
time as he may consume to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran).
Mr. MORAN of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from
Minnesota (Mr. Oberstar) for yielding me this time.
I think that a recommittal would have been in order today personally,
but we had a full debate yesterday. We understand that the majority of
this Congress has chosen to rename this airport, and we respect the
majority, obviously.
I do want to take a couple minutes here, because I do think that it
should be said for the record that renaming this airport does
constitute an unfunded Federal mandate on local governments. The cost
involves more than just changing a few signs and reprinting stationery.
Millions have been invested by the local governments, the private
sector, the airlines, the travel hospitality industries to promote this
region and identify Washington National as the gateway to the Nation's
capital.
{time} 1300
So the Board of Trade's assessment is probably an understatement,
that it would be confusing and expensive. The total amount might be in
millions of dollars for new ad campaigns to associate the airport's new
name with the location it serves.
We felt it was ironic that part of President Reagan's legacy was the
successful transfer to local control of Washington National Airport.
All of the locality organizations and the local governments oppose
this.
But I think at this stage in the process, Mr. Speaker, that we want
to also be clear that it is entirely appropriate to give some positive
recognition to Ronald Reagan on his birthday. We felt it was not the
appropriate recognition; but, given the fact that the majority of the
Congress has spoken, I do not think that it would be appropriate to
force people to go through what has got to be an embarrassing situation
for the Reagan family and for everyone who wants to find an appropriate
way to memorialize President Reagan.
He will be memorialized soon with the new Federal trade building, the
aircraft carrier and so on. But if this is the wishes of the majority,
then we will not ask for a recommittal. We will not ask for a rollcall
vote. We will just ask that in the future, that the interests of the
minority, and particularly of local governments, gain greater respect
from the majority so that in the future we can be more consistent with
what we thought was President Reagan's underlying philosophy that local
governments ought to have greater say in the things that affect their
daily lives.
So, with that, Mr. Speaker, I will sit down. I will not fight this
battle again, at least this year. Maybe people will recognize that what
goes around can come around. But at this point, I think the majority of
this body would like to put this issue to rest and go home and try to
deal with more constructive issues in the future.
Mr. OBERSTAR. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I
yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SHUSTER. Mr. Speaker, I read in the morning papers that the
President has said he will sign this bill. And, with that comment, I
yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Thornberry). All time for debate has
expired.
The bill is considered read for amendment and, pursuant to House
Resolution 349, the previous question is ordered.
The Senate bill was ordered to be read a third time, was read the
third time, and passed, and a motion to reconsider was laid on the
table.
A similar House bill (H.R. 2625) was laid on the table
____________________