[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 7 (Thursday, February 5, 1998)]
[House]
[Pages H355-H358]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




               RONALD REAGAN WASHINGTON NATIONAL AIRPORT

  Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I 
call up House Resolution 349 and ask for its immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:

                              H. Res. 349

       Resolved, That upon the adoption of this resolution it 
     shall be in order to consider in the House the bill (S. 1575) 
     to rename the Washington National Airport located in the 
     District of Columbia and Virginia as the ``Ronald Reagan 
     Washington National Airport''. The bill shall be considered 
     as read for amendment. The previous question shall be 
     considered as ordered on the bill to final passage without 
     intervening motion except: (1) one hour of debate equally 
     divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority 
     member of the Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure; 
     and (2) one motion to recommit.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Solomon) is 
recognized for 1 hour.
  Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, for the purposes of debate only, I yield 30 
minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Moakley), my very good 
friend, pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During 
consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for debate 
purposes only.
  (Mr. SOLOMON asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks and include extraneous material.)
  Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, this resolution is a closed rule providing 
for consideration of S. 1575, which is a bill to rename the Washington 
National Airport as the, and listen carefully, as the Ronald Reagan 
Washington National Airport. That will be the name of the airport, if 
this bill passes.
  The rule provides for 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled 
by the chairman and ranking member of the Committee on Transportation. 
The rule also provides that the bill shall be considered as read. 
Finally, the bill provides 1 motion to recommit.
  Mr. Speaker, the passage of this rule will bring us one step closer 
to finishing the task of renaming the National Airport after a truly 
great American and an outstanding President, Ronald Wilson Reagan.
  At this time I include for the Record 2 articles, one which appeared 
back in 1993 by myself in the Congressional Record, and the other by 
Donald Devine, the former Director of the U.S. Office of Personnel 
Management that appeared in today's papers.

                       A Tribute to Ronald Reagan

                        (By Hon. Jerry Solomon)

       The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced 
     policy of January 4, 1995, the gentleman from New York, [Mr. 
     Solomon] is recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the 
     majority leader.
       Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I take this special order tonight 
     to pay tribute to a great American, the greatest American 
     that I have ever known, and that is President Ronald Reagan. 
     As you know, I had intended to hold this event last night as 
     a birthday present for the former President, but the House 
     was occupied on an even better birthday present, passage of 
     the line item veto. And what better birthday present could be 
     offered to the President and to Mrs. Reagan than to complete 
     the unfinished business of the Reagan revolution?
       I know I speak for every Member of this House, Mr. Speaker, 
     and virtually all Americans in offering President Reagan and 
     his beloved First Lady, Nancy, our prayers and our very best 
     wishes on this very wonderful occasion.
       Mr. Speaker, what do you get for the man who has 
     everything, so that saying goes? Well, Mr. Speaker, as we 
     observe President Reagan's birthday, a better question is how 
     do we appropriately honor a man who has done so much for us, 
     for our country and for the cause of freedom around the 
     world? Our tribute this evening should extend beyond the 
     President's accomplishments in office, although they are 
     numerous, too numerous to mention here tonight.
       Let us examine Ronald Reagan's record with the benefit of 
     historical reflections. The story has been told that during 
     his darkest hours, President Nixon was reassured by those 
     around him that history would treat him well. Ever sharp and 
     skeptical, President Nixon shot back, ``That depends on who 
     is writing the history.'' In the case of Ronald

[[Page H356]]

     Reagan, Mr. Speaker, most of those writing the history of his 
     Presidency have done everything in their power to turn light 
     into darkness, achievement into failure and hope into 
     despair.
       Those of us who stood shoulder to shoulder with Ronald 
     Reagan from the very beginning are here today on the occasion 
     of his 84th birthday to say that we are not going to let them 
     get away with it anymore.
       Ronald Reagan's views now occupy the center, the main 
     street, of American politics. Look at some recent House 
     votes, the balanced budget amendment passed this House by 300 
     to 132; unfunded mandates reform to implement the new 
     federalism Ronald Reagan espoused passed this House by a vote 
     of 360 to 74, and the line item veto just the other day, 294 
     yeses to only 134 noes. All of these measures passed with 
     substantial Democratic support from the other side of the 
     aisle as well, good conservative Democrats voting for the 
     Ronald Reagan programs that we were unable to deliver a 
     number of years ago.
       And, yes, Mr. Speaker, throughout the proceedings of the 
     104th Congress and, indeed, through the election of 1996, 
     coming up, a history debate has been resolved in favor of the 
     ideals articulated by President Reagan and his remarkable 
     vision.
       Over the last 15 years, President Reagan's goals were 
     subject to the most robust scrutiny that our system of 
     democracy has to offer. During the 1994 election, some 
     liberal Democrats even campaigned against the Contract With 
     America on the basis that the contract was a continuation of 
     what, of the Reagan legacy. Can you imagine?
       Well, Mr. Speaker, the actions of this Congress are 
     evidence that President Reagan's legacy has not just endured 
     that test of scrutiny and criticism but that it flourishes 
     today to the benefit of all Americans.
       It is useful to look back, however, in order to more fully 
     savor and appreciate President Reagan's vision. American 
     morale in the 1970's, think back, could not have been lower. 
     President Jimmy Carter declared us in a state of malaise. 
     Ronald Reagan's Presidency was what turned things around. 
     Ronald Reagan's economic policies triggered the largest and 
     longest peacetime extension of our economy in the history of 
     this Nation.
       Nineteen million new jobs were created. Incomes grew at all 
     levels and new industries and technologies flourished and 
     exports exploded. Why? Because President Reagan, he cut 
     taxes, he slowed the growth of domestic spending and 
     regulation, and he restored faith in what he liked to call 
     the magic of the marketplace.
       That magic then caught on all around the globe. Remember, 
     my colleagues, the world in 1980 was a very different place 
     than it is today. The Soviet Union was continuing a massive 
     arms buildup, bolstering the formidable number of missiles 
     already pointed at the West, and at cities right here in the 
     United States of America. Soviet troops were marching 
     literally through Afghanistan. Do you remember that? Eastern 
     Europe suffered under the boot of totalitarian regimes, and 
     the Berlin Wall scarred the face of Europe.
       The United States military was described back in those days 
     as a hollow force, and our citizens were held hostage by 
     thugs in a place call Iran. Do you remember that?
       Our world today contains pockets of instability, but the 
     simple fact is that democratic tide that has swept this globe 
     in the last 5 years is a direct result of Ronald Reagan's 
     Presidency. The man and his policies were essential to 
     freedom's march across this globe. It was Ronald Reagan 
     who faced down the nuclear freezeniks in this Congress and 
     in Western Europe by deploying the Pershing II in West 
     Germany.
       Eventually this deployment and a policy called Peace 
     Through Strength, Mr. Speaker, that you and I helped to 
     formulate, forced the Soviets to the bargaining table. The 
     result in 1987 was the IMF Treaty, the first agreement to 
     eliminate an entire class of weapons. Ronald Reagan turned 
     out to be right on that issue.
       It was Ronald Reagan who armed freedom fighters in 
     Afghanistan and in Nicaragua, allowing those nations to 
     determine the course of their own destiny. Ronald Reagan was 
     right.
       It was Ronald Reagan who said this country had a moral 
     obligation to defend its citizens from nuclear attach, and 
     that we had to strive for something better than that and the 
     same policy of mutually assured destruction with weapons 
     aimed at every city in America. He said we must work for the 
     day when nuclear missiles were no longer pointed at American 
     cities.
       But the experts laughed, and they ridiculed. ``This is 
     nothing more than a naive daydream of a silly old man.'' Do 
     you remember reading those headlines by the liberal press in 
     this country? But you know what, again, Ronald Reagan was 
     right. President Reagan pointed out from the start that the 
     Soviet system was morally and financially bankrupt. Such a 
     system, he argued, could not bear the cost of occupying 
     Eastern Europe.
       What was the ultimate result of Ronald Reagan's Peace 
     Through Strength policies? Well, as Ronald Reagan used to 
     say, the Soviet Union collapsed and captured nations all 
     around this world were freed from the atheistic tyranny of 
     the tentacles of communism.
       Once again. Ronald Reagan was right.
       It was Ronald Reagan who stood under the shadow of the 
     Berlin Wall, which you all remember, and said, ``Mr. 
     Gorbachev, tear down this wall.'' I will never forget his 
     saying that. The experts laughed again, and decried his pleas 
     as a public relations stunt. Do you remember that? But Ronald 
     Reagan was right again as he always was. Ronald Reagan 
     encouraged us to maintain a strong defense in case the United 
     States was forced to defend its interests in any remote 
     corner of the globe, and after all, that is the reason this 
     Republic of States was formed, to provide for a common 
     defense, to protect America's interests around the world.
       Given this, should anyone really be surprised that our 
     Armed Forces performed so well during the Persian Gulf war? 
     President Bush and General Schwartzkopf were able to lead 
     our troops magnificently and to bring them home with 
     astonishingly low casualties. Do you remember that? Once 
     again, Ronald Reagan was right. Those of us who served in 
     the House at the time and fought President Reagan's fights 
     right here on this floor were so proud to do so.
       I was honored that President Reagan signed my legislation 
     to create the Department of Veterans Affairs so that we could 
     guarantee that, with an all-volunteer military, it would 
     work.
       As a member of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. I 
     was so, proud to carry his water for a foreign policy 
     respected around the world by friends and foe alike, and it 
     was a privilege to join these battles, looking back at the 
     enormous good that came of those policies. But, Mr. Speaker, 
     more than any specific policy, we must salute Ronald Reagan's 
     ability to bring out the best in us as a nation. He consoled 
     us on the evening of the Challenger disaster. Do you remember 
     that? It was a sad day in our history.
       And on the 40th anniversary of the D-Day landing. Mr. 
     Speaker, President Reagan painted a vivid picture of the 
     scene on that day and genuinely proposed that we, we dedicate 
     ourselves to the cause for which those soldiers gave a last 
     full measure of devotion.
       He never offended us with staged prayers or phony flag 
     placements. He words and his gestures were all genuine, and, 
     as proud as we should be of his many accomplishments, Mr. 
     Speaker, it is a sad commentary that it took over 5 years 
     longer, over 5 years longer, to tear down the wall of 
     resistance to the line-item veto and the balanced budget 
     amendment. It took 5 years longer than it did to tear down 
     the Berlin Wall and the Iron Curtain.
       Ronald Reagan inspired a generation of young people to 
     ignore the cynical bombardment of the media and hold dear the 
     American heritage: ``hopeful, big-hearted, idealistic, 
     daring, decent and fair,'' as he described it during his 
     second inaugural address.
       Mr. Speaker, last night 1,000 supporters turned out for a 
     birthday party, including the former British Prime Minister 
     Maggie Thatcher, that I attended along with many of you to 
     pay tribute to this great President Ronald Reagan. We were so 
     fortunate to have him as our President during that period of 
     time in the history of our country, and at this time I would 
     yield to a Democrat, one of the finest Members of this House, 
     the gentleman from California (Mr. Condit). He is an 
     outstanding Member.
                                  ____


                      Poaching on Reagan's Legacy

                           (By Donald Devine)

       As Ronald Reagan celebrates his 87th birthday tomorrow, he 
     is recognized now even by most of his critics as the most 
     influential president since Franklin Roosevelt. Bill 
     Clinton--struggling for mere survival--still tries 
     rhetorically to denigrate this record. But he adds his 
     unacknowledged acquiescence by the facts of his puny budget 
     increases--his voice is forced to request millions and will 
     acquire less, while his heart lusts billions--and his abject 
     submission to his predecessor's vision, by his concession: 
     ``The era of big government is over.''
       As Lady Thatcher put it in her Heritage Foundation lecture, 
     while it is ``an irony that it is an administration of 
     instinctive spenders and regulators that now is reaping much 
     of the political reward,'' the unmistakable fact is that 
     ``today's American prosperity in the late 1990s is the 
     result, above all, of the fundamental shift of direction 
     President Reagan promoted in the 1980s.'' Successor 
     conservative leaders in both his and her countries first 
     departed from this program and then were frustrated that they 
     were unable to re-create it.
       Yet, if Ronald Reagan himself ran in the year 2000, he 
     would not run on the Reagan platform. Despite the plethora of 
     rightist leaders trying to poach the Reagan legacy, it is too 
     late: His set of policies is passe. All conservatives can 
     learn from President Reagan now is his basic philosophy and 
     his character. As Dinesh D'Souza puts it in his new book, 
     ``Ronald Reagan: How an Ordinary Man Became an Extraordinary 
     Leader,'' it is sufficient to learn that he ``had a vision 
     for America, he was not afraid to act, and he believed in the 
     good sense and decency of the American people.'' Vision, 
     courage, good sense and decency were the essence of Ronald 
     Reagan, as they were of his view of America. While he deeply 
     valued the conservative values of the Founders, what made him 
     such a leader was his courage and good sense, including being 
     able to see the world both clearly as it was and 
     idealistically as it should be.
       There is much talk about optimism being the secret of 
     President Reagan's success. But it was not a sunny optimism 
     that skirted tough issues. As Mr. D'Souza documents, he often 
     went courageously against literally all ``expert'' opinion, 
     not only on obviously big

[[Page H357]]

     issues such as his refusal to concede the Strategic Defense 
     Initiative to get an arms agreement with the Soviet Union but 
     also when he boldly confronted Libya, invaded Grenada, shut 
     down the air controllers union, and even refused to cancel 
     his visit to the Bitburg cemetery. Contrary to those who now 
     see him as assertive generally in foreign policy, he was also 
     prudent enough to be almost disengaged on major foreign 
     issues like South Africa, Chile and Haiti. He had enormous 
     courage to act and the prudence not to risk American 
     treasure nor blood unless absolutely necessary.
       While President Reagan will be most remembered for his 
     critical role in ending the Cold War, his domestic legacy of 
     taming the welfare state might be greater in the long run. 
     Many thought he lacked courage here and even Mr. D'Souza 
     believes he did not reduce domestic spending. Yet, the facts 
     show he reduced non-defense spending hundreds of billions, 
     from 17.9 to 16.4 percent of gross national product. Indeed, 
     a return to the Founders' idea of limited government was 
     equal to his passion against the evil empire. At his first 
     Inaugural he was clear he ``was not cutting government 
     spending just to save money, but to return power to states, 
     communities and citizens.'' Consequently, William Kristol and 
     David Brooks' National Greatness Conservatism, when it claims 
     ``the revitalization of our local civic culture depends, 
     ultimately, on our national political health,'' and that 
     ``America won't be good locally if it isn't great 
     nationally,'' has it quite backward in the Reagan philosophy. 
     To Ronald Reagan, it is communities and individual that make 
     us great.
       Virginia I. Postrel and James K. Glassman were closer when 
     they responded that Kristol-Brooks conservatives ``confuse 
     small government with no government and neutral government 
     with vice.'' Lacking faith in non-governmental and community 
     institutions to solve problems, ``national-greatness 
     conservatives are desperately seeking the moral equivalent of 
     the Cold War'' to keep the national government busy. Yet, 
     Postrel-Glassman's emphasis upon individual happiness, 
     private pursuits and avoiding ``gloom and doom'' at all 
     costs, is at variance with the urgency with which Ronald 
     Reagan viewed America's departure from limited government and 
     how difficult he thought it would be to rebuild private 
     institutions. For he believed big government had grievously 
     wounded the nation and he had a sense of urgency for its 
     reform.
       Ronald Reagan was and still would be moved by the fact that 
     1 out of 3 American children are born to unmarried mothers 
     and that, for the first time in history, these 
     accumulating 1.2 millions per year will not have a family 
     to guide them. His solution would not be some Clinton-
     Light additional millions to some silly, bureaucratic 
     child-care program but an urgent desire to break the 
     government-supported incentives in welfare that reward 
     this behavior.
       Unlike members of Congress prematurely claiming success, he 
     would face the fact that, at the last moment, the Republicans 
     caved on the largest part of welfare and dropped Medicaid 
     reform; and they later kept silent when President Clinton, 
     paying off his public sector union friends, doomed workfare 
     by not allowing those on welfare to get their most likely 
     job, on a government payroll.
       Mr. Reagan would not claim success on education because the 
     GOP spent as much as Mr. Clinton but face the fact that only 
     40 percent of eighth grade urban children have basic reading, 
     math or science skills. More shocking, only 60 percent of 
     suburban students have. That is, even 40 percent in the 
     prosperous areas are not taught basic educational skills in 
     the near-monopoly government schools as a result, not of 
     oversight, but of a plan to de-emphasize these skills because 
     failure to master them might cause lower self-esteem.
       Even for those lucky enough to have a family, good 
     education and a real job, leisure is polluted with senseless 
     violence, amoral entertainment and vile behavior from a 
     little box in this own homes.
       What is more important than kids and family, friends and 
     neighbors, and one's own living space? Official complacency 
     about them is why polls show Americans are still dissatisfied 
     in the midst of one of the greatest economic expansions in 
     history. When that economic bubble bursts, as it soon will 
     (probably from Asian economic flu), Reagan-like tax and 
     regulatory policy will help revive the economy.
       But conservatives need a program for the more fundamental 
     problems too. Real welfare reform, private and charter school 
     voucher scholarships, the strengthening of private 
     institutions by letting them have more of their own money to 
     spend on their own children, families and neighbors, and 
     determined presidential moral leadership to tell Hollywood we 
     simply will not tolerate such filth, is a Reagan program to 
     both fulfill his legacy and celebrate his birthday properly.
       Happy birthday, Mr. President, we miss you.
  Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. MOAKLEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Solomon), my colleague and my dear friend and chairman of the Committee 
on Rules, for yielding me the customary half-hour, and I yield myself 
such time as I may consume.
  (Mr. MOAKLEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend his 
remarks and include extraneous material.)
  Mr. MOAKLEY. The chairman of the Committee on Rules and the chairman 
of the authorizing committee, we have all agreed that we fought this 
battle yesterday, and so I rise in opposition to this closed rule, and 
I rise in opposition to the idea of changing the name of the local 
airport against the wishes of the people it serves.
  I will submit the rest of my statement at this point in the Record.
  I thank my colleague from New York, my very good friend Mr. Solomon, 
for yielding me the customary half hour and I yield myself such time as 
I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this closed rule and in 
opposition to the idea of changing the name of a local airport against 
the wishes of the people it serves.
  Mr. Speaker as I said yesterday, I have every respect for former 
President Reagan. He had an enormous impact on this country and he 
deserves to be remembered.
  And this bill the Senate bill which leaves the name Washington 
National Airport and tacks on Ronald Reagan at the beginning is a 
slight improvement over yesterdays.
  But the fact remains this Congress is still proposing renaming an 
airport despite very strong local opposition this Congress is proposing 
having the Federal Government run roughshod over the local airport 
authority President Reagan never would have done that.
  Today's action Mr. Speaker, is despite the bill which President 
Reagan himself signed into law in 1986 ceding management responsibility 
of this very airport to the Metropolitan Washington Airport Authority.
  I want to add, Mr. Speaker, that the responsibility that President 
Reagan so wisely handed over to the local airport authority includes 
the right to change the name of the airport and the right to keep the 
name just as it is.
  So I do not believe we do President Reagan's philosophy of empowering 
localities any justice by completely ignoring their wishes on the name 
of their airport.
  The Airport Authority does not want the name changed, the county of 
Arlington does not want the name changed, the Greater Washington Board 
of Trade does not want the name changed, and the Congressman who 
represents the district in which the airport is located does not want 
the name changed.
  I'm not sure if my Republican colleagues realize it Mr. Speaker but 
if they vote to change the name of this airport, it will be the first 
time ever that Congress has named a building against the wishes of the 
local representative.
  And my very good friend Mr. Moran has been extremely patient and 
thorough in his arguments on behalf of his constituents despite this 
bullying and we should respect him as each of us would expect to be 
respected.
  Because, Mr. Speaker today we must let Jim Moran speak for the 8th 
District of Virginia lest tomorrow someone try to speak for any one of 
us.
  I urge my colleagues to defeat this closed rule, it is unfair, it 
contradicts the very ideas President Reagan espoused, and it does not 
do justice to the memory of one of this centuries most loved 
Presidents.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. SOLOMON. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I 
move the previous question on the resolution.
  The previous question was ordered.
  The resolution was agreed to.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
  Mr. SHUSTER. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 349, I call up 
the Senate bill (S. 1575) to rename the Washington National Airport 
located in the District of Columbia and Virginia as the ``Ronald Reagan 
Washington National Airport,'' and ask for its immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the title of the Senate bill.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 349, the Senate 
bill is considered read for amendment.
  The text of the Senate bill is as follows:

                                S. 1575

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. REDESIGNATION.

       The airport described in the Act entitled ``An Act to 
     provide for the administration of the Washington National 
     Airport, and for other purposes'', approved June 29, 1940 (54 
     Stat. 686), and known as the Washington National Airport, 
     shall be known and designated as the ``Ronald Reagan 
     Washington National Airport''.

     SEC. 2. REFERENCES.

       (a) In General.--
       (1) The following provisions of law are amended by striking 
     ``Washington National

[[Page H358]]

     Airport'' each place it appears and inserting ``Ronald Reagan 
     Washington National Airport'':
       (A) Subsection (b) of the first section of the Act of June 
     29, 1940 (54 Stat. 686, chapter 444).
       (B) Sections 106 and 107 of the Act of October 31, 1945 (59 
     Stat. 553, chapter 443).
       (C) Section 41714 of title 49, United States Code.
       (D) Chapter 491 of title 49, United States Code.
       (2) Section 41714(d) of title 49, United States Code, is 
     amended in the subsection heading by striking ``Washington 
     National Airport'' and inserting ``Ronald Reagan Washington 
     National Airport''.
       (b) Other References.--Any reference in a law, map, 
     regulation, document, paper, or other record of the United 
     States to the Washington National Airport shall be deemed to 
     be a reference to the ``Ronald Reagan Washington National 
     Airport''.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 349, the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Shuster) and the gentleman from 
Minnesota (Mr. Oberstar), each will control 30 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Shuster).
  Mr. SHUSTER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  All we are doing here today is adding the word ``Washington'' to the 
legislation that we passed yesterday. Yesterday we passed legislation 
renaming the airport the Ronald Reagan National Airport. We are taking 
the Senate version, which inserts the name ``Washington'' and makes it 
the Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport. By agreement with our 
friends on the other side, we do not expect a rollcall vote on this 
matter and expect it to move expeditiously.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. OBERSTAR. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I rise in opposition to the conference report for all the reasons I 
articulated yesterday, and without recapitulating them, I yield such 
time as he may consume to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran).
  Mr. MORAN of Virginia. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from 
Minnesota (Mr. Oberstar) for yielding me this time.
  I think that a recommittal would have been in order today personally, 
but we had a full debate yesterday. We understand that the majority of 
this Congress has chosen to rename this airport, and we respect the 
majority, obviously.
  I do want to take a couple minutes here, because I do think that it 
should be said for the record that renaming this airport does 
constitute an unfunded Federal mandate on local governments. The cost 
involves more than just changing a few signs and reprinting stationery. 
Millions have been invested by the local governments, the private 
sector, the airlines, the travel hospitality industries to promote this 
region and identify Washington National as the gateway to the Nation's 
capital.

                              {time}  1300

  So the Board of Trade's assessment is probably an understatement, 
that it would be confusing and expensive. The total amount might be in 
millions of dollars for new ad campaigns to associate the airport's new 
name with the location it serves.
  We felt it was ironic that part of President Reagan's legacy was the 
successful transfer to local control of Washington National Airport. 
All of the locality organizations and the local governments oppose 
this.
  But I think at this stage in the process, Mr. Speaker, that we want 
to also be clear that it is entirely appropriate to give some positive 
recognition to Ronald Reagan on his birthday. We felt it was not the 
appropriate recognition; but, given the fact that the majority of the 
Congress has spoken, I do not think that it would be appropriate to 
force people to go through what has got to be an embarrassing situation 
for the Reagan family and for everyone who wants to find an appropriate 
way to memorialize President Reagan.
  He will be memorialized soon with the new Federal trade building, the 
aircraft carrier and so on. But if this is the wishes of the majority, 
then we will not ask for a recommittal. We will not ask for a rollcall 
vote. We will just ask that in the future, that the interests of the 
minority, and particularly of local governments, gain greater respect 
from the majority so that in the future we can be more consistent with 
what we thought was President Reagan's underlying philosophy that local 
governments ought to have greater say in the things that affect their 
daily lives.
  So, with that, Mr. Speaker, I will sit down. I will not fight this 
battle again, at least this year. Maybe people will recognize that what 
goes around can come around. But at this point, I think the majority of 
this body would like to put this issue to rest and go home and try to 
deal with more constructive issues in the future.
  Mr. OBERSTAR. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I 
yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. SHUSTER. Mr. Speaker, I read in the morning papers that the 
President has said he will sign this bill. And, with that comment, I 
yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Thornberry). All time for debate has 
expired.
  The bill is considered read for amendment and, pursuant to House 
Resolution 349, the previous question is ordered.
  The Senate bill was ordered to be read a third time, was read the 
third time, and passed, and a motion to reconsider was laid on the 
table.
  A similar House bill (H.R. 2625) was laid on the table

                          ____________________