[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 6 (Wednesday, February 4, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S332-S342]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




               RONALD REAGAN WASHINGTON NATIONAL AIRPORT

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senate will now 
resume consideration of S. 1575, which the clerk will report.
  The legislative clerk read as follows:

       A bill (S. 1575) to rename the Washington National Airport 
     located in the District of Columbia and Virginia as the 
     ``Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport.''

  The Senate resumed consideration of the bill.
  Pending:

       Reid Amendment No. 1640, to redesignate the J. Edgar Hoover 
     FBI Building in Washington, District of Columbia, as the 
     ``Federal Bureau of Investigation Building''.
       Dodd Amendment No. 1641, to establish a Federal Facilities 
     Redesignation Advisory Group to consider and make 
     recommendations for the renaming of existing Federal 
     facilities.
       Daschle Amendment No. 1642, to require the approval by the 
     Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority of the renaming of 
     Washington National Airport as the Ronald Reagan National 
     Airport.
       Robb Amendment No. 1643, to provide an orderly process for 
     the renaming of existing Federal facilities.


                           Amendment No. 1643

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, there will be 4 
minutes equally divided in the usual form on amendment No. 1643 offered 
by the Senator from Virginia, (Mr. Robb).
  Mr. COVERDELL addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia, (Mr. Coverdell), is 
recognized.
  Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I rise in opposition to the amendment. 
My remarks were made last night. In essence, the amendment by my 
distinguished colleague from Virginia vitiates or makes moot the entire 
effort of the bill. His amendment has the effect of nullifying what we 
have been endeavoring to do throughout the week.
  I might take another second to say that several of these amendments 
that have been offered--and I see the Senator from Nevada here--have 
considerable merit and substance. The problem is that we have used the 
week in a very inefficient way. I have been up very late last evening 
and early this morning endeavoring to resolve this matter and deal with 
some of these amendments that don't nullify the legislation, but there 
is not time now to deal with this effectively with the House and meet 
the attempt to have this occur on the President's birthday. So the week 
has cost us the ability to resolve some of the other issues. In any 
event, I would have been opposed to the amendment offered by the good 
Senator from Virginia.
  I yield the floor.
  Mr. ROBB addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Virginia, Mr. Robb, is 
recognized.
  Mr. ROBB. Mr. President, I suggest that the lack of time is part of 
the problem that we are dealing with here, as just alluded to by the 
distinguished Senator from Georgia. This is not the right way to do 
what we propose to do, even if that is our objective.

  This amendment, crafted by the minority leader's office, would simply 
provide a procedure whereby there would be input from the local 
jurisdictions. The problem right now is that this bill was introduced, 
held at the desk, and there were no committee hearings, no committee 
votes, no public hearings on the matter. We have heard from countless 
people who have a local interest. Those jurisdictions--Alexandria, 
Arlington, Washington Metropolitan Airports Authority, Greater 
Washington Board of Trade--are against it. Normally, even in judgeships 
we give the local Senators input on whether the judge who would be 
sitting in their particular jurisdiction ought to go forward without 
some additional debate. You do not have the support of either of the 
local Senators or the local Members of Congress on this. I normally 
don't suggest this is scientific or pay that much attention to sheer 
numbers, but the calls are overwhelmingly against proceeding with this. 
This sets up a procedure so that we can consider it in an appropriate 
manner.
  With that, I think my two minutes are about up. I ask for the support 
of this amendment. Senator Daschle has an amendment that is even more 
precise and specific, if we want to deal with this issue in a very 
short period of time. But the problem is the lack of time to 
thoughtfully consider the implications for the renaming, as well as for 
all of the local jurisdictions concerned.
  With that, I yield whatever time I have remaining.
  Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, how much time do I have left?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia has approximately 35 
seconds.
  Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I just say that I think there has been 
sufficient time to consider a very uncomplicated issue here, renaming 
the airport Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport.
  As I said to the Senator last evening, the Governor of his State does 
support this. This is not the Alexandria airport; this is a national 
airport.

[[Page S333]]

  I yield back my time.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time having been yielded back, the 
question occurs on amendment No. 1643, offered by the Senator from 
Virginia, Mr. Robb. The yeas and nays have been ordered.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. NICKLES. I announce that the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Coats) is 
necessarily absent.
  Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from New York (Mr. Moynihan) is 
necessarily absent.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber 
desiring to vote?
  The result was announced--yeas 35, nays 63, as follows:

                       [Rollcall Vote No. 4 Leg.]

                                YEAS--35

     Akaka
     Baucus
     Biden
     Bingaman
     Bryan
     Bumpers
     Cleland
     Conrad
     Daschle
     Dorgan
     Feingold
     Ford
     Glenn
     Graham
     Harkin
     Hollings
     Inouye
     Johnson
     Kennedy
     Kerrey
     Kerry
     Kohl
     Landrieu
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Levin
     Mikulski
     Moseley-Braun
     Murray
     Reed
     Reid
     Robb
     Sarbanes
     Torricelli
     Wellstone

                                NAYS--63

     Abraham
     Allard
     Ashcroft
     Bennett
     Bond
     Boxer
     Breaux
     Brownback
     Burns
     Byrd
     Campbell
     Chafee
     Cochran
     Collins
     Coverdell
     Craig
     D'Amato
     DeWine
     Dodd
     Domenici
     Durbin
     Enzi
     Faircloth
     Feinstein
     Frist
     Gorton
     Gramm
     Grams
     Grassley
     Gregg
     Hagel
     Hatch
     Helms
     Hutchinson
     Hutchison
     Inhofe
     Jeffords
     Kempthorne
     Kyl
     Lieberman
     Lott
     Lugar
     Mack
     McCain
     McConnell
     Murkowski
     Nickles
     Roberts
     Rockefeller
     Roth
     Santorum
     Sessions
     Shelby
     Smith (NH)
     Smith (OR)
     Snowe
     Specter
     Stevens
     Thomas
     Thompson
     Thurmond
     Warner
     Wyden

                             NOT VOTING--2

     Coats
     Moynihan
       
  The amendment (No. 1643) was rejected.
  Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
  Mr. LOTT. I move to lay that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Hutchinson). Under the previous order, 
there will now be----
  Mr. COVERDELL addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia.
  Mr. COVERDELL. Could we have order?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senate will be in order.
  Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the next 
vote in this series be limited to 10 minutes in length.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is 
so ordered.
  Mr. DODD addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator is recognized.


                    Amendment No. 1641, as modified

  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to send a 
modification of my amendment to the desk.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is 
so ordered.
  The modification is as follows:

     SECTION 1. FEDERAL FACILITIES REDESIGNATION ADVISORY GROUP.

       (a) In General.--There is established a Federal Facilities 
     Redesignation Advisory Group comprised of--
       (1) 2 members of the House of Representatives designated by 
     the Speaker of the House;
       (2) 2 members of the House of Representatives designated by 
     the Minority Leader of the House;
       (3) 2 members of the Senate designated by the Majority 
     Leader of the Senate;
       (4) 2 members of the Senate designated by the Minority 
     Leader of the Senate; and
       (5) the Administrator of General Services.
       (b) Purpose.--The purpose of the Advisory Group is to 
     consider and make a recommendation concerning any proposal to 
     change the name of a Federal facility to commemorate or honor 
     any individual, group of individuals, or event.
       (c) Criteria.--
       (1) In general.--In considering a proposal to rename an 
     existing Federal facility, the Advisory Group shall 
     consider--
       (A) the appropriateness of the proposed name for the 
     facility, taking into account any history of association of 
     the individual for whom the facility is proposed to be named 
     with the facility or its location;
       (B) the activities to be carried out at, and function of, 
     the facility;
       (C) the views of the community in which the facility is 
     located (including any public comment, testimony, or evidence 
     received under subsection (d));
       (D) the appropriateness of the facility's existing name, 
     taking into account its history, function, and location; and
       (E) the costs associated with renaming the facility and the 
     sources of funds to defray the costs.
       (2) Age and current occupation.--The Advisory Group may not 
     recommend a proposed change in the name of a Federal facility 
     for a living individual unless that individual--
       (A) is at least 70 years of age; and
       (B) has not been an officer or employee of the United 
     States, or a Member of the Congress, for a period of at least 
     5 years before the date of the proposed change.
       (d) Administration.--
       (1) Meetings.--The Advisory Group shall meet publicly from 
     time to time, but not less frequently than annually, in 
     Washington, D.C.
       (2) Hearings, etc.--In carrying out its purpose the 
     Advisory Group--
       (A) shall publish notice of any meeting, including a 
     meeting held pursuant to subsection (f), at which it is to 
     consider a proposed change of name for a Federal facility in 
     the Federal Register and in a newspaper of general 
     circulation in the community in which the facility is 
     located, and include in that notice an invitation for public 
     comment;
       (B) not earlier than 30 days after the date on which the 
     applicable meeting notice was issued under subparagraph (A), 
     shall hold such hearings, and receive such testimony and 
     evidence, as may be appropriate; and
       (C) may not make a recommendation concerning a proposed 
     change of name under this section until at least 60 days 
     after the date of the meeting at which the proposal was 
     considered.
       (3) Administrative support.--The Administrator of General 
     Services shall provide such meeting facilities, staff 
     support, and other administrative support as may be required 
     for meetings of the Advisory Group.
       (e) Reports.--The Advisory Group shall report to the 
     Congress from time to time its recommendations with respect 
     to proposals to rename existing Federal facilities.

     SEC. 2. REPORT REQUIRED BEFORE EITHER HOUSE PROCEEDS TO THE 
                   CONSIDERATION OF LEGISLATION TO RENAME FEDERAL 
                   FACILITY.

       (a) In General.--It shall not be in order, in the Senate or 
     in the House of Representatives, to proceed to the 
     consideration of any bill, resolution, or amendment to rename 
     an existing Federal facility unless the Advisory Group has 
     reported its recommendation in writing under section 1(e) 
     concerning the proposal and the report has been available to 
     the members of that House for 24 hours.
       (b) Rules of Each House.--This section is enacted by the 
     Congress--
       (1) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the Senate 
     and of the House of Representatives, and as such subsection 
     (a) is deemed to be a part of the rules of the Senate and the 
     House of Representatives; and it supersedes other rules only 
     to the extent that it is inconsistent therewith; and
       (2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of 
     the Senate and the House of Representatives to change the 
     rules (so far as relating to the procedure of the Senate or 
     House of Representatives, respectively) at any time, in the 
     same manner and to the same extent as in the case of any 
     other rule of the Senate or House of Representatives.

     SEC. 3. DEFINITIONS.

       For purposes of this Act:
       (1) Advisory group.--The term ``Advisory Group'' means the 
     Federal Facilities Redesignation Advisory Group established 
     by section 1.
       (2) Federal facility.--The term ``Federal facility'' means 
     any building, road, bridge, complex, base, or other structure 
     owned by the United States or located on land owned by the 
     United States.

 TITLE III--SENSE OF THE SENATE CONCERNING COMMISSION TO NAME FEATURES 
                    OF CAPITOL BUILDING AND GROUNDS

     SEC. 301. SENSE OF THE SENATE CONCERNING COMMISSION TO NAME 
                   FEATURES OF CAPITOL BUILDING AND GROUNDS.

       It is the sense of the Senate that Congress should 
     establish, in accordance with the rules of the Senate and the 
     House of Representatives, a commission consisting of the 
     Architect of the Capitol and of former members of Congress, 
     appointed by the Speaker of the House, the Minority Leader of 
     the House, the Majority Leader of the Senate, and the 
     Minority Leader of the Senate, to recommend the naming or 
     renaming of--
       (1) architectural features of the Capitol (including any 
     House or Senate office building); and
       (2) landscape features of the Capitol Grounds.

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. There will now be 4 minutes of debate equally 
divided for each side on the amendment as modified.
  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, let me, first of all, say to my colleagues 
here, my intention, as I have said earlier, is to support the 
underlying legislation to name the airport in honor of Ronald Reagan.

[[Page S334]]

  As I said yesterday, I certainly had no lack of disagreements with 
Ronald Reagan during the 8 years of his stewardship but believe that a 
two-term President deserves to be recognized. And if it is the desire 
of his family and others to rename this airport, given the fact it has 
had name changes over the years, I do not object to that. I had offered 
this amendment for the purpose of dealing in the future with these same 
issues.
  In a sense, Mr. President, it has become sort of a modern day 
graffiti when we run around naming things here willy-nilly, both on the 
Capitol grounds and in this city. We are mere custodians of these 
facilities; we don't own them, and we ought to have a process by which 
we make solid determinations about whose names are associated with 
great monuments, buildings and rooms that we have. When we as an 
institution decided to decorate the reception room with five of our 
former colleagues, it was Senator John Fitzgerald Kennedy who chaired 
that commission--I look to my colleague from West Virginia as our 
historian--where a deliberative process went forward and that decision 
was made.
  It seems to me we as a body ought to adopt something like this so 
that we are not faced with these situations year in and year out.
  Now, Mr. President, I gather from talking with my colleague and 
friend from Georgia that my amendment to the underlying legislation is 
going to be rejected, but I hope that we might consider something like 
this amendment at the appropriate place. Unfortunately, what happens in 
the absence of a decision like this, these matters get shunted aside 
and we do not bring them up again until the next issue emerges. But I 
happen to believe that setting up a commission that would deal with 
these issues, having a commission made up of former Members to deal 
with Capitol grounds, possibly the Architect of the Capitol included, 
is the way we ought to go about the process of naming rooms, buildings, 
and renaming facilities, Federal facilities, here in Washington and 
elsewhere.
  Having said that, I know my colleague from Georgia will want to be 
heard on this. When he completes his comments, I will withdraw my 
amendment and hope that at some point in the not too distant future we 
can bring this matter up through the Rules Committee or other such 
committees where it would be appropriate. I see my colleague from Texas 
who I know is interested in this as well.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas.
  Who yields time to the Senator from Texas?
  Mr. COVERDELL. How much time have we remaining?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia has 2 minutes 
remaining.
  Mr. COVERDELL. I ask unanimous consent the Senator from Texas be 
granted 1 minute to make her comments on this matter.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. The 
Senator from Texas.
  Ms. HUTCHISON. I agree with what the Senator from Connecticut is 
doing in laying this aside. I do think we need a process and procedure. 
I am on the Rules Committee. I will work with the Senator from Georgia 
and our leadership as well as the Democratic leadership. I would like 
to see us have a process in which all the views are represented and 
then we can go forward. And I pledge to the Senator from Connecticut my 
support.
  Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?
  Mr. President, who has time?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia controls the time.
  Mr. BAUCUS. Will the Senator yield for just 15 seconds?
  Mr. COVERDELL. I yield.
  Mr. BAUCUS. I might inform the Members there is a process. It is the 
Environment and Public Works Committee. If this bill had been referred 
to the proper committee, we would have gone through the proper process. 
That committee has jurisdiction over public buildings. We have rules as 
to naming and when not to name buildings after whom and under what 
circumstances. There is a process. One of the problems with this whole 
procedure here today is the process was skirted. The process wasn't 
used.
  Mr. President, this is a very difficult issue for me, but I am going 
to be voting against the underlying bill basically because I do not 
think we should displace George Washington, our Founding Father, with 
what we might be doing here, and a whole host of other reasons which I 
do not have time to get into.
  There is a process. We are not following it.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia has 1\1/2\ minutes 
remaining.
  Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I should like to address my remarks to 
my colleague from Connecticut. He appeared yesterday. He has been very 
facilitating to the effort. I appreciate very much what he and my 
colleague from Texas are endeavoring to do. As I said to him this 
morning, I look forward to joining with him in his attempt to 
prospectively deal with these kinds of issues in the future. I am very 
appreciative of his collegiality.
  I would say, as I have said repeatedly, that there are certain 
extraordinary conditions associated with the manner in which we are 
dealing with this issue. The former President's birthday is this 
Friday, and he is facing the most difficult battle he has faced in his 
life. And he has faced many. This is a spontaneous response to that. I 
will leave it at that. But I do want to again thank the Senator from 
Connecticut and make known that I intend to join with him in his 
efforts prospectively to deal with these sorts of matters.
  I yield back all time.
  Mr. DODD addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Connecticut.


               Amendment No. 1641, As Modified, Withdrawn

  Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I withdraw my amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, the amendment is withdrawn.


                           Amendment No. 1640

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order there will now be 4 
minutes of debate equally divided in the usual form on amendment No. 
1640 offered by the Senator from Nevada, Mr. Reid.
  The Senator from Nevada is recognized.
  Mr. REID. My friend from Connecticut indicated that any amendment 
that was offered to this bill was rejected. I have not heard that. I 
have not heard a single person come forward and speak against the 
amendment I have offered. I suggest that this amendment would not hold 
up this bill one bit; that anyone voting against this amendment is 
voting against good Government. There is not an organization in this 
country that is concerned about human rights or civil rights that wants 
J. Edgar Hoover's name on the FBI building. This is a building that 
houses officials sworn to defend and protect the Constitution of the 
United States, our civil liberties, the liberties of all Americans. No 
official in the history of this country has done more to violate the 
rights of people than J. Edgar Hoover. Consider going after Irving 
Berlin, the man who wrote God Bless America. He is one of scores of 
people I have talked about these last few days.
  I think we should honor those who work in that building by removing 
this man's name from the building. It is one of the most popular places 
to visit by visitors that come to this Nation's Capital, and they 
should not be subjected to a building with this man's name on it.
  Mr. President, Ronald Reagan stands for what is good about this 
country. J. Edgar Hoover stands for what is bad about this country. 
This small man violated the rights of hundreds, if not thousands, of 
people, famous and not so famous. He was a vindictive, petty man who 
harassed and abused untold thousands during his entire 48 years as the 
Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. We should remove the 
last segment of the McCarthy era by deleting his name from one of the 
most important buildings in this city.
  Mr. COVERDELL addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia.
  Mr. COVERDELL. First, let me say to my colleague from Nevada I 
appreciate the remarks he made about the underlying bill. We do have a 
logistical problem here in terms of--and we have

[[Page S335]]

spent the better part of the week perhaps in a less efficient manner 
than we could have, and it has robbed me of the opportunity to iron the 
way on the other side, so I regretfully will in a moment move to table 
the amendment.
  It may not be much comfort to the Senator from Nevada at this time, 
but I would welcome working with him. Obviously, there have been a 
number of assertions made about the individual to which the Senator 
from Nevada takes umbrage. It is a complex issue, and as I said I 
simply do not have time, given where we are in the week and what we are 
attempting to do, to resolve the matter in the House. So for that 
reason, Mr. President, I move to table the amendment.
  Mr. HATCH. Will the Senator withhold for just a short moment?
  Mr. COVERDELL. I withhold my motion.
  Mr. HATCH. Will the Senator yield?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia has 40 seconds 
remaining.
  Mr. COVERDELL. I yield to the Senator from Utah.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Utah is recognized.
  Mr. HATCH. I thank my colleague.
  I oppose this amendment. Yes, there are things that can be said, but 
there are many things that have been accomplished during the tenure of 
Hoover. I have to say there is a raft of FBI agents who would be very 
offended by this. And I don't think we should do it. As a matter of 
fact, if we go back through time, if you look at all the good things 
that were done and all the many accomplishments of the FBI, you have to 
conclude there was an awful lot that we have to be proud of even though 
there are some things that are certainly to be criticized and 
rightfully so.
  When the Senate takes action to honor--or discredit--men and women 
who have favorably shaped this nation, we should do so only after 
careful reflection and deliberation. We must also be careful not to 
allow the faults or excesses of an individual overshadow the 
contributions they have made to our country.
  I think we need to consider the negative effect passage of this 
amendment could have on an institution that has made a profound 
contribution to the safety and security of this nation. The FBI is 
deservedly recognized as the preeminent law enforcement agency in the 
world. And whether we care to like him or not, unlike any other 
institution in our federal government, there is one person that is 
directly responsible for the FBI's rise in prominence, J. Edgar Hoover. 
Under Hoover, the FBI was transformed from a small sleepy Washington 
office, into the major force thwarting criminal activity in this 
country.
  Hoover took over the FBI in May 1924 and placed the Bureau at the 
forefront in combating the major gangster activity of that era. The FBI 
was directly responsible for the arrest of notable gangsters such as 
John Dillinger and Baby Face Nelson. During World War II the FBI 
spearheaded efforts to uncover Nazi saboteurs and spies infiltrating 
the United States in an effort to disrupt the Allied war effort.
  In the 1950's under Hoover's leadership the Bureau was instrumental 
in the identification and arrest of Soviet Spies of the likes of Sobel 
and Abel, as well as the arrest of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. Remember 
also, that it was the Hoover FBI that cracked the infamous Brinks 
robbery in Boston, loudly touted as the ``Crime of the Century'' at 
that time.
  Among many other responsibilities, the FBI played a vital role in the 
1960's in fighting deep seated racism in the deep south. It was 
Hoover's FBI that combated threats from the Ku Klux Klan. It was this 
same FBI that investigated the infamous ``Mississippi Burning'' case 
that brought to justice those responsible for the senseless murder of 3 
civil rights workers. It was this same FBI that brought James Earl Ray 
to justice. It was also the Hoover FBI of the 1960's that conducted an 
extensive investigation into organized crime that led to the 
identification of an enormous criminal network stretching from Chicago 
to New York and Boston, and touched the lives of countless communities 
in between. Today we recognize this network as La Cosa Nostra.

  This is merely a snap shot of the considerable accomplishments made 
by the FBI under the leadership of J. Edgar Hoover. Let me remind my 
colleagues that the day after his death in 1972, Hoover's body was laid 
in State in the Rotunda of the Capitol--an honor bestowed upon only 21 
other Americans in the history of this great nation.
  In his death, despite revelations that have been made, it is 
undeniable that Hoover's legacy in building the FBI to its current 
stature continues to have a profound effect upon the safety and 
security of this nation. From the investigation and arrest of those 
responsible for the World Trade Center bombing, to the recent 
conviction of Unabomber Ted Kaczynski; from the arrest of CIA agent 
Aldrich Ames for espionage, to the investigation that resulted in the 
convictions of Timothy Macveigh and Terry Nichols for the Oklahoma City 
bombing, the FBI continues to be recognized as a vital component of law 
enforcement. Let us honor the legacy of this honorable institution, by 
continuing to give appropriate recognition to Mr. Hoover, the principal 
architect in its rise to prominence.
  In reviewing my colleague from Nevada's reasoning for this amendment, 
it is clear that he believes he is doing the right thing. I do not 
question his sincerity. But I do not think the Senate should act on 
accounts contained in a single book.
  More importantly, we are here today to honor President Reagan. I urge 
each of my colleagues to address this issue alone without being 
compelled to bring other agencies or memorials into the equation.
  So I hope our colleagues will vote against this amendment. I respect 
my good friend from Nevada, but I oppose this amendment.
  Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I move to table the amendment.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time has expired. The question is on 
agreeing to the motion to table amendment No. 1640 offered by the 
Senator from Nevada, Mr. Reid. The yeas and nays have been ordered. The 
clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk called the roll.
  Mr. NICKLES. I announce that the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Coats) is 
necessarily absent.
  Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from New York (Mr. Moynihan) is 
necessarily absent.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber 
who desire to vote?
  The result was announced--yeas 62, nays 36, as follows:

                       [Rollcall Vote No. 5 Leg.]

                                YEAS--62

     Abraham
     Allard
     Ashcroft
     Baucus
     Bennett
     Bond
     Breaux
     Brownback
     Burns
     Byrd
     Campbell
     Cochran
     Collins
     Coverdell
     Craig
     D'Amato
     DeWine
     Dodd
     Domenici
     Enzi
     Faircloth
     Frist
     Graham
     Gramm
     Grams
     Grassley
     Gregg
     Hagel
     Hatch
     Helms
     Hutchinson
     Hutchison
     Inhofe
     Jeffords
     Johnson
     Kempthorne
     Kohl
     Kyl
     Lieberman
     Lott
     Lugar
     Mack
     McCain
     McConnell
     Murkowski
     Nickles
     Roberts
     Rockefeller
     Roth
     Santorum
     Sessions
     Shelby
     Smith (NH)
     Smith (OR)
     Snowe
     Specter
     Stevens
     Thomas
     Thompson
     Thurmond
     Warner
     Wellstone

                                NAYS--36

     Akaka
     Biden
     Bingaman
     Boxer
     Bryan
     Bumpers
     Chafee
     Cleland
     Conrad
     Daschle
     Dorgan
     Durbin
     Feingold
     Feinstein
     Ford
     Glenn
     Gorton
     Harkin
     Hollings
     Inouye
     Kennedy
     Kerrey
     Kerry
     Landrieu
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Levin
     Mikulski
     Moseley-Braun
     Murray
     Reed
     Reid
     Robb
     Sarbanes
     Torricelli
     Wyden

                             NOT VOTING--2

     Coats
     Moynihan
       
  The motion to lay on the table the amendment (No. 1640) was agreed 
to.
  Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote by which the 
motion was agreed to.
  Mr. COVERDELL. I move to lay that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
  Mr. HATCH addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Utah.
  Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, may we have order?
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senate will be in order. The Senator from 
Utah is recognized.
  Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I want to compliment the manager of the 
bill for his good arguments.

[[Page S336]]

  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, we still do not have order.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Democratic leader is correct, we do not 
have order. The Senate will be in order.
  The Senator from Utah.
  Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I want to compliment the manager of the 
bill and others who voted against this amendment. I know it was 
sincerely brought, and I know that there may be some arguments that 
some could raise. But in all honesty, the FBI has been one of our most 
venerable institutions for all of these years.
  We know that the former Director deserves most of the credit for 
building it and that there are literally thousands of FBI agents who 
would have been very upset if that amendment was adopted.
  I thank all of our colleagues for having voted to table the 
amendment, and I hope that we do not do this in the future. We do not 
put names on buildings idly, and we do not do them facetiously, and we 
do not do them foolishly. Once they are there, we ought to remember the 
traditions and history and the good things that really were done. All 
of us have faults, all of us make mistakes, and all of us need to work 
out our own repentance for things that we do from time to time.
  So I thank everybody who did vote to table the amendment for having 
done so, and I think they did the right thing.
  Mr. REID addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Nevada.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to be allowed to 
speak for 2 minutes.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is 
so ordered.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, I say to my friend from Utah and others who 
voted to table this amendment that I think it was a bad vote. The fact 
of the matter is, when the name was placed on this building, J. Edgar 
Hoover's record was not clear to the American public. It was not clear 
that he conducted investigations of Irving Berlin and hundreds and 
hundreds of other people.
  I say without any qualification, there is no one this century who has 
violated the human rights and civil rights of America's citizens more 
than J. Edgar Hoover.
  I have the greatest respect for the chairman of the Judiciary 
Committee, my good friend, but on this issue, I think he is flat wrong, 
and I think we missed an opportunity to take a person's name off a 
building that should be an embarrassment and is an embarrassment to the 
people who work inside that building, as reflected in private 
conversations with an FBI agent today.


                           Amendment No. 1642

  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, there will now be 4 
minutes equally divided in the usual form on amendment No. 1642 offered 
by the Democratic leader, Mr. Daschle. The Democratic leader is 
recognized.
  Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, thank you. I had the opportunity to 
discuss this amendment last night. President Reagan stood for a lot of 
things, but I think the things for which we identify him more than 
anything else is local control, the need to ensure that at the local 
level, government is given the greatest opportunity.
  In 1987, President Reagan signed a bill into law that provided 
authority to the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority for all 
decisionmaking regarding the operation of the Washington 
National Airport. That was 11 years ago. My amendment, Mr. President, 
simply says, let's keep the spirit of Ronald Reagan alive as we pass 
this piece of legislation; let's ensure that the Metropolitan 
Washington Airports Authority, in keeping with local control, has an 
opportunity to voice its approval. That is what this amendment does.

  Mr. FORD. Mr. President, may we have order? There are pockets of 
conversation all over this Chamber, and I want my leader to be heard.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Democratic leader deserves to be heard. 
Conversations will cease or be removed from the Senate Chamber. The 
Democratic leader is recognized.
  Mr. DASCHLE. I thank my friend from Kentucky and I thank the 
Presiding Officer.
  I simply conclude, Mr. President, by saying if we are for local 
control, if we are for the spirit of what Ronald Reagan represented, 
then we all ought to be supporting this amendment. This amendment, 
again, simply says, let's give the Washington Airports Authority the 
authority given to them by President Reagan in 1987, the opportunity to 
be heard, to have a voice, to say yes. So I hope my colleagues will 
join me in the adoption of this amendment.
  Mr. REID. Will the leader yield?
  Mr. DASCHLE. Whatever time I have remaining I will be happy to yield 
to the Senator from Nevada.
  Mr. REID. Mr. President, I just say briefly to my friends on the 
other side of the aisle, I support renaming the airport after President 
Reagan, but using the logic of my friend from Utah, the chairman of the 
Judiciary Committee, he said you should not change the name of existing 
buildings. I assume that should also apply to airports. So if that 
logic is carried through, I would think everybody on the other side of 
the aisle would vote against renaming this airport for the President.
  Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I yield the manager's time to my 
distinguished colleague from Arizona.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arizona is recognized.
  Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I think we all ought to understand that if 
this amendment were accepted, it would kill our effort to rename 
Washington National Airport after President Ronald Reagan. So let's be 
very clear about the effect of this amendment.
  Second of all, again, I am intrigued by this continuous argument from 
the other side that Washington National Airport, which identifies the 
airport as servicing Washington, DC, is somehow George Washington. 
Obviously, we know that is not true.
  If we want to give local control to National Airport and the 
Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority, I strongly suggest to my 
friend, the distinguished Democratic leader, that we repeal the 
perimeter rule which is a Federal law which prevents aircraft from 
flying any further west than the far western end of the runway at 
Dallas-Fort Worth Airport, a law that was passed by former Speaker of 
the House Jim Wright who happens, as we all know, to reside there.
  So, if we are going to give truly local control, I hope the 
distinguished Democratic leader would want to remove Federal laws that 
also affect Washington National Airport which, frankly, has affected 
the lives of millions of Americans for many years in preventing them 
from going from one end of this country to the other without stopping 
in between.
  So I say to my colleagues, have no doubt about the effect of this 
amendment. It would kill our ability to do an appropriate thing and, if 
I may add as an aside, I hope we get this done pretty soon, because I 
think everybody knows how we and the majority of the American people 
feel about this issue.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to amendment No. 
1642 offered by the Democratic leader, Mr. Daschle. The yeas and nays 
have been ordered. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. NICKLES. I announce that the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Coats) is 
necessarily absent.
  Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from New York (Mr. Moynihan) is 
necessarily absent.
  The result was announced--yeas 35, nays 63, as follows:

                       [Rollcall Vote No. 6 Leg.]

                                YEAS--35

     Akaka
     Baucus
     Bingaman
     Breaux
     Bryan
     Bumpers
     Cleland
     Conrad
     Daschle
     Dorgan
     Feingold
     Ford
     Glenn
     Harkin
     Hollings
     Inouye
     Johnson
     Kennedy
     Kerrey
     Kerry
     Kohl
     Landrieu
     Lautenberg
     Leahy
     Levin
     Mikulski
     Moseley-Braun
     Murray
     Reed
     Reid
     Robb
     Sarbanes
     Torricelli
     Warner
     Wellstone

                                NAYS--63

     Abraham
     Allard
     Ashcroft
     Bennett
     Biden
     Bond
     Boxer
     Brownback
     Burns
     Byrd
     Campbell
     Chafee
     Cochran
     Collins
     Coverdell
     Craig
     D'Amato
     DeWine
     Dodd
     Domenici
     Durbin
     Enzi
     Faircloth
     Feinstein
     Frist
     Gorton
     Graham
     Gramm
     Grams
     Grassley
     Gregg
     Hagel
     Hatch
     Helms
     Hutchinson
     Hutchison

[[Page S337]]


     Inhofe
     Jeffords
     Kempthorne
     Kyl
     Lieberman
     Lott
     Lugar
     Mack
     McCain
     McConnell
     Murkowski
     Nickles
     Roberts
     Rockefeller
     Roth
     Santorum
     Sessions
     Shelby
     Smith (NH)
     Smith (OR)
     Snowe
     Specter
     Stevens
     Thomas
     Thompson
     Thurmond
     Wyden

                             NOT VOTING--2

     Coats
     Moynihan
       
  The amendment (No. 1642) was rejected.
  Mr. COVERDELL. I move to reconsider the vote.
  Mr. INOUYE. I move to lay that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
  Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, as we move into a vote on final passage, it 
still seems somehow impossible that 23 years have passed since that 
genial American--the one who had starred in movies and television, who 
early in his career had been a talented sports broadcaster, who served 
as a commissioned officer during World War II and who had served with 
distinction as Governor of California--that this remarkable man yielded 
to the urgings of thousands of his fellow Americans and tossed his hat 
in the ring for consideration as the 1976 Republican presidential 
nominee.
  But in the instance of Ronald Reagan, history proves that tempus does 
fugit. It has indeed been 23 years. Ronald Reagan has done all of the 
above, and done them well. But when he agreed to be a candidate for the 
Presidential nomination, there were few who foresaw the profound effect 
this remarkable American would have on his party, his country--and the 
entire world.
  Mr. Reagan did not, of course, win the nomination in 1976. But he did 
lay the groundwork for 1980 when delighted Republicans chose him as the 
party's standard bearer in the presidential election that year.
  He won overwhelmingly and, as Paul Harvey always says, now you know 
the rest of the story.
  Mr. President, I had known Ronald Reagan for some years when he 
announced in 1976--the year when I was in the middle of my first six 
years in the U.S. Senate. Like Mr. Reagan I had once been a registered 
Democrat--and I confess that I was stunned on that November 1992 
evening when the election returns were coming in that I had become the 
first U.S. Senator ever elected by the people of North Carolina.
  I was disappointed in 1976 when Mr. Reagan failed to win the GOP 
primary for president because it seemed clear to me then, and clear to 
millions of others, that Ronald Reagan was an eloquent and forceful 
defender of conservative values. For that reason, and because of my 
friendship with him, I became the first sitting Senator in 1976 to 
endorse Candidate Reagan for the Presidency--a fact that I shall 
forever note with pride because history is already clear that Mr. 
Reagan was the outstanding President of the 20th Century.
  There have been others who served well but it was President Ronald 
Reagan who stout-heartedly defended Thomas Jefferson's counsel that the 
least government is the best government.
  Indeed, the enormity of President Reagan's domestic achievement 
boggles the mind. Consider the unprecedented Gross National Product 
expansion and job creation after a period of failed statist economic 
policies; declining interest rates that allowed entrepreneurs to enter 
the market, bringing energy and innovation to countless industries; tax 
cuts that at long last allowed Americans to keep more of what they 
earned; a long overdue hiatus in the unchecked growth of the federal 
bureaucracy. Simply put, our economy is strong and vibrant today 
because Ronald Reagan had the courage to trust the free market.
  Ronald Reagan did all of this, yes, but the real heart of his legacy 
will forever rest upon in his courageous opposition to communism and 
totalitarianism opposition that led to the birth of freedom in Eastern 
Europe and the end of the Cold War.
  Two years before the remarkable fall of the Berlin Wall, Ronald 
Reagan traveled to Berlin, stood at the Brandenburg Gate, and 
thundered: ``As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a 
wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that 
remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.''
  In this cynical age, when so many ridicule anyone attempting to 
divine the difference between right and wrong, Ronald Reagan dared to 
believe in democracy. It was, perhaps, his old-fashioned belief in the 
goodness of America and all that it represented that led him to 
understand what so many so-called experts failed to understand: that 
the Cold War was a struggle not of military might or economic theory, 
but of the human spirit's longing to be free.

  President Reagan never lacked detractors--it seems there is no easier 
way to arouse scorn than to stand up for traditional values--but even 
his most vociferous opponents stood in awe of his amazing rhetorical 
gifts. They called him the ``Great Communicator.'' But President 
Reagan--with his typical humility--rejected the moniker. In his 
farewell address to the Nation, delivered on January 11, 1989, he said:


       I never thought it was my style or the words I used that 
     made a difference: it was the content. I wasn't a great 
     communicator, but I communicated great things, and they 
     didn't spring full bloom from my brow, they came from the 
     heart of a great nation--from our experience our wisdom, and 
     our belief in the principles that have guided us for two 
     centuries. They called it the Reagan revolution. And I'll 
     accept that, but for me it always seemed more like the great 
     rediscovery, a rediscovery of our values and our common 
     sense.

  Indeed, the Reagan years were a reclamation of traditional 
principles. And all Americans owe Ronald Reagan a great debt, one that 
the simple renaming of an airport doesn't begin to repay. But this does 
not lessen the importance that the name of Ronald Reagan be enshrined 
in national institutions.
  In the same farewell address to which I referred a moment ago, 
President Reagan issued a warning for those who would forget history. 
``If we forget what we did,'' he said, ``we won't know who we are.'' He 
spoke of an ``eradication * * * of the American memory that could 
result, ultimately, in an erosion of the American spirit.''
  This Friday, Ronald Reagan will be 87 years old. All of us are 
saddened by his illness, but we are inspired by the gracious manner in 
which he and his family have faced it. And while he is still with us, 
we should heed his admonishment to remember the values he stood for, 
the President he was, and the man that he is.
  Today, our classrooms and our universities are a battlefield of 
revisionist history and sometimes venomous ideology. But long after 
today's petty scholastic disputes lie forgotten in the pages of some 
academic journal, the Washington Monument, and the Jefferson and 
Lincoln Memorials, and other national shrines will continue to stand in 
tribute to achievements of great Americans.
  Ronald Reagan richly deserves to be remembered for his achievements 
just as earlier great American patriots are remembered. I am proud to 
support the Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport, and I hope that 
Americans will accept this gesture of deep and genuine appreciation.
  Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, I support this legislation. I disagreed 
with President Reagan on many issues, but I believe this proposal is an 
appropriate honor for a distinguished former President. I also support 
it because of the many personal kindnesses that President Reagan and 
his family have shown to the Kennedy family over the years.
  In particular, I remember two extraordinary occasions. On a wonderful 
morning in the Rose Garden in June of 1981, President Reagan presented 
a Gold Medal authorized by Congress and honoring Robert Kennedy to our 
family, and he spoke about my brother. Four years later, on a 
magnificant evening in June of 1985, President came to my home in 
McLean, Virginia and spoke about President Kennedy. These are two of 
the finest tributes that anyone has ever given to my brothers. I 
believe our colleagues will find these tributes of interest, and I ask 
unanimous consent that they be printed in the Record.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

Remarks of President Ronald Reagan on Presenting the Robert F. Kennedy 
               Medal to Mrs. Ethel Kennedy, June 5, 1981

       The President. Mrs. Kennedy, the Congress has authorized 
     the presentation of a medal

[[Page S338]]

     for you in recognition of the distinguished and dedicated 
     service which your husband, Robert Kennedy, gave to the 
     government and to the people of the United States.
       Robert Kennedy's service to his country, his commitment to 
     his great ideals, and his devotion to those less fortunate 
     than him self are matters now for history and need little 
     explanation from me. The facts of Robert Kennedy's public 
     career stand alone. He roused the comfortable. He exposed the 
     corrupt, remembered the forgotten, inspired his countrymen, 
     and renewed and enriched the American conscience.
       Those of us who our philosophical disagreements with him 
     always appreciated his wit and his personal grace. And may I 
     say I remember very vividly those last days of the California 
     primary and the closeness that had developed in our views 
     about the growing size and unresponsiveness of government and 
     our political institutions. Among the last words he spoke to 
     this Nation that night in Los Angeles were, ``What I think is 
     quite clear is that we can work together in the last 
     analysis, and that is what has been going on within the 
     United States--the division, the violence, the disenchantment 
     with our society; the divisions, whether it's between blacks 
     and whites, between poor and more affluent, or between age 
     groups or on the war in Vietnam--is that we can start to work 
     together. We are a great country, an unselfish country, and 
     compassionate country.''
       Obviously, many of you here knew him better than most. You 
     knew him as husband, as brother, as father, and uncle. He 
     wrote to his son, Joseph, on the day of President Kennedy's 
     death, ``Remember all the things that Jack started. Be kind 
     to others that are less fortunate than we and love our 
     country.'' And it is in the final triumph of Robert Kennedy 
     that he used his personal gifts to bring this message of hope 
     and love to the country, to millions of Americans who 
     supported and believed in him. ``Come my friends,'' he liked 
     to quote the Tennyson lines, ``it's not too late to seek a 
     newer world.'' And this is how we should remember him, beyond 
     the distinguished public service or our own sadness that he 
     is gone.
       His friend, composer John Stuart, said about him what he 
     said about the first fallen Kennedy and about us: that when a 
     chill wind takes the sky, we should remember the years he 
     gave us hope, for they can never die.
                                                                    ____


 Remarks of President Ronald Reagan at a Fundraising Reception for the 
            John F. Kennedy Library Foundation June 24, 1985

       I was very pleased a few months ago when Caroline and John 
     came to see me and to ask for our support in helping the 
     library. I thought afterwards what fine young people they are 
     and what a fine testament they are to their mother and 
     father.
       It was obvious to me that they care deeply about their 
     father and his memory. But I was also struck by how much they 
     care about history. They felt strongly that all of us must 
     take care to preserve it, protect it, and hand it
       They're right, of course. History has its claims, and 
     there's nothing so invigorating as the truth. In this case, a 
     good deal of truth resides in a strikingly sculpted library 
     that contains the accumulated documents, recollections, 
     diaries, and oral histories of the New Frontier. But I must 
     confess that ever since Caroline and John came by, I've found 
     myself thinking not so much about the John F. Kennedy Library 
     as about the man himself and what his life meant to our 
     country and our times, particularly to the history of this 
     century.
       It always seemed to me that he was a man of the most 
     interesting contradictions, very American contradictions. We 
     know from his many friends and colleagues, we know in part 
     from the testimony available at the library, that he was 
     self-deprecating yet proud, ironic yet easily moved, highly 
     literary yet utterly at home with the common speech of the 
     ordinary man. He was a writer who could expound with ease on 
     the moral forces that shaped John Calhoun's political 
     philosophy. On the other hand, he possessed a most delicate 
     and refined appreciation for Boston's political wards and the 
     characters who inhabited it. He could cuss a blue streak--but 
     then, he'd been a sailor.
       He loved history and approached it as both romantic and 
     realist. He could quote Stephen Vincent Benet on General 
     Lee's army: ``The aide de camp knew certain lines of Greek 
     and other such unnecessary things that are good for peace, 
     but are not deemed so serviceable for war.* * *''
       And he could sum up a current statesman with an earthy 
     epithet that would leave his audience weak with laughter. One 
     sensed that he loved mankind as it was, in spite of itself, 
     and that he had little patience with those who could perfect 
     what was not really meant to be perfect.
       As a leader, as a President, he seemed to have a good, 
     hard, unillusioned understanding of man and his political 
     choices. He had written a book as a very young man about why 
     the world slept as Hitler marched on. And he understood the 
     tension between good and evil in the history of man; 
     understood, indeed, that much of the history of man can be 
     seen in the constant working out of that tension. He knew 
     that the United States had adversaries, real adversaries, and 
     they weren't about to be put off by soft reason and good 
     intentions. He tried always to be strong with them and 
     shrewd. He wanted our defense system to be unsurpassed. He 
     cared that his country could be safe.
       He was a patriot who summoned patriotism from the heart of 
     a sated country. It is a matter of pride to me that so many 
     men and women who were inspired by his bracing vision and 
     moved by his call to ``ask not,'' serve now in the White 
     House doing the business of government. Which is not to say I 
     supported John Kennedy when he ran for President; I didn't. I 
     was for the other fellow. But you know, it's true, when the 
     battle's over and the ground is cooled, well, it's then that 
     you see the opposing general's valor.
       He would have understood. He was fiercely, happily 
     partisan. And his political fights were tough--no quarter 
     asked, none given. But he gave as good as he got. And you 
     could see that he loved the battle.
       Everything we saw him do seemed to betray a huge enjoyment 
     of life. He seemed to grasp from the beginning that life is 
     one fast-moving train, and you have to jump aboard and hold 
     on to your hat and relish the sweep of the wind as it rushes 
     by. You have to enjoy the journey; it's unthankful not to.
       I think that's how his country remembers him, in his joy--
     and it was a joy he knew how to communicate. He knew that 
     life is rich with possibilities, and he believed in 
     opportunity, growth and action.
       And when he died, when the comet disappeared over the 
     continent, a whole nation grieved and would not forget. A 
     tailor in New York put up a sign on the door: ``Closed 
     because of a death in the family.'' The sadness was not 
     confined to us. ``They cried the rain down that night,'' said 
     a journalist in Europe. They put his picture up in huts in 
     Brazil and tents in the Congo, in offices in Dublin and 
     Warsaw. That was some of what he did for his country, for 
     when they honored him they were honoring someone essentially, 
     quintessentially, completely American. When they honored John 
     Kennedy, they honored the Nation whose virtues, genius, and 
     contradictions he so fully reflected.
       Many men are great, but few capture the imagination and the 
     spirit of the times. The ones who do are unforgettable. Four 
     administrations have passed since John Kennedy's death; five 
     Presidents have occupied the Oval Office, and I feel sure 
     that each of them thought of John Kennedy now and then and 
     his thousand days in the White House.
       And sometimes I want to say to those who are still in 
     school and who sometimes think the history is a dry thing 
     that lives in a book: Nothing is ever lost in that great 
     house; some music plays on.
       I've even been told that late at night when the clouds are 
     still and the Moon is high, you can just about hear the sound 
     of certain memories brushing by. You can almost hear, if you 
     listen close, the whir of a wheelchair rolling by and the 
     sound of a voice calling out, ``And another thing, Eleanor!'' 
     Turn down a hall and you hear the brisk strut of a fellow 
     saying, ``Bully! Absolutely ripping!'' Walk softly, now, and 
     you're drawn to the soft notes of a piano and a brilliant 
     gathering in the East Room when a crowd surrounds a bright 
     young President who is full of hope and laughter.
       I don't know if this is true, but it's a story I've been 
     told. And it's not a bad one because it reminds us that 
     history is a living thing that never dies. A life given in 
     service to one's country is a living thing that never dies--a 
     life given in service, yes.
       History is not only made by people; it is people. And so, 
     history is, as young John Kennedy demonstrated, as heroic as 
     you want it to be, as heroic as you are.
       And that's where I'll end my remarks on this lovely 
     evening, except to add that I know the John F. Kennedy 
     Library is the only Presidential library without a full 
     endowment. Nancy and I salute you, Caroline and John, in your 
     efforts to permanently endow the library. You have our 
     support and admiration for what you're doing.
       Thank you, and God bless you all.
  Mr. MURKOWSKI. Mr. President, I rise in strong support of this bill 
to rename the Washington National Airport ``Ronald Reagan National 
Airport.''
  I am disappointed in the partisanship and delay tactics involved in 
stalling this legislation. Personally, I can think of no more fitting 
tribute to our 40th President then renaming the main airport facility 
for visitors to our nation's capital.
  During his eight years in as President, Ronald Reagan stood as a 
President of principle, integrity and optimism. He took America at a 
time of great disillusionment--gasoline shortages, hyper-Inflation and 
American diplomats held hostage abroad--and transformed our spirit 
through vision and leadership
  President Reagan showed America that leadership is not making 
promises, it's keeping promises.
  Ronald Reagan promised us a better future and he delivered. His 
message was simple: America can be better. His charm, wit and eloquence 
combined to communicate exactly the message that Americans needed to 
hear. And the nation reacted:
  Interest rates, inflation and unemployment fell faster under 
President Reagan than they did immediately before or after his 
Presidency;
  The nation experienced a 31% increase in real, inflation-adjusted 
gross national product;

[[Page S339]]

  Exports increased 92.6% and manufacturing increased by 48%;
  Median family income grew every year during his Presidency for an 
increase of nearly $4000, after years of zero-growth in pre-Reagan 
years;
  In short, during the Reagan era, economic growth was stronger, job 
creation was faster, incomes were higher and productivity was 
healthier.

  President Reagan's accomplishments were achieved because he believed 
that a healthy economy should create opportunities and reward 
responsibility and work. In his first inaugural address he told us:

       It is not my intention to do away with government. It is 
     rather to make it work work with us, not over us; stand by 
     our side, not ride on our back. Government can and must 
     provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity, not 
     stifle it.

  Some people believe that President Reagan's greatest legacy was the 
restoration of pride and optimism in America. He made us believe in 
ourselves and told us: ``There are no such things as limits to growth, 
because there are no limits on the human capacity for intelligence, 
imagination and wonder.''
  Americans reawakened to themselves as a great people with a great 
future. A notable Democrat, our former colleague, Majority Leader 
George Mitchell said, ``Like President Roosevelt, President Reagan 
possesses a legendary ability to inspire in Americans pride in their 
nation and faith in its future.''
  And, perhaps, our colleague Senator Ted Kennedy said it best in a 
quote from the Boston Globe in 1989: ``He (Reagan) has restored the 
public's confidence in the presidency. For that alone, he deserves our 
appreciation.''
  Not only did President Reagan restore our sense of purpose and 
meaning as a great country, but it was because of his vision and 
commitment to freedom and democracy that today there is no longer a 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. There is today, no longer a Berlin 
Wall.
  These two seminal events of the 20th century are a direct result of 
the policies of President Reagan. Our children and grandchildren will 
know a level of security and peace well into the next century because 
President Reagan understood that peace can only be achieved and 
maintained when we provide the full measure of resources to our men and 
women in the military who stand guard to protect liberty 24 hours a 
day, seven days a week, 365 days a year.
  Mr. President, I ask my fellow colleagues to help demonstrate to 
President Reagan that appreciation. I ask my colleagues to help me in 
passing S. 1575.
  Mr. LAUTENBERG. Mr. President, I would like to voice my opposition to 
this bill.
  Mr. President, I certainly have respect for our former President, 
Ronald Reagan. I served in the Senate during his two terms as President 
and we worked together on many pieces of legislation. One of my 
proudest achievements was the passage of the national minimum drinking 
age bill that established a national drinking age of 21.
  That law, which President Reagan proudly signed, is credited with 
saving nearly 1,000 young lives each year. I am thankful to President 
Reagan for being a part of that fight. While I did not agree with him 
on a number of other issues, I do respect him and believe his legacy is 
a powerful one.
  However, Mr. President, Washington National Airport in Alexandria, is 
already named after a great American--George Washington, our first 
president. George Washington's role in our nation's history and in this 
area's history is rich and well documented.
  George Washington, the father of our country, the man who led our 
troops against the powerful British army, the man who chaired the 
Constitutional Convention, the man who lived a short 15 miles away at 
Mount Vernon in Virginia, certainly does not deserve to have his name 
stripped from the airport, and replaced by another, which this bill 
would effectively do. If this legislation passes, most people will 
refer to it as Ronald Reagan airport, and President Washington's name 
will rarely be associated with this facility again.
  Mr. President, a short time ago, Congress named the second largest 
federal office building in the nation--second to the Pentagon--after 
Ronald Reagan.
  Naming the Federal Triangle Project in downtown Washington the Ronald 
Reagan Building and International Trade Center is a fitting tribute to 
President Reagan, who signed the authorization for that project into 
law, and who believed strongly in free trade. In the wake of honoring 
President Reagan with that naming, this bill is not necessary.
  Mr. President, I have other concerns with this legislation, and I 
believe that those issues would also concern President Reagan.
  There is a serious question as to whether it is appropriate for 
Congress to change the name of Washington National Airport. The bill 
would impose Congress's will upon the local authorities by forcing them 
to change the airport's name. This would be done with no input from the 
local communities. No hearings. No votes. No discussion. No opportunity 
for public comment. Simply put, the airport authority must adopt the 
name as determined by Congress, the federal government. This clear 
mandate from the federal government, imposed on the local communities, 
is precisely what President Reagan would object to.
  His legacy is clear on this matter. We should not offend that legacy 
in an attempt to honor the man himself.
  I am not ruling out any legislation with respect to this issue, but 
the underlying bill will have to be improved before I will vote for it.
  Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I rise today in strong support of this 
bill designating Washington National airport as the ``Ronald Reagan 
National Airport.'' Mr. President, I am honored to participate in 
renaming this airport after such a distinguished American.
  Ronald Reagan presided over an era of tumultuous change and great 
challenge. His policies helped reverse stagflation and high interest 
rates, and unleashed the longest economic recovery in recent history.
  His courage extended freedom around the world. Ronald Reagan knew 
that weakness is provocative. He not only restored America's military 
strength, but challenged the tyrants who would shed American blood and 
deny freedom to others. He confronted terrorists boldly and 
decisively--with or without the assistance of other nations. He defied 
conventional wisdom to challenge Mr. Gorbachev to ``tear down [this] 
wall.'' And the wall fell. He demonstrated that America would stand 
strong--even when she stood alone.
  But perhaps most importantly, Ronald Reagan helped restore faith in 
the American dream. When Reagan took office, America, is was said, was 
suffering from ``malaise.'' Reagan reaffirmed the vision of a ``shining 
city on a hill.'' He spoke to the hopes and dreams of ordinary citizens 
for opportunity, achievement, and growth. He helped dispel the public 
cynicism that had darkened politics for years, and celebrating the 
dawning of ``morning in America.''
  President, Franklin Delano Roosevelt once said that ``the presidency 
is pre-eminently a place of moral leadership.'' It was in this area 
that Reagan's leadership was the most significant. Reagan was always 
more simple than subtle. The American people knew where he stood, and 
what he stood for. In times of economic or international crisis, 
Americans knew that Reagan's word was true, and that his resolve would 
not waver.
  It is for these reasons that I offer my support for S. 1575, to honor 
a man who honored America.
  Mr. ALLARD. Mr. President, I rise today to add my vocal support to S. 
1575, the bill to rename Washington National Airport the ``Ronald 
Reagan Washington National Airport.''
  Last year, I was the first co-sponsor of this measure. At the time, I 
thought I had just beat the rush, and that I would be merely the first 
of a long list of co-sponsors. I though that surely, if every Member of 
this chamber was aware of the debt they and their country owe to Ronald 
Reagan, this bill would have 99 co-sponsors.
  Instead, I was surprised that only 35 others have co-sponsored 
Senator Coverdell's bill. I was surprised when I learned that this bill 
is encountering serious opposition. And I will be more than surprised 
if this bill does not pass. I will be shocked and I will be saddened. 
It is not often we are able to consider a bill so simple and so right 
as this one.

[[Page S340]]

  Ronald Reagan can truthfully be called one of the greatest living 
Americans. President Reagan's most important contribution to his 
country was the leadership he provided during the West's long struggle 
with totalitarian communism. When he called the Soviet Union an `evil 
empire' media pundits scorned him. Today, we all know that he was 
right. But President Reagan provided far more than rhetoric in the 
struggle against communism. In 1980, America was dangerously weak and 
demoralized. President Reagan understood this and he directed the 
strengthening of all aspects of our military, coordinating our efforts 
with other members of the Western alliance.
  From the point when Ronald Reagan entered the White House, no 
additional territory fell to the Communists. From that point forward 
the tide began to turn. On all fronts, the Reagan administration backed 
the forces of freedom. Reagan supported Solidarity in Poland, he backed 
the freedom fighters in Afghanistan, Grenada was liberated, and he 
helped democratic struggles throughout Latin America. The Soviet Union 
was everywhere confronted by a Western alliance that had finally 
awakened to the dangers of appeasement. The alliance was greatly 
strengthened by the friendship and support of President Reagan's close 
friend and ally, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Together 
they thwarted Communism and made the Kremlin and its puppet states 
aware that the free world intended to remain free. The West won the 
cold war, and Ronald Reagan deserves much of the credit.

  President Reagan's second great triumph was his economic plan. He was 
the first modern President to directly challenge the notion that more 
government was good. In his view, Government does not solve problems, 
it subsidizes them. While this view is widely held today, it was 
ridiculed throughout the 1960's and 1970's. During those years, Reagan 
was nearly alone in his struggle against the endless growth of 
government. But he never altered his message. Unlike other politicians, 
he stood firm, and gradually the country moved his way. He stopped the 
slow socialist slide of our Nation, and instead implemented policies 
that provided the catalyst for the unparalleled financial and economic 
security and freedom we now enjoy.
  The Reagan program of lower taxes and less regulation was a 
tremendous success. In the early Reagan years all income taxes were cut 
across-the-board by 25 percent. The decade to follow witnessed the 
longest peacetime economic expansion in the history of our Nation. All 
income groups experienced significant income gains from 1980 to 1989. 
Twenty million new jobs were created, and the vast majority were high-
paying professional, production, and technical jobs.
  In the late 1970's inflation was as high as 18 percent, and interest 
rates rose to 21 percent. The Reagan economic program brought both of 
these down dramatically. The 1970's malaise brought on by high 
inflation, skyrocketing interest rates, high unemployment, and high 
taxes was replaced by an economy that fostered opportunity, growth, and 
optimism.
  President Reagan rallied our Nation. He reminded each of us of our 
proud history and heritage. He was never afraid to proclaim his love 
for America. Most important, he stood up for what he believed. He knew 
the importance of strength and resolve. The result was the most 
successful Presidency in decades. As Reagan himself reminded us:

       History comes and goes, but principles endure and inspire 
     future generations to defend liberty, not as a gift from 
     government, but as a blessing from our creator.

  I know that the Federal Triangle building will be opening soon. I 
know that it is named after Reagan. But Ronald Reagan was a man of the 
people, not of bureaucrats. When he was called ``The Great 
Communicator'' it was not because of his skill with memos or inter-
office correspondence. It was because of his ability to speak with, and 
for, the average American. Some good can come of the irony in naming 
the second largest and by far the most expensive federal building in 
America after Ronald Reagan. We can let the name of the Ronald Reagan 
building stand as a direct counter to the waste and excess involved in 
its building. It will also be a constant reminder to the civil service 
workers inside of President Reagan's belief in a small, responsible and 
effective government.
  But again, Reagan was not a man who loved big government. He should 
not be memorialized solely by a big government building. The Ronald 
Reagan Washington National Airport--an airport that is used by our 
government, but more importantly, by our people, and by the free people 
of the world--should stand as the monument to the Great American 
President.
  President Reagan's 87 Birthday is Friday. We need to approve this 
bill, and present him with a small but well deserved gift from the 
country he so ably served.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, I will not support the legislation to 
rename the Washington National Airport. This is not legislation to name 
an unnamed airport or a new airport. Washington National Airport 
already has an appropriate name and has had that name since it opened 
in 1941.
  We should have a normal and systematic process for the naming of 
buildings, bridges, monuments, airports and other public facilities. 
The names of these landmarks should not bounce around from name to name 
in response to current events. Such decisions should be made in a non-
political and careful manner weighing the many factors which come into 
play, including the concerns of local governments and authorities.
  There are many past Presidents, admired by millions of Americans, and 
others around the world, including Harry S Truman who have no monument 
in Washington, D.C.
  We have already, quite appropriately, recognized the accomplishments 
of President Ronald Reagan in several appropriate ways, including the 
new federal Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center at 
Federal Triangle (which is the largest building in D.C.) and the Navy's 
newest Nimitz-class aircraft carrier.
  The Washington Post, in an editorial this past Saturday titled 
``Don't Rename Washington National'' stated, ``It is a bad proposal on 
many counts, all of them going well beyond any public wishes to honor 
the former president.''
  Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Washington Post 
editorial be printed in its entirety immediately following my 
statement.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. (See 
exhbit 1.)
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, for all these reasons and others, I cannot 
support this legislation to precipitously strip Washington National 
Airport of the name it has borne for more than half a century.

                               Exhibit 1

                [From the Washington Post, Feb. 1, 1998]

                    Don't Rename Washington National

       With alarming speed and little serious thought, members of 
     the House and Senate are pushing a bill to strip Washington 
     National Airport of its time-honored name and call it instead 
     Ronald Reagan National Airport. It is a bad proposal on many 
     counts, all of them going well beyond any public wishes to 
     honor the former president. As it happens, this capital city 
     already has honored Mr. Reagan in a most impressive way, 
     naming a major new, heart-of-downtown federal office building 
     after him. As it also happens, the name Washington National 
     honors this country's first president, who lived just down 
     the road a bit from the airport site. In addition, the name 
     Washington National clearly identifies the airport's location 
     and market--an important aid to travelers and shippers all 
     over the world.
       There is yet another solid reason to drop the proposal. 
     Former Virginia governor Linwood Holton, the first Republican 
     to hold statewide office in the Old Dominion since 
     Reconstruction and former head of the Washington Airports 
     Authority, cites the history, intent and spirit of 
     congressional legislation signed in 1986 by President Reagan. 
     That act transferred Washington National and Dulles 
     International to the regional authority, granting it control 
     and oversight of the two airports. Gov. Holton notes that the 
     purpose of the transfer, ``as recited in the lease itself, 
     was to achieve `local control, management, operation and 
     development' of the airports. I am very concerned that after 
     ten years of this lease arrangement, the Congress now 
     proposes to take unilateral action to change the name.''
       Mr. Holton notes that in the past, any changes in the lease 
     at the request of Congress were done with agreement to secure 
     the consent of the regional authority. And in this instance, 
     the local governments involved oppose the change--not for any 
     partisan or political reasons but because of the name 
     recognition that Washington National Airport conveys in the 
     travel and commercial industries, as well as the costs that

[[Page S341]]

     would have to be borne by businesses in and around the 
     airport (changing signs, business forms and promotional 
     materials, for example).
       Yet the renaming proposal is being rushed along without 
     proper hearings in an attempt to make it law in time for Mr. 
     Reagan's birthday next week. Thoughtful members of Congress 
     should consider the negative effects of this measure. There 
     are many ways to salute Ronald Reagan--as has been done here 
     already--but stripping Washington National of its name and 
     history is not an appropriate way. There is no insult 
     attached to voting no; on the contrary, this is the 
     respectful and proper way to redirect and continue any 
     movement to honor President Reagan here or elsewhere in the 
     country.

  Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, earlier today this body passed legislation 
to rename Washington National Airport to the Ronald Reagan National 
Airport. I rise today to express my opposition to that legislation. My 
opposition is in no way meant to dishonor President Reagan. Recently, 
we have named the nation's second largest federal building after 
President Reagan and have named a Nimitz-class aircraft carrier after 
him as well. Clearly, Ronald Reagan accomplished a great deal during 
his Presidency, and he deserves to be recognized for that contribution 
to our country.
  However, I do not believe that we should seek to honor President 
Reagan by diminishing the honor that we have bestowed upon President 
George Washington when we named the Washington National Airport--truly 
one of our nation's greatest founding fathers. Mr. President, I 
recently finished reading a biography of George Washington. I recommend 
everyone in this body do so also. It is important to remember and 
recognize the many contributions that he made to this country. For it 
is largely through his efforts that the United States is a world leader 
in every sense of the word.
  Because of his leadership, the thirteen individual colonies united to 
become the United States--a sovereign, independent nation.
  After the Revolutionary War, George Washington took a lead role in 
crafting our constitution and in the campaign for its ratification. The 
success of Washington's campaign was assured by 1797, at the end of his 
second presidential term, and his legacy continues to be the basis of 
law today.
  President Washington acted with Congress to establish the first great 
executive departments and to lay the foundations of the modern federal 
judiciary. He directed the creation of a diplomatic service. Three 
presidential and five congressional elections carried the new 
government, under the Constitution, through its initial trials.
  His policies procured adequate revenue for the national government 
and supplied the country with a sound currency, a well-supported public 
credit, and an efficient network of national banks.
  Above all, he conferred on the presidency a prestige so great that 
political leaders afterward esteemed it the highest distinction to 
occupy the chair he had honored. His work and leadership as President 
is a benchmark by which we should measure all those who serve in that 
high office.
  Most of the work that engaged Washington had to be achieved through 
people. President Washington found that success depended on their 
cooperation and that they would do best if they had faith in causes and 
leaders. To gain and hold their approval were among his foremost 
objectives. He thought of people, in the main, as right-minded and 
dependable, and he believed that a leader should make the best of their 
good qualities.
  As a national leader he upheld the right of everyone to freedom of 
worship and equality before the law, condemning all forms of bigotry, 
intolerance, discrimination, and persecution.
  Throughout his public life, Washington contended with obstacles and 
difficulties. His courage and resolution steadied him in danger, just 
as defeat steeled his will. His devotion to his country and his faith 
in its cause sustained him. Averse to harsh measures, he was generous 
in victory. ``His integrity,'' wrote Thomas Jefferson, ``was the most 
pure, his justice the most inflexible I have ever known. He was, 
indeed, in every sense of the word, a wise, a good, and a great man.''
  Therefore, Mr. President, despite the respect and admiration I have 
for President Reagan, I cannot in good conscience support a bill which 
will diminish the great contributions President George Washington has 
made to our nation.
  I yield the floor, Mr. President.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the question is on 
the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
  The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, and was 
read the third time.
  Mr. COVERDELL addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia.
  Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, needless to say, I think we are all 
grateful to be at this moment.
  I ask for the yeas and nays on final passage.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second? There is a 
sufficient second.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill having been read the third time, the 
question is, Shall the bill, S. 1575, pass? The yeas and nays have been 
ordered. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. NICKLES. I announce that the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Coats). is 
necessarily absent.
  Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from New York (Mr. Moynihan). 
is necessarily absent.
  The result was announced--yeas 76, nays 22, as follows:

                       [Rollcall Vote No. 7 Leg.]

                                YEAS--76

     Abraham
     Allard
     Ashcroft
     Bennett
     Biden
     Bond
     Boxer
     Breaux
     Brownback
     Bryan
     Burns
     Byrd
     Campbell
     Chafee
     Cochran
     Collins
     Coverdell
     Craig
     D'Amato
     DeWine
     Dodd
     Domenici
     Durbin
     Enzi
     Faircloth
     Feingold
     Feinstein
     Frist
     Gorton
     Graham
     Gramm
     Grams
     Grassley
     Gregg
     Hagel
     Hatch
     Helms
     Hutchinson
     Hutchison
     Inhofe
     Jeffords
     Kempthorne
     Kennedy
     Kerrey
     Kerry
     Kohl
     Kyl
     Landrieu
     Leahy
     Lieberman
     Lott
     Lugar
     Mack
     McCain
     McConnell
     Mikulski
     Murkowski
     Murray
     Nickles
     Reid
     Roberts
     Rockefeller
     Roth
     Santorum
     Sessions
     Shelby
     Smith (NH)
     Smith (OR)
     Snowe
     Specter
     Stevens
     Thomas
     Thompson
     Thurmond
     Warner
     Wyden

                                NAYS--22

     Akaka
     Baucus
     Bingaman
     Bumpers
     Cleland
     Conrad
     Daschle
     Dorgan
     Ford
     Glenn
     Harkin
     Hollings
     Inouye
     Johnson
     Lautenberg
     Levin
     Moseley-Braun
     Reed
     Robb
     Sarbanes
     Torricelli
     Wellstone

                             NOT VOTING--2

     Coats
     Moynihan
       
  The bill (S. 1575) was passed, as follows:

                                S. 1575

       Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
     the United States of America in Congress assembled,

     SECTION 1. REDESIGNATION.

       The airport described in the Act entitled ``An Act to 
     provide for the administration of the Washington National 
     Airport, and for other purposes'', approved June 29, 1940 (54 
     Stat. 686), and known as the Washington National Airport, 
     shall be known and designated as the ``Ronald Reagan 
     Washington National Airport''.

     SEC. 2. REFERENCES.

       (a) In General.--
       (1) The following provisions of law are amended by striking 
     ``Washington National Airport'' each place it appears and 
     inserting ``Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport'':
       (A) Subsection (b) of the first section of the Act of June 
     29, 1940 (54 Stat. 686, chapter 444).
       (B) Sections 106 and 107 of the Act of October 31, 1945 (59 
     Stat. 553, chapter 443).
       (C) Section 41714 of title 49, United States Code.
       (D) Chapter 491 of title 49, United States Code.
       (2) Section 41714(d) of title 49, United States Code, is 
     amended in the subsection heading by striking ``Washington 
     National Airport'' and inserting ``Ronald Reagan Washington 
     National Airport''.
       (b) Other References.--Any reference in a law, map, 
     regulation, document, paper, or other record of the United 
     States to the Washington National Airport shall be deemed to 
     be a reference to the ``Ronald Reagan Washington National 
     Airport''.
  Mr. COVERDELL. I move to reconsider the vote.
  Mr. SANTORUM. I move to lay that motion on the table.
  The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.

[[Page S342]]

  Mr. COVERDELL addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Roberts). The Senator from Georgia.
  Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I thank the Senate and our cosponsors. 
I want to reiterate my gladness that this has been a spontaneous effort 
on the part of the U.S. Senate to respond to a great American 
President.
  Throughout the debate it was questioned from time to time, what was 
the position of the Reagan family? There was not a position. This is a 
gesture from a people and grateful nation and a grateful Senate. And I 
thank my colleagues, those who disagree, for the collegiality in which 
this matter was resolved.

  I yield the floor.
  Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I want to congratulate and express my 
appreciation to the Senator from Georgia for the leadership he has 
exhibited here. He kept calm and he got the job done. I think it was 
the right thing to do, and I am very proud that the Senate, in a very 
broad, bipartisan vote, voted to name this airport after former 
President Reagan. I had the opportunity to talk to a couple of 
colleagues here in the well as we were voting --Democrats who came up 
and remembered acts of kindnesses they had experienced from former 
President Reagan, and they voted for the legislation.
  I know some had reservations or misgivings, but I think it was the 
right thing to do and it was the right time to do it. I thank the 
Senator for his efforts; he did an excellent job. I thank one and all 
for their cooperation.
  Mr. BYRD addressed the Chair.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from West Virginia is recognized.

                          ____________________