[Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 6 (Wednesday, February 4, 1998)]
[Senate]
[Pages S332-S342]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
RONALD REAGAN WASHINGTON NATIONAL AIRPORT
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the Senate will now
resume consideration of S. 1575, which the clerk will report.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
A bill (S. 1575) to rename the Washington National Airport
located in the District of Columbia and Virginia as the
``Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport.''
The Senate resumed consideration of the bill.
Pending:
Reid Amendment No. 1640, to redesignate the J. Edgar Hoover
FBI Building in Washington, District of Columbia, as the
``Federal Bureau of Investigation Building''.
Dodd Amendment No. 1641, to establish a Federal Facilities
Redesignation Advisory Group to consider and make
recommendations for the renaming of existing Federal
facilities.
Daschle Amendment No. 1642, to require the approval by the
Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority of the renaming of
Washington National Airport as the Ronald Reagan National
Airport.
Robb Amendment No. 1643, to provide an orderly process for
the renaming of existing Federal facilities.
Amendment No. 1643
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, there will be 4
minutes equally divided in the usual form on amendment No. 1643 offered
by the Senator from Virginia, (Mr. Robb).
Mr. COVERDELL addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia, (Mr. Coverdell), is
recognized.
Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I rise in opposition to the amendment.
My remarks were made last night. In essence, the amendment by my
distinguished colleague from Virginia vitiates or makes moot the entire
effort of the bill. His amendment has the effect of nullifying what we
have been endeavoring to do throughout the week.
I might take another second to say that several of these amendments
that have been offered--and I see the Senator from Nevada here--have
considerable merit and substance. The problem is that we have used the
week in a very inefficient way. I have been up very late last evening
and early this morning endeavoring to resolve this matter and deal with
some of these amendments that don't nullify the legislation, but there
is not time now to deal with this effectively with the House and meet
the attempt to have this occur on the President's birthday. So the week
has cost us the ability to resolve some of the other issues. In any
event, I would have been opposed to the amendment offered by the good
Senator from Virginia.
I yield the floor.
Mr. ROBB addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Virginia, Mr. Robb, is
recognized.
Mr. ROBB. Mr. President, I suggest that the lack of time is part of
the problem that we are dealing with here, as just alluded to by the
distinguished Senator from Georgia. This is not the right way to do
what we propose to do, even if that is our objective.
This amendment, crafted by the minority leader's office, would simply
provide a procedure whereby there would be input from the local
jurisdictions. The problem right now is that this bill was introduced,
held at the desk, and there were no committee hearings, no committee
votes, no public hearings on the matter. We have heard from countless
people who have a local interest. Those jurisdictions--Alexandria,
Arlington, Washington Metropolitan Airports Authority, Greater
Washington Board of Trade--are against it. Normally, even in judgeships
we give the local Senators input on whether the judge who would be
sitting in their particular jurisdiction ought to go forward without
some additional debate. You do not have the support of either of the
local Senators or the local Members of Congress on this. I normally
don't suggest this is scientific or pay that much attention to sheer
numbers, but the calls are overwhelmingly against proceeding with this.
This sets up a procedure so that we can consider it in an appropriate
manner.
With that, I think my two minutes are about up. I ask for the support
of this amendment. Senator Daschle has an amendment that is even more
precise and specific, if we want to deal with this issue in a very
short period of time. But the problem is the lack of time to
thoughtfully consider the implications for the renaming, as well as for
all of the local jurisdictions concerned.
With that, I yield whatever time I have remaining.
Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, how much time do I have left?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia has approximately 35
seconds.
Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I just say that I think there has been
sufficient time to consider a very uncomplicated issue here, renaming
the airport Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport.
As I said to the Senator last evening, the Governor of his State does
support this. This is not the Alexandria airport; this is a national
airport.
[[Page S333]]
I yield back my time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time having been yielded back, the
question occurs on amendment No. 1643, offered by the Senator from
Virginia, Mr. Robb. The yeas and nays have been ordered.
The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. NICKLES. I announce that the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Coats) is
necessarily absent.
Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from New York (Mr. Moynihan) is
necessarily absent.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber
desiring to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 35, nays 63, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 4 Leg.]
YEAS--35
Akaka
Baucus
Biden
Bingaman
Bryan
Bumpers
Cleland
Conrad
Daschle
Dorgan
Feingold
Ford
Glenn
Graham
Harkin
Hollings
Inouye
Johnson
Kennedy
Kerrey
Kerry
Kohl
Landrieu
Lautenberg
Leahy
Levin
Mikulski
Moseley-Braun
Murray
Reed
Reid
Robb
Sarbanes
Torricelli
Wellstone
NAYS--63
Abraham
Allard
Ashcroft
Bennett
Bond
Boxer
Breaux
Brownback
Burns
Byrd
Campbell
Chafee
Cochran
Collins
Coverdell
Craig
D'Amato
DeWine
Dodd
Domenici
Durbin
Enzi
Faircloth
Feinstein
Frist
Gorton
Gramm
Grams
Grassley
Gregg
Hagel
Hatch
Helms
Hutchinson
Hutchison
Inhofe
Jeffords
Kempthorne
Kyl
Lieberman
Lott
Lugar
Mack
McCain
McConnell
Murkowski
Nickles
Roberts
Rockefeller
Roth
Santorum
Sessions
Shelby
Smith (NH)
Smith (OR)
Snowe
Specter
Stevens
Thomas
Thompson
Thurmond
Warner
Wyden
NOT VOTING--2
Coats
Moynihan
The amendment (No. 1643) was rejected.
Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. LOTT. I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Hutchinson). Under the previous order,
there will now be----
Mr. COVERDELL addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia.
Mr. COVERDELL. Could we have order?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senate will be in order.
Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the next
vote in this series be limited to 10 minutes in length.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is
so ordered.
Mr. DODD addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator is recognized.
Amendment No. 1641, as modified
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to send a
modification of my amendment to the desk.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is
so ordered.
The modification is as follows:
SECTION 1. FEDERAL FACILITIES REDESIGNATION ADVISORY GROUP.
(a) In General.--There is established a Federal Facilities
Redesignation Advisory Group comprised of--
(1) 2 members of the House of Representatives designated by
the Speaker of the House;
(2) 2 members of the House of Representatives designated by
the Minority Leader of the House;
(3) 2 members of the Senate designated by the Majority
Leader of the Senate;
(4) 2 members of the Senate designated by the Minority
Leader of the Senate; and
(5) the Administrator of General Services.
(b) Purpose.--The purpose of the Advisory Group is to
consider and make a recommendation concerning any proposal to
change the name of a Federal facility to commemorate or honor
any individual, group of individuals, or event.
(c) Criteria.--
(1) In general.--In considering a proposal to rename an
existing Federal facility, the Advisory Group shall
consider--
(A) the appropriateness of the proposed name for the
facility, taking into account any history of association of
the individual for whom the facility is proposed to be named
with the facility or its location;
(B) the activities to be carried out at, and function of,
the facility;
(C) the views of the community in which the facility is
located (including any public comment, testimony, or evidence
received under subsection (d));
(D) the appropriateness of the facility's existing name,
taking into account its history, function, and location; and
(E) the costs associated with renaming the facility and the
sources of funds to defray the costs.
(2) Age and current occupation.--The Advisory Group may not
recommend a proposed change in the name of a Federal facility
for a living individual unless that individual--
(A) is at least 70 years of age; and
(B) has not been an officer or employee of the United
States, or a Member of the Congress, for a period of at least
5 years before the date of the proposed change.
(d) Administration.--
(1) Meetings.--The Advisory Group shall meet publicly from
time to time, but not less frequently than annually, in
Washington, D.C.
(2) Hearings, etc.--In carrying out its purpose the
Advisory Group--
(A) shall publish notice of any meeting, including a
meeting held pursuant to subsection (f), at which it is to
consider a proposed change of name for a Federal facility in
the Federal Register and in a newspaper of general
circulation in the community in which the facility is
located, and include in that notice an invitation for public
comment;
(B) not earlier than 30 days after the date on which the
applicable meeting notice was issued under subparagraph (A),
shall hold such hearings, and receive such testimony and
evidence, as may be appropriate; and
(C) may not make a recommendation concerning a proposed
change of name under this section until at least 60 days
after the date of the meeting at which the proposal was
considered.
(3) Administrative support.--The Administrator of General
Services shall provide such meeting facilities, staff
support, and other administrative support as may be required
for meetings of the Advisory Group.
(e) Reports.--The Advisory Group shall report to the
Congress from time to time its recommendations with respect
to proposals to rename existing Federal facilities.
SEC. 2. REPORT REQUIRED BEFORE EITHER HOUSE PROCEEDS TO THE
CONSIDERATION OF LEGISLATION TO RENAME FEDERAL
FACILITY.
(a) In General.--It shall not be in order, in the Senate or
in the House of Representatives, to proceed to the
consideration of any bill, resolution, or amendment to rename
an existing Federal facility unless the Advisory Group has
reported its recommendation in writing under section 1(e)
concerning the proposal and the report has been available to
the members of that House for 24 hours.
(b) Rules of Each House.--This section is enacted by the
Congress--
(1) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the Senate
and of the House of Representatives, and as such subsection
(a) is deemed to be a part of the rules of the Senate and the
House of Representatives; and it supersedes other rules only
to the extent that it is inconsistent therewith; and
(2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of
the Senate and the House of Representatives to change the
rules (so far as relating to the procedure of the Senate or
House of Representatives, respectively) at any time, in the
same manner and to the same extent as in the case of any
other rule of the Senate or House of Representatives.
SEC. 3. DEFINITIONS.
For purposes of this Act:
(1) Advisory group.--The term ``Advisory Group'' means the
Federal Facilities Redesignation Advisory Group established
by section 1.
(2) Federal facility.--The term ``Federal facility'' means
any building, road, bridge, complex, base, or other structure
owned by the United States or located on land owned by the
United States.
TITLE III--SENSE OF THE SENATE CONCERNING COMMISSION TO NAME FEATURES
OF CAPITOL BUILDING AND GROUNDS
SEC. 301. SENSE OF THE SENATE CONCERNING COMMISSION TO NAME
FEATURES OF CAPITOL BUILDING AND GROUNDS.
It is the sense of the Senate that Congress should
establish, in accordance with the rules of the Senate and the
House of Representatives, a commission consisting of the
Architect of the Capitol and of former members of Congress,
appointed by the Speaker of the House, the Minority Leader of
the House, the Majority Leader of the Senate, and the
Minority Leader of the Senate, to recommend the naming or
renaming of--
(1) architectural features of the Capitol (including any
House or Senate office building); and
(2) landscape features of the Capitol Grounds.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. There will now be 4 minutes of debate equally
divided for each side on the amendment as modified.
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, let me, first of all, say to my colleagues
here, my intention, as I have said earlier, is to support the
underlying legislation to name the airport in honor of Ronald Reagan.
[[Page S334]]
As I said yesterday, I certainly had no lack of disagreements with
Ronald Reagan during the 8 years of his stewardship but believe that a
two-term President deserves to be recognized. And if it is the desire
of his family and others to rename this airport, given the fact it has
had name changes over the years, I do not object to that. I had offered
this amendment for the purpose of dealing in the future with these same
issues.
In a sense, Mr. President, it has become sort of a modern day
graffiti when we run around naming things here willy-nilly, both on the
Capitol grounds and in this city. We are mere custodians of these
facilities; we don't own them, and we ought to have a process by which
we make solid determinations about whose names are associated with
great monuments, buildings and rooms that we have. When we as an
institution decided to decorate the reception room with five of our
former colleagues, it was Senator John Fitzgerald Kennedy who chaired
that commission--I look to my colleague from West Virginia as our
historian--where a deliberative process went forward and that decision
was made.
It seems to me we as a body ought to adopt something like this so
that we are not faced with these situations year in and year out.
Now, Mr. President, I gather from talking with my colleague and
friend from Georgia that my amendment to the underlying legislation is
going to be rejected, but I hope that we might consider something like
this amendment at the appropriate place. Unfortunately, what happens in
the absence of a decision like this, these matters get shunted aside
and we do not bring them up again until the next issue emerges. But I
happen to believe that setting up a commission that would deal with
these issues, having a commission made up of former Members to deal
with Capitol grounds, possibly the Architect of the Capitol included,
is the way we ought to go about the process of naming rooms, buildings,
and renaming facilities, Federal facilities, here in Washington and
elsewhere.
Having said that, I know my colleague from Georgia will want to be
heard on this. When he completes his comments, I will withdraw my
amendment and hope that at some point in the not too distant future we
can bring this matter up through the Rules Committee or other such
committees where it would be appropriate. I see my colleague from Texas
who I know is interested in this as well.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Texas.
Who yields time to the Senator from Texas?
Mr. COVERDELL. How much time have we remaining?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia has 2 minutes
remaining.
Mr. COVERDELL. I ask unanimous consent the Senator from Texas be
granted 1 minute to make her comments on this matter.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. The
Senator from Texas.
Ms. HUTCHISON. I agree with what the Senator from Connecticut is
doing in laying this aside. I do think we need a process and procedure.
I am on the Rules Committee. I will work with the Senator from Georgia
and our leadership as well as the Democratic leadership. I would like
to see us have a process in which all the views are represented and
then we can go forward. And I pledge to the Senator from Connecticut my
support.
Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, will the Senator yield?
Mr. President, who has time?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia controls the time.
Mr. BAUCUS. Will the Senator yield for just 15 seconds?
Mr. COVERDELL. I yield.
Mr. BAUCUS. I might inform the Members there is a process. It is the
Environment and Public Works Committee. If this bill had been referred
to the proper committee, we would have gone through the proper process.
That committee has jurisdiction over public buildings. We have rules as
to naming and when not to name buildings after whom and under what
circumstances. There is a process. One of the problems with this whole
procedure here today is the process was skirted. The process wasn't
used.
Mr. President, this is a very difficult issue for me, but I am going
to be voting against the underlying bill basically because I do not
think we should displace George Washington, our Founding Father, with
what we might be doing here, and a whole host of other reasons which I
do not have time to get into.
There is a process. We are not following it.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia has 1\1/2\ minutes
remaining.
Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I should like to address my remarks to
my colleague from Connecticut. He appeared yesterday. He has been very
facilitating to the effort. I appreciate very much what he and my
colleague from Texas are endeavoring to do. As I said to him this
morning, I look forward to joining with him in his attempt to
prospectively deal with these kinds of issues in the future. I am very
appreciative of his collegiality.
I would say, as I have said repeatedly, that there are certain
extraordinary conditions associated with the manner in which we are
dealing with this issue. The former President's birthday is this
Friday, and he is facing the most difficult battle he has faced in his
life. And he has faced many. This is a spontaneous response to that. I
will leave it at that. But I do want to again thank the Senator from
Connecticut and make known that I intend to join with him in his
efforts prospectively to deal with these sorts of matters.
I yield back all time.
Mr. DODD addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Connecticut.
Amendment No. 1641, As Modified, Withdrawn
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I withdraw my amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, the amendment is withdrawn.
Amendment No. 1640
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order there will now be 4
minutes of debate equally divided in the usual form on amendment No.
1640 offered by the Senator from Nevada, Mr. Reid.
The Senator from Nevada is recognized.
Mr. REID. My friend from Connecticut indicated that any amendment
that was offered to this bill was rejected. I have not heard that. I
have not heard a single person come forward and speak against the
amendment I have offered. I suggest that this amendment would not hold
up this bill one bit; that anyone voting against this amendment is
voting against good Government. There is not an organization in this
country that is concerned about human rights or civil rights that wants
J. Edgar Hoover's name on the FBI building. This is a building that
houses officials sworn to defend and protect the Constitution of the
United States, our civil liberties, the liberties of all Americans. No
official in the history of this country has done more to violate the
rights of people than J. Edgar Hoover. Consider going after Irving
Berlin, the man who wrote God Bless America. He is one of scores of
people I have talked about these last few days.
I think we should honor those who work in that building by removing
this man's name from the building. It is one of the most popular places
to visit by visitors that come to this Nation's Capital, and they
should not be subjected to a building with this man's name on it.
Mr. President, Ronald Reagan stands for what is good about this
country. J. Edgar Hoover stands for what is bad about this country.
This small man violated the rights of hundreds, if not thousands, of
people, famous and not so famous. He was a vindictive, petty man who
harassed and abused untold thousands during his entire 48 years as the
Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. We should remove the
last segment of the McCarthy era by deleting his name from one of the
most important buildings in this city.
Mr. COVERDELL addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia.
Mr. COVERDELL. First, let me say to my colleague from Nevada I
appreciate the remarks he made about the underlying bill. We do have a
logistical problem here in terms of--and we have
[[Page S335]]
spent the better part of the week perhaps in a less efficient manner
than we could have, and it has robbed me of the opportunity to iron the
way on the other side, so I regretfully will in a moment move to table
the amendment.
It may not be much comfort to the Senator from Nevada at this time,
but I would welcome working with him. Obviously, there have been a
number of assertions made about the individual to which the Senator
from Nevada takes umbrage. It is a complex issue, and as I said I
simply do not have time, given where we are in the week and what we are
attempting to do, to resolve the matter in the House. So for that
reason, Mr. President, I move to table the amendment.
Mr. HATCH. Will the Senator withhold for just a short moment?
Mr. COVERDELL. I withhold my motion.
Mr. HATCH. Will the Senator yield?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia has 40 seconds
remaining.
Mr. COVERDELL. I yield to the Senator from Utah.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Utah is recognized.
Mr. HATCH. I thank my colleague.
I oppose this amendment. Yes, there are things that can be said, but
there are many things that have been accomplished during the tenure of
Hoover. I have to say there is a raft of FBI agents who would be very
offended by this. And I don't think we should do it. As a matter of
fact, if we go back through time, if you look at all the good things
that were done and all the many accomplishments of the FBI, you have to
conclude there was an awful lot that we have to be proud of even though
there are some things that are certainly to be criticized and
rightfully so.
When the Senate takes action to honor--or discredit--men and women
who have favorably shaped this nation, we should do so only after
careful reflection and deliberation. We must also be careful not to
allow the faults or excesses of an individual overshadow the
contributions they have made to our country.
I think we need to consider the negative effect passage of this
amendment could have on an institution that has made a profound
contribution to the safety and security of this nation. The FBI is
deservedly recognized as the preeminent law enforcement agency in the
world. And whether we care to like him or not, unlike any other
institution in our federal government, there is one person that is
directly responsible for the FBI's rise in prominence, J. Edgar Hoover.
Under Hoover, the FBI was transformed from a small sleepy Washington
office, into the major force thwarting criminal activity in this
country.
Hoover took over the FBI in May 1924 and placed the Bureau at the
forefront in combating the major gangster activity of that era. The FBI
was directly responsible for the arrest of notable gangsters such as
John Dillinger and Baby Face Nelson. During World War II the FBI
spearheaded efforts to uncover Nazi saboteurs and spies infiltrating
the United States in an effort to disrupt the Allied war effort.
In the 1950's under Hoover's leadership the Bureau was instrumental
in the identification and arrest of Soviet Spies of the likes of Sobel
and Abel, as well as the arrest of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. Remember
also, that it was the Hoover FBI that cracked the infamous Brinks
robbery in Boston, loudly touted as the ``Crime of the Century'' at
that time.
Among many other responsibilities, the FBI played a vital role in the
1960's in fighting deep seated racism in the deep south. It was
Hoover's FBI that combated threats from the Ku Klux Klan. It was this
same FBI that investigated the infamous ``Mississippi Burning'' case
that brought to justice those responsible for the senseless murder of 3
civil rights workers. It was this same FBI that brought James Earl Ray
to justice. It was also the Hoover FBI of the 1960's that conducted an
extensive investigation into organized crime that led to the
identification of an enormous criminal network stretching from Chicago
to New York and Boston, and touched the lives of countless communities
in between. Today we recognize this network as La Cosa Nostra.
This is merely a snap shot of the considerable accomplishments made
by the FBI under the leadership of J. Edgar Hoover. Let me remind my
colleagues that the day after his death in 1972, Hoover's body was laid
in State in the Rotunda of the Capitol--an honor bestowed upon only 21
other Americans in the history of this great nation.
In his death, despite revelations that have been made, it is
undeniable that Hoover's legacy in building the FBI to its current
stature continues to have a profound effect upon the safety and
security of this nation. From the investigation and arrest of those
responsible for the World Trade Center bombing, to the recent
conviction of Unabomber Ted Kaczynski; from the arrest of CIA agent
Aldrich Ames for espionage, to the investigation that resulted in the
convictions of Timothy Macveigh and Terry Nichols for the Oklahoma City
bombing, the FBI continues to be recognized as a vital component of law
enforcement. Let us honor the legacy of this honorable institution, by
continuing to give appropriate recognition to Mr. Hoover, the principal
architect in its rise to prominence.
In reviewing my colleague from Nevada's reasoning for this amendment,
it is clear that he believes he is doing the right thing. I do not
question his sincerity. But I do not think the Senate should act on
accounts contained in a single book.
More importantly, we are here today to honor President Reagan. I urge
each of my colleagues to address this issue alone without being
compelled to bring other agencies or memorials into the equation.
So I hope our colleagues will vote against this amendment. I respect
my good friend from Nevada, but I oppose this amendment.
Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I move to table the amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. All time has expired. The question is on
agreeing to the motion to table amendment No. 1640 offered by the
Senator from Nevada, Mr. Reid. The yeas and nays have been ordered. The
clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk called the roll.
Mr. NICKLES. I announce that the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Coats) is
necessarily absent.
Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from New York (Mr. Moynihan) is
necessarily absent.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Are there any other Senators in the Chamber
who desire to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 62, nays 36, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 5 Leg.]
YEAS--62
Abraham
Allard
Ashcroft
Baucus
Bennett
Bond
Breaux
Brownback
Burns
Byrd
Campbell
Cochran
Collins
Coverdell
Craig
D'Amato
DeWine
Dodd
Domenici
Enzi
Faircloth
Frist
Graham
Gramm
Grams
Grassley
Gregg
Hagel
Hatch
Helms
Hutchinson
Hutchison
Inhofe
Jeffords
Johnson
Kempthorne
Kohl
Kyl
Lieberman
Lott
Lugar
Mack
McCain
McConnell
Murkowski
Nickles
Roberts
Rockefeller
Roth
Santorum
Sessions
Shelby
Smith (NH)
Smith (OR)
Snowe
Specter
Stevens
Thomas
Thompson
Thurmond
Warner
Wellstone
NAYS--36
Akaka
Biden
Bingaman
Boxer
Bryan
Bumpers
Chafee
Cleland
Conrad
Daschle
Dorgan
Durbin
Feingold
Feinstein
Ford
Glenn
Gorton
Harkin
Hollings
Inouye
Kennedy
Kerrey
Kerry
Landrieu
Lautenberg
Leahy
Levin
Mikulski
Moseley-Braun
Murray
Reed
Reid
Robb
Sarbanes
Torricelli
Wyden
NOT VOTING--2
Coats
Moynihan
The motion to lay on the table the amendment (No. 1640) was agreed
to.
Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote by which the
motion was agreed to.
Mr. COVERDELL. I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mr. HATCH addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Utah.
Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, may we have order?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senate will be in order. The Senator from
Utah is recognized.
Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I want to compliment the manager of the
bill for his good arguments.
[[Page S336]]
Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, we still do not have order.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Democratic leader is correct, we do not
have order. The Senate will be in order.
The Senator from Utah.
Mr. HATCH. Mr. President, I want to compliment the manager of the
bill and others who voted against this amendment. I know it was
sincerely brought, and I know that there may be some arguments that
some could raise. But in all honesty, the FBI has been one of our most
venerable institutions for all of these years.
We know that the former Director deserves most of the credit for
building it and that there are literally thousands of FBI agents who
would have been very upset if that amendment was adopted.
I thank all of our colleagues for having voted to table the
amendment, and I hope that we do not do this in the future. We do not
put names on buildings idly, and we do not do them facetiously, and we
do not do them foolishly. Once they are there, we ought to remember the
traditions and history and the good things that really were done. All
of us have faults, all of us make mistakes, and all of us need to work
out our own repentance for things that we do from time to time.
So I thank everybody who did vote to table the amendment for having
done so, and I think they did the right thing.
Mr. REID addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Nevada.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to be allowed to
speak for 2 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? Without objection, it is
so ordered.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I say to my friend from Utah and others who
voted to table this amendment that I think it was a bad vote. The fact
of the matter is, when the name was placed on this building, J. Edgar
Hoover's record was not clear to the American public. It was not clear
that he conducted investigations of Irving Berlin and hundreds and
hundreds of other people.
I say without any qualification, there is no one this century who has
violated the human rights and civil rights of America's citizens more
than J. Edgar Hoover.
I have the greatest respect for the chairman of the Judiciary
Committee, my good friend, but on this issue, I think he is flat wrong,
and I think we missed an opportunity to take a person's name off a
building that should be an embarrassment and is an embarrassment to the
people who work inside that building, as reflected in private
conversations with an FBI agent today.
Amendment No. 1642
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, there will now be 4
minutes equally divided in the usual form on amendment No. 1642 offered
by the Democratic leader, Mr. Daschle. The Democratic leader is
recognized.
Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, thank you. I had the opportunity to
discuss this amendment last night. President Reagan stood for a lot of
things, but I think the things for which we identify him more than
anything else is local control, the need to ensure that at the local
level, government is given the greatest opportunity.
In 1987, President Reagan signed a bill into law that provided
authority to the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority for all
decisionmaking regarding the operation of the Washington
National Airport. That was 11 years ago. My amendment, Mr. President,
simply says, let's keep the spirit of Ronald Reagan alive as we pass
this piece of legislation; let's ensure that the Metropolitan
Washington Airports Authority, in keeping with local control, has an
opportunity to voice its approval. That is what this amendment does.
Mr. FORD. Mr. President, may we have order? There are pockets of
conversation all over this Chamber, and I want my leader to be heard.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Democratic leader deserves to be heard.
Conversations will cease or be removed from the Senate Chamber. The
Democratic leader is recognized.
Mr. DASCHLE. I thank my friend from Kentucky and I thank the
Presiding Officer.
I simply conclude, Mr. President, by saying if we are for local
control, if we are for the spirit of what Ronald Reagan represented,
then we all ought to be supporting this amendment. This amendment,
again, simply says, let's give the Washington Airports Authority the
authority given to them by President Reagan in 1987, the opportunity to
be heard, to have a voice, to say yes. So I hope my colleagues will
join me in the adoption of this amendment.
Mr. REID. Will the leader yield?
Mr. DASCHLE. Whatever time I have remaining I will be happy to yield
to the Senator from Nevada.
Mr. REID. Mr. President, I just say briefly to my friends on the
other side of the aisle, I support renaming the airport after President
Reagan, but using the logic of my friend from Utah, the chairman of the
Judiciary Committee, he said you should not change the name of existing
buildings. I assume that should also apply to airports. So if that
logic is carried through, I would think everybody on the other side of
the aisle would vote against renaming this airport for the President.
Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I yield the manager's time to my
distinguished colleague from Arizona.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arizona is recognized.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I think we all ought to understand that if
this amendment were accepted, it would kill our effort to rename
Washington National Airport after President Ronald Reagan. So let's be
very clear about the effect of this amendment.
Second of all, again, I am intrigued by this continuous argument from
the other side that Washington National Airport, which identifies the
airport as servicing Washington, DC, is somehow George Washington.
Obviously, we know that is not true.
If we want to give local control to National Airport and the
Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority, I strongly suggest to my
friend, the distinguished Democratic leader, that we repeal the
perimeter rule which is a Federal law which prevents aircraft from
flying any further west than the far western end of the runway at
Dallas-Fort Worth Airport, a law that was passed by former Speaker of
the House Jim Wright who happens, as we all know, to reside there.
So, if we are going to give truly local control, I hope the
distinguished Democratic leader would want to remove Federal laws that
also affect Washington National Airport which, frankly, has affected
the lives of millions of Americans for many years in preventing them
from going from one end of this country to the other without stopping
in between.
So I say to my colleagues, have no doubt about the effect of this
amendment. It would kill our ability to do an appropriate thing and, if
I may add as an aside, I hope we get this done pretty soon, because I
think everybody knows how we and the majority of the American people
feel about this issue.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to amendment No.
1642 offered by the Democratic leader, Mr. Daschle. The yeas and nays
have been ordered. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. NICKLES. I announce that the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Coats) is
necessarily absent.
Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from New York (Mr. Moynihan) is
necessarily absent.
The result was announced--yeas 35, nays 63, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 6 Leg.]
YEAS--35
Akaka
Baucus
Bingaman
Breaux
Bryan
Bumpers
Cleland
Conrad
Daschle
Dorgan
Feingold
Ford
Glenn
Harkin
Hollings
Inouye
Johnson
Kennedy
Kerrey
Kerry
Kohl
Landrieu
Lautenberg
Leahy
Levin
Mikulski
Moseley-Braun
Murray
Reed
Reid
Robb
Sarbanes
Torricelli
Warner
Wellstone
NAYS--63
Abraham
Allard
Ashcroft
Bennett
Biden
Bond
Boxer
Brownback
Burns
Byrd
Campbell
Chafee
Cochran
Collins
Coverdell
Craig
D'Amato
DeWine
Dodd
Domenici
Durbin
Enzi
Faircloth
Feinstein
Frist
Gorton
Graham
Gramm
Grams
Grassley
Gregg
Hagel
Hatch
Helms
Hutchinson
Hutchison
[[Page S337]]
Inhofe
Jeffords
Kempthorne
Kyl
Lieberman
Lott
Lugar
Mack
McCain
McConnell
Murkowski
Nickles
Roberts
Rockefeller
Roth
Santorum
Sessions
Shelby
Smith (NH)
Smith (OR)
Snowe
Specter
Stevens
Thomas
Thompson
Thurmond
Wyden
NOT VOTING--2
Coats
Moynihan
The amendment (No. 1642) was rejected.
Mr. COVERDELL. I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. INOUYE. I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mr. HELMS. Mr. President, as we move into a vote on final passage, it
still seems somehow impossible that 23 years have passed since that
genial American--the one who had starred in movies and television, who
early in his career had been a talented sports broadcaster, who served
as a commissioned officer during World War II and who had served with
distinction as Governor of California--that this remarkable man yielded
to the urgings of thousands of his fellow Americans and tossed his hat
in the ring for consideration as the 1976 Republican presidential
nominee.
But in the instance of Ronald Reagan, history proves that tempus does
fugit. It has indeed been 23 years. Ronald Reagan has done all of the
above, and done them well. But when he agreed to be a candidate for the
Presidential nomination, there were few who foresaw the profound effect
this remarkable American would have on his party, his country--and the
entire world.
Mr. Reagan did not, of course, win the nomination in 1976. But he did
lay the groundwork for 1980 when delighted Republicans chose him as the
party's standard bearer in the presidential election that year.
He won overwhelmingly and, as Paul Harvey always says, now you know
the rest of the story.
Mr. President, I had known Ronald Reagan for some years when he
announced in 1976--the year when I was in the middle of my first six
years in the U.S. Senate. Like Mr. Reagan I had once been a registered
Democrat--and I confess that I was stunned on that November 1992
evening when the election returns were coming in that I had become the
first U.S. Senator ever elected by the people of North Carolina.
I was disappointed in 1976 when Mr. Reagan failed to win the GOP
primary for president because it seemed clear to me then, and clear to
millions of others, that Ronald Reagan was an eloquent and forceful
defender of conservative values. For that reason, and because of my
friendship with him, I became the first sitting Senator in 1976 to
endorse Candidate Reagan for the Presidency--a fact that I shall
forever note with pride because history is already clear that Mr.
Reagan was the outstanding President of the 20th Century.
There have been others who served well but it was President Ronald
Reagan who stout-heartedly defended Thomas Jefferson's counsel that the
least government is the best government.
Indeed, the enormity of President Reagan's domestic achievement
boggles the mind. Consider the unprecedented Gross National Product
expansion and job creation after a period of failed statist economic
policies; declining interest rates that allowed entrepreneurs to enter
the market, bringing energy and innovation to countless industries; tax
cuts that at long last allowed Americans to keep more of what they
earned; a long overdue hiatus in the unchecked growth of the federal
bureaucracy. Simply put, our economy is strong and vibrant today
because Ronald Reagan had the courage to trust the free market.
Ronald Reagan did all of this, yes, but the real heart of his legacy
will forever rest upon in his courageous opposition to communism and
totalitarianism opposition that led to the birth of freedom in Eastern
Europe and the end of the Cold War.
Two years before the remarkable fall of the Berlin Wall, Ronald
Reagan traveled to Berlin, stood at the Brandenburg Gate, and
thundered: ``As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a
wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that
remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.''
In this cynical age, when so many ridicule anyone attempting to
divine the difference between right and wrong, Ronald Reagan dared to
believe in democracy. It was, perhaps, his old-fashioned belief in the
goodness of America and all that it represented that led him to
understand what so many so-called experts failed to understand: that
the Cold War was a struggle not of military might or economic theory,
but of the human spirit's longing to be free.
President Reagan never lacked detractors--it seems there is no easier
way to arouse scorn than to stand up for traditional values--but even
his most vociferous opponents stood in awe of his amazing rhetorical
gifts. They called him the ``Great Communicator.'' But President
Reagan--with his typical humility--rejected the moniker. In his
farewell address to the Nation, delivered on January 11, 1989, he said:
I never thought it was my style or the words I used that
made a difference: it was the content. I wasn't a great
communicator, but I communicated great things, and they
didn't spring full bloom from my brow, they came from the
heart of a great nation--from our experience our wisdom, and
our belief in the principles that have guided us for two
centuries. They called it the Reagan revolution. And I'll
accept that, but for me it always seemed more like the great
rediscovery, a rediscovery of our values and our common
sense.
Indeed, the Reagan years were a reclamation of traditional
principles. And all Americans owe Ronald Reagan a great debt, one that
the simple renaming of an airport doesn't begin to repay. But this does
not lessen the importance that the name of Ronald Reagan be enshrined
in national institutions.
In the same farewell address to which I referred a moment ago,
President Reagan issued a warning for those who would forget history.
``If we forget what we did,'' he said, ``we won't know who we are.'' He
spoke of an ``eradication * * * of the American memory that could
result, ultimately, in an erosion of the American spirit.''
This Friday, Ronald Reagan will be 87 years old. All of us are
saddened by his illness, but we are inspired by the gracious manner in
which he and his family have faced it. And while he is still with us,
we should heed his admonishment to remember the values he stood for,
the President he was, and the man that he is.
Today, our classrooms and our universities are a battlefield of
revisionist history and sometimes venomous ideology. But long after
today's petty scholastic disputes lie forgotten in the pages of some
academic journal, the Washington Monument, and the Jefferson and
Lincoln Memorials, and other national shrines will continue to stand in
tribute to achievements of great Americans.
Ronald Reagan richly deserves to be remembered for his achievements
just as earlier great American patriots are remembered. I am proud to
support the Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport, and I hope that
Americans will accept this gesture of deep and genuine appreciation.
Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, I support this legislation. I disagreed
with President Reagan on many issues, but I believe this proposal is an
appropriate honor for a distinguished former President. I also support
it because of the many personal kindnesses that President Reagan and
his family have shown to the Kennedy family over the years.
In particular, I remember two extraordinary occasions. On a wonderful
morning in the Rose Garden in June of 1981, President Reagan presented
a Gold Medal authorized by Congress and honoring Robert Kennedy to our
family, and he spoke about my brother. Four years later, on a
magnificant evening in June of 1985, President came to my home in
McLean, Virginia and spoke about President Kennedy. These are two of
the finest tributes that anyone has ever given to my brothers. I
believe our colleagues will find these tributes of interest, and I ask
unanimous consent that they be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
Remarks of President Ronald Reagan on Presenting the Robert F. Kennedy
Medal to Mrs. Ethel Kennedy, June 5, 1981
The President. Mrs. Kennedy, the Congress has authorized
the presentation of a medal
[[Page S338]]
for you in recognition of the distinguished and dedicated
service which your husband, Robert Kennedy, gave to the
government and to the people of the United States.
Robert Kennedy's service to his country, his commitment to
his great ideals, and his devotion to those less fortunate
than him self are matters now for history and need little
explanation from me. The facts of Robert Kennedy's public
career stand alone. He roused the comfortable. He exposed the
corrupt, remembered the forgotten, inspired his countrymen,
and renewed and enriched the American conscience.
Those of us who our philosophical disagreements with him
always appreciated his wit and his personal grace. And may I
say I remember very vividly those last days of the California
primary and the closeness that had developed in our views
about the growing size and unresponsiveness of government and
our political institutions. Among the last words he spoke to
this Nation that night in Los Angeles were, ``What I think is
quite clear is that we can work together in the last
analysis, and that is what has been going on within the
United States--the division, the violence, the disenchantment
with our society; the divisions, whether it's between blacks
and whites, between poor and more affluent, or between age
groups or on the war in Vietnam--is that we can start to work
together. We are a great country, an unselfish country, and
compassionate country.''
Obviously, many of you here knew him better than most. You
knew him as husband, as brother, as father, and uncle. He
wrote to his son, Joseph, on the day of President Kennedy's
death, ``Remember all the things that Jack started. Be kind
to others that are less fortunate than we and love our
country.'' And it is in the final triumph of Robert Kennedy
that he used his personal gifts to bring this message of hope
and love to the country, to millions of Americans who
supported and believed in him. ``Come my friends,'' he liked
to quote the Tennyson lines, ``it's not too late to seek a
newer world.'' And this is how we should remember him, beyond
the distinguished public service or our own sadness that he
is gone.
His friend, composer John Stuart, said about him what he
said about the first fallen Kennedy and about us: that when a
chill wind takes the sky, we should remember the years he
gave us hope, for they can never die.
____
Remarks of President Ronald Reagan at a Fundraising Reception for the
John F. Kennedy Library Foundation June 24, 1985
I was very pleased a few months ago when Caroline and John
came to see me and to ask for our support in helping the
library. I thought afterwards what fine young people they are
and what a fine testament they are to their mother and
father.
It was obvious to me that they care deeply about their
father and his memory. But I was also struck by how much they
care about history. They felt strongly that all of us must
take care to preserve it, protect it, and hand it
They're right, of course. History has its claims, and
there's nothing so invigorating as the truth. In this case, a
good deal of truth resides in a strikingly sculpted library
that contains the accumulated documents, recollections,
diaries, and oral histories of the New Frontier. But I must
confess that ever since Caroline and John came by, I've found
myself thinking not so much about the John F. Kennedy Library
as about the man himself and what his life meant to our
country and our times, particularly to the history of this
century.
It always seemed to me that he was a man of the most
interesting contradictions, very American contradictions. We
know from his many friends and colleagues, we know in part
from the testimony available at the library, that he was
self-deprecating yet proud, ironic yet easily moved, highly
literary yet utterly at home with the common speech of the
ordinary man. He was a writer who could expound with ease on
the moral forces that shaped John Calhoun's political
philosophy. On the other hand, he possessed a most delicate
and refined appreciation for Boston's political wards and the
characters who inhabited it. He could cuss a blue streak--but
then, he'd been a sailor.
He loved history and approached it as both romantic and
realist. He could quote Stephen Vincent Benet on General
Lee's army: ``The aide de camp knew certain lines of Greek
and other such unnecessary things that are good for peace,
but are not deemed so serviceable for war.* * *''
And he could sum up a current statesman with an earthy
epithet that would leave his audience weak with laughter. One
sensed that he loved mankind as it was, in spite of itself,
and that he had little patience with those who could perfect
what was not really meant to be perfect.
As a leader, as a President, he seemed to have a good,
hard, unillusioned understanding of man and his political
choices. He had written a book as a very young man about why
the world slept as Hitler marched on. And he understood the
tension between good and evil in the history of man;
understood, indeed, that much of the history of man can be
seen in the constant working out of that tension. He knew
that the United States had adversaries, real adversaries, and
they weren't about to be put off by soft reason and good
intentions. He tried always to be strong with them and
shrewd. He wanted our defense system to be unsurpassed. He
cared that his country could be safe.
He was a patriot who summoned patriotism from the heart of
a sated country. It is a matter of pride to me that so many
men and women who were inspired by his bracing vision and
moved by his call to ``ask not,'' serve now in the White
House doing the business of government. Which is not to say I
supported John Kennedy when he ran for President; I didn't. I
was for the other fellow. But you know, it's true, when the
battle's over and the ground is cooled, well, it's then that
you see the opposing general's valor.
He would have understood. He was fiercely, happily
partisan. And his political fights were tough--no quarter
asked, none given. But he gave as good as he got. And you
could see that he loved the battle.
Everything we saw him do seemed to betray a huge enjoyment
of life. He seemed to grasp from the beginning that life is
one fast-moving train, and you have to jump aboard and hold
on to your hat and relish the sweep of the wind as it rushes
by. You have to enjoy the journey; it's unthankful not to.
I think that's how his country remembers him, in his joy--
and it was a joy he knew how to communicate. He knew that
life is rich with possibilities, and he believed in
opportunity, growth and action.
And when he died, when the comet disappeared over the
continent, a whole nation grieved and would not forget. A
tailor in New York put up a sign on the door: ``Closed
because of a death in the family.'' The sadness was not
confined to us. ``They cried the rain down that night,'' said
a journalist in Europe. They put his picture up in huts in
Brazil and tents in the Congo, in offices in Dublin and
Warsaw. That was some of what he did for his country, for
when they honored him they were honoring someone essentially,
quintessentially, completely American. When they honored John
Kennedy, they honored the Nation whose virtues, genius, and
contradictions he so fully reflected.
Many men are great, but few capture the imagination and the
spirit of the times. The ones who do are unforgettable. Four
administrations have passed since John Kennedy's death; five
Presidents have occupied the Oval Office, and I feel sure
that each of them thought of John Kennedy now and then and
his thousand days in the White House.
And sometimes I want to say to those who are still in
school and who sometimes think the history is a dry thing
that lives in a book: Nothing is ever lost in that great
house; some music plays on.
I've even been told that late at night when the clouds are
still and the Moon is high, you can just about hear the sound
of certain memories brushing by. You can almost hear, if you
listen close, the whir of a wheelchair rolling by and the
sound of a voice calling out, ``And another thing, Eleanor!''
Turn down a hall and you hear the brisk strut of a fellow
saying, ``Bully! Absolutely ripping!'' Walk softly, now, and
you're drawn to the soft notes of a piano and a brilliant
gathering in the East Room when a crowd surrounds a bright
young President who is full of hope and laughter.
I don't know if this is true, but it's a story I've been
told. And it's not a bad one because it reminds us that
history is a living thing that never dies. A life given in
service to one's country is a living thing that never dies--a
life given in service, yes.
History is not only made by people; it is people. And so,
history is, as young John Kennedy demonstrated, as heroic as
you want it to be, as heroic as you are.
And that's where I'll end my remarks on this lovely
evening, except to add that I know the John F. Kennedy
Library is the only Presidential library without a full
endowment. Nancy and I salute you, Caroline and John, in your
efforts to permanently endow the library. You have our
support and admiration for what you're doing.
Thank you, and God bless you all.
Mr. MURKOWSKI. Mr. President, I rise in strong support of this bill
to rename the Washington National Airport ``Ronald Reagan National
Airport.''
I am disappointed in the partisanship and delay tactics involved in
stalling this legislation. Personally, I can think of no more fitting
tribute to our 40th President then renaming the main airport facility
for visitors to our nation's capital.
During his eight years in as President, Ronald Reagan stood as a
President of principle, integrity and optimism. He took America at a
time of great disillusionment--gasoline shortages, hyper-Inflation and
American diplomats held hostage abroad--and transformed our spirit
through vision and leadership
President Reagan showed America that leadership is not making
promises, it's keeping promises.
Ronald Reagan promised us a better future and he delivered. His
message was simple: America can be better. His charm, wit and eloquence
combined to communicate exactly the message that Americans needed to
hear. And the nation reacted:
Interest rates, inflation and unemployment fell faster under
President Reagan than they did immediately before or after his
Presidency;
The nation experienced a 31% increase in real, inflation-adjusted
gross national product;
[[Page S339]]
Exports increased 92.6% and manufacturing increased by 48%;
Median family income grew every year during his Presidency for an
increase of nearly $4000, after years of zero-growth in pre-Reagan
years;
In short, during the Reagan era, economic growth was stronger, job
creation was faster, incomes were higher and productivity was
healthier.
President Reagan's accomplishments were achieved because he believed
that a healthy economy should create opportunities and reward
responsibility and work. In his first inaugural address he told us:
It is not my intention to do away with government. It is
rather to make it work work with us, not over us; stand by
our side, not ride on our back. Government can and must
provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity, not
stifle it.
Some people believe that President Reagan's greatest legacy was the
restoration of pride and optimism in America. He made us believe in
ourselves and told us: ``There are no such things as limits to growth,
because there are no limits on the human capacity for intelligence,
imagination and wonder.''
Americans reawakened to themselves as a great people with a great
future. A notable Democrat, our former colleague, Majority Leader
George Mitchell said, ``Like President Roosevelt, President Reagan
possesses a legendary ability to inspire in Americans pride in their
nation and faith in its future.''
And, perhaps, our colleague Senator Ted Kennedy said it best in a
quote from the Boston Globe in 1989: ``He (Reagan) has restored the
public's confidence in the presidency. For that alone, he deserves our
appreciation.''
Not only did President Reagan restore our sense of purpose and
meaning as a great country, but it was because of his vision and
commitment to freedom and democracy that today there is no longer a
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. There is today, no longer a Berlin
Wall.
These two seminal events of the 20th century are a direct result of
the policies of President Reagan. Our children and grandchildren will
know a level of security and peace well into the next century because
President Reagan understood that peace can only be achieved and
maintained when we provide the full measure of resources to our men and
women in the military who stand guard to protect liberty 24 hours a
day, seven days a week, 365 days a year.
Mr. President, I ask my fellow colleagues to help demonstrate to
President Reagan that appreciation. I ask my colleagues to help me in
passing S. 1575.
Mr. LAUTENBERG. Mr. President, I would like to voice my opposition to
this bill.
Mr. President, I certainly have respect for our former President,
Ronald Reagan. I served in the Senate during his two terms as President
and we worked together on many pieces of legislation. One of my
proudest achievements was the passage of the national minimum drinking
age bill that established a national drinking age of 21.
That law, which President Reagan proudly signed, is credited with
saving nearly 1,000 young lives each year. I am thankful to President
Reagan for being a part of that fight. While I did not agree with him
on a number of other issues, I do respect him and believe his legacy is
a powerful one.
However, Mr. President, Washington National Airport in Alexandria, is
already named after a great American--George Washington, our first
president. George Washington's role in our nation's history and in this
area's history is rich and well documented.
George Washington, the father of our country, the man who led our
troops against the powerful British army, the man who chaired the
Constitutional Convention, the man who lived a short 15 miles away at
Mount Vernon in Virginia, certainly does not deserve to have his name
stripped from the airport, and replaced by another, which this bill
would effectively do. If this legislation passes, most people will
refer to it as Ronald Reagan airport, and President Washington's name
will rarely be associated with this facility again.
Mr. President, a short time ago, Congress named the second largest
federal office building in the nation--second to the Pentagon--after
Ronald Reagan.
Naming the Federal Triangle Project in downtown Washington the Ronald
Reagan Building and International Trade Center is a fitting tribute to
President Reagan, who signed the authorization for that project into
law, and who believed strongly in free trade. In the wake of honoring
President Reagan with that naming, this bill is not necessary.
Mr. President, I have other concerns with this legislation, and I
believe that those issues would also concern President Reagan.
There is a serious question as to whether it is appropriate for
Congress to change the name of Washington National Airport. The bill
would impose Congress's will upon the local authorities by forcing them
to change the airport's name. This would be done with no input from the
local communities. No hearings. No votes. No discussion. No opportunity
for public comment. Simply put, the airport authority must adopt the
name as determined by Congress, the federal government. This clear
mandate from the federal government, imposed on the local communities,
is precisely what President Reagan would object to.
His legacy is clear on this matter. We should not offend that legacy
in an attempt to honor the man himself.
I am not ruling out any legislation with respect to this issue, but
the underlying bill will have to be improved before I will vote for it.
Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I rise today in strong support of this
bill designating Washington National airport as the ``Ronald Reagan
National Airport.'' Mr. President, I am honored to participate in
renaming this airport after such a distinguished American.
Ronald Reagan presided over an era of tumultuous change and great
challenge. His policies helped reverse stagflation and high interest
rates, and unleashed the longest economic recovery in recent history.
His courage extended freedom around the world. Ronald Reagan knew
that weakness is provocative. He not only restored America's military
strength, but challenged the tyrants who would shed American blood and
deny freedom to others. He confronted terrorists boldly and
decisively--with or without the assistance of other nations. He defied
conventional wisdom to challenge Mr. Gorbachev to ``tear down [this]
wall.'' And the wall fell. He demonstrated that America would stand
strong--even when she stood alone.
But perhaps most importantly, Ronald Reagan helped restore faith in
the American dream. When Reagan took office, America, is was said, was
suffering from ``malaise.'' Reagan reaffirmed the vision of a ``shining
city on a hill.'' He spoke to the hopes and dreams of ordinary citizens
for opportunity, achievement, and growth. He helped dispel the public
cynicism that had darkened politics for years, and celebrating the
dawning of ``morning in America.''
President, Franklin Delano Roosevelt once said that ``the presidency
is pre-eminently a place of moral leadership.'' It was in this area
that Reagan's leadership was the most significant. Reagan was always
more simple than subtle. The American people knew where he stood, and
what he stood for. In times of economic or international crisis,
Americans knew that Reagan's word was true, and that his resolve would
not waver.
It is for these reasons that I offer my support for S. 1575, to honor
a man who honored America.
Mr. ALLARD. Mr. President, I rise today to add my vocal support to S.
1575, the bill to rename Washington National Airport the ``Ronald
Reagan Washington National Airport.''
Last year, I was the first co-sponsor of this measure. At the time, I
thought I had just beat the rush, and that I would be merely the first
of a long list of co-sponsors. I though that surely, if every Member of
this chamber was aware of the debt they and their country owe to Ronald
Reagan, this bill would have 99 co-sponsors.
Instead, I was surprised that only 35 others have co-sponsored
Senator Coverdell's bill. I was surprised when I learned that this bill
is encountering serious opposition. And I will be more than surprised
if this bill does not pass. I will be shocked and I will be saddened.
It is not often we are able to consider a bill so simple and so right
as this one.
[[Page S340]]
Ronald Reagan can truthfully be called one of the greatest living
Americans. President Reagan's most important contribution to his
country was the leadership he provided during the West's long struggle
with totalitarian communism. When he called the Soviet Union an `evil
empire' media pundits scorned him. Today, we all know that he was
right. But President Reagan provided far more than rhetoric in the
struggle against communism. In 1980, America was dangerously weak and
demoralized. President Reagan understood this and he directed the
strengthening of all aspects of our military, coordinating our efforts
with other members of the Western alliance.
From the point when Ronald Reagan entered the White House, no
additional territory fell to the Communists. From that point forward
the tide began to turn. On all fronts, the Reagan administration backed
the forces of freedom. Reagan supported Solidarity in Poland, he backed
the freedom fighters in Afghanistan, Grenada was liberated, and he
helped democratic struggles throughout Latin America. The Soviet Union
was everywhere confronted by a Western alliance that had finally
awakened to the dangers of appeasement. The alliance was greatly
strengthened by the friendship and support of President Reagan's close
friend and ally, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Together
they thwarted Communism and made the Kremlin and its puppet states
aware that the free world intended to remain free. The West won the
cold war, and Ronald Reagan deserves much of the credit.
President Reagan's second great triumph was his economic plan. He was
the first modern President to directly challenge the notion that more
government was good. In his view, Government does not solve problems,
it subsidizes them. While this view is widely held today, it was
ridiculed throughout the 1960's and 1970's. During those years, Reagan
was nearly alone in his struggle against the endless growth of
government. But he never altered his message. Unlike other politicians,
he stood firm, and gradually the country moved his way. He stopped the
slow socialist slide of our Nation, and instead implemented policies
that provided the catalyst for the unparalleled financial and economic
security and freedom we now enjoy.
The Reagan program of lower taxes and less regulation was a
tremendous success. In the early Reagan years all income taxes were cut
across-the-board by 25 percent. The decade to follow witnessed the
longest peacetime economic expansion in the history of our Nation. All
income groups experienced significant income gains from 1980 to 1989.
Twenty million new jobs were created, and the vast majority were high-
paying professional, production, and technical jobs.
In the late 1970's inflation was as high as 18 percent, and interest
rates rose to 21 percent. The Reagan economic program brought both of
these down dramatically. The 1970's malaise brought on by high
inflation, skyrocketing interest rates, high unemployment, and high
taxes was replaced by an economy that fostered opportunity, growth, and
optimism.
President Reagan rallied our Nation. He reminded each of us of our
proud history and heritage. He was never afraid to proclaim his love
for America. Most important, he stood up for what he believed. He knew
the importance of strength and resolve. The result was the most
successful Presidency in decades. As Reagan himself reminded us:
History comes and goes, but principles endure and inspire
future generations to defend liberty, not as a gift from
government, but as a blessing from our creator.
I know that the Federal Triangle building will be opening soon. I
know that it is named after Reagan. But Ronald Reagan was a man of the
people, not of bureaucrats. When he was called ``The Great
Communicator'' it was not because of his skill with memos or inter-
office correspondence. It was because of his ability to speak with, and
for, the average American. Some good can come of the irony in naming
the second largest and by far the most expensive federal building in
America after Ronald Reagan. We can let the name of the Ronald Reagan
building stand as a direct counter to the waste and excess involved in
its building. It will also be a constant reminder to the civil service
workers inside of President Reagan's belief in a small, responsible and
effective government.
But again, Reagan was not a man who loved big government. He should
not be memorialized solely by a big government building. The Ronald
Reagan Washington National Airport--an airport that is used by our
government, but more importantly, by our people, and by the free people
of the world--should stand as the monument to the Great American
President.
President Reagan's 87 Birthday is Friday. We need to approve this
bill, and present him with a small but well deserved gift from the
country he so ably served.
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, I will not support the legislation to
rename the Washington National Airport. This is not legislation to name
an unnamed airport or a new airport. Washington National Airport
already has an appropriate name and has had that name since it opened
in 1941.
We should have a normal and systematic process for the naming of
buildings, bridges, monuments, airports and other public facilities.
The names of these landmarks should not bounce around from name to name
in response to current events. Such decisions should be made in a non-
political and careful manner weighing the many factors which come into
play, including the concerns of local governments and authorities.
There are many past Presidents, admired by millions of Americans, and
others around the world, including Harry S Truman who have no monument
in Washington, D.C.
We have already, quite appropriately, recognized the accomplishments
of President Ronald Reagan in several appropriate ways, including the
new federal Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center at
Federal Triangle (which is the largest building in D.C.) and the Navy's
newest Nimitz-class aircraft carrier.
The Washington Post, in an editorial this past Saturday titled
``Don't Rename Washington National'' stated, ``It is a bad proposal on
many counts, all of them going well beyond any public wishes to honor
the former president.''
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Washington Post
editorial be printed in its entirety immediately following my
statement.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. (See
exhbit 1.)
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, for all these reasons and others, I cannot
support this legislation to precipitously strip Washington National
Airport of the name it has borne for more than half a century.
Exhibit 1
[From the Washington Post, Feb. 1, 1998]
Don't Rename Washington National
With alarming speed and little serious thought, members of
the House and Senate are pushing a bill to strip Washington
National Airport of its time-honored name and call it instead
Ronald Reagan National Airport. It is a bad proposal on many
counts, all of them going well beyond any public wishes to
honor the former president. As it happens, this capital city
already has honored Mr. Reagan in a most impressive way,
naming a major new, heart-of-downtown federal office building
after him. As it also happens, the name Washington National
honors this country's first president, who lived just down
the road a bit from the airport site. In addition, the name
Washington National clearly identifies the airport's location
and market--an important aid to travelers and shippers all
over the world.
There is yet another solid reason to drop the proposal.
Former Virginia governor Linwood Holton, the first Republican
to hold statewide office in the Old Dominion since
Reconstruction and former head of the Washington Airports
Authority, cites the history, intent and spirit of
congressional legislation signed in 1986 by President Reagan.
That act transferred Washington National and Dulles
International to the regional authority, granting it control
and oversight of the two airports. Gov. Holton notes that the
purpose of the transfer, ``as recited in the lease itself,
was to achieve `local control, management, operation and
development' of the airports. I am very concerned that after
ten years of this lease arrangement, the Congress now
proposes to take unilateral action to change the name.''
Mr. Holton notes that in the past, any changes in the lease
at the request of Congress were done with agreement to secure
the consent of the regional authority. And in this instance,
the local governments involved oppose the change--not for any
partisan or political reasons but because of the name
recognition that Washington National Airport conveys in the
travel and commercial industries, as well as the costs that
[[Page S341]]
would have to be borne by businesses in and around the
airport (changing signs, business forms and promotional
materials, for example).
Yet the renaming proposal is being rushed along without
proper hearings in an attempt to make it law in time for Mr.
Reagan's birthday next week. Thoughtful members of Congress
should consider the negative effects of this measure. There
are many ways to salute Ronald Reagan--as has been done here
already--but stripping Washington National of its name and
history is not an appropriate way. There is no insult
attached to voting no; on the contrary, this is the
respectful and proper way to redirect and continue any
movement to honor President Reagan here or elsewhere in the
country.
Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, earlier today this body passed legislation
to rename Washington National Airport to the Ronald Reagan National
Airport. I rise today to express my opposition to that legislation. My
opposition is in no way meant to dishonor President Reagan. Recently,
we have named the nation's second largest federal building after
President Reagan and have named a Nimitz-class aircraft carrier after
him as well. Clearly, Ronald Reagan accomplished a great deal during
his Presidency, and he deserves to be recognized for that contribution
to our country.
However, I do not believe that we should seek to honor President
Reagan by diminishing the honor that we have bestowed upon President
George Washington when we named the Washington National Airport--truly
one of our nation's greatest founding fathers. Mr. President, I
recently finished reading a biography of George Washington. I recommend
everyone in this body do so also. It is important to remember and
recognize the many contributions that he made to this country. For it
is largely through his efforts that the United States is a world leader
in every sense of the word.
Because of his leadership, the thirteen individual colonies united to
become the United States--a sovereign, independent nation.
After the Revolutionary War, George Washington took a lead role in
crafting our constitution and in the campaign for its ratification. The
success of Washington's campaign was assured by 1797, at the end of his
second presidential term, and his legacy continues to be the basis of
law today.
President Washington acted with Congress to establish the first great
executive departments and to lay the foundations of the modern federal
judiciary. He directed the creation of a diplomatic service. Three
presidential and five congressional elections carried the new
government, under the Constitution, through its initial trials.
His policies procured adequate revenue for the national government
and supplied the country with a sound currency, a well-supported public
credit, and an efficient network of national banks.
Above all, he conferred on the presidency a prestige so great that
political leaders afterward esteemed it the highest distinction to
occupy the chair he had honored. His work and leadership as President
is a benchmark by which we should measure all those who serve in that
high office.
Most of the work that engaged Washington had to be achieved through
people. President Washington found that success depended on their
cooperation and that they would do best if they had faith in causes and
leaders. To gain and hold their approval were among his foremost
objectives. He thought of people, in the main, as right-minded and
dependable, and he believed that a leader should make the best of their
good qualities.
As a national leader he upheld the right of everyone to freedom of
worship and equality before the law, condemning all forms of bigotry,
intolerance, discrimination, and persecution.
Throughout his public life, Washington contended with obstacles and
difficulties. His courage and resolution steadied him in danger, just
as defeat steeled his will. His devotion to his country and his faith
in its cause sustained him. Averse to harsh measures, he was generous
in victory. ``His integrity,'' wrote Thomas Jefferson, ``was the most
pure, his justice the most inflexible I have ever known. He was,
indeed, in every sense of the word, a wise, a good, and a great man.''
Therefore, Mr. President, despite the respect and admiration I have
for President Reagan, I cannot in good conscience support a bill which
will diminish the great contributions President George Washington has
made to our nation.
I yield the floor, Mr. President.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the question is on
the engrossment and third reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, and was
read the third time.
Mr. COVERDELL addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia.
Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, needless to say, I think we are all
grateful to be at this moment.
I ask for the yeas and nays on final passage.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second? There is a
sufficient second.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill having been read the third time, the
question is, Shall the bill, S. 1575, pass? The yeas and nays have been
ordered. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. NICKLES. I announce that the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Coats). is
necessarily absent.
Mr. FORD. I announce that the Senator from New York (Mr. Moynihan).
is necessarily absent.
The result was announced--yeas 76, nays 22, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 7 Leg.]
YEAS--76
Abraham
Allard
Ashcroft
Bennett
Biden
Bond
Boxer
Breaux
Brownback
Bryan
Burns
Byrd
Campbell
Chafee
Cochran
Collins
Coverdell
Craig
D'Amato
DeWine
Dodd
Domenici
Durbin
Enzi
Faircloth
Feingold
Feinstein
Frist
Gorton
Graham
Gramm
Grams
Grassley
Gregg
Hagel
Hatch
Helms
Hutchinson
Hutchison
Inhofe
Jeffords
Kempthorne
Kennedy
Kerrey
Kerry
Kohl
Kyl
Landrieu
Leahy
Lieberman
Lott
Lugar
Mack
McCain
McConnell
Mikulski
Murkowski
Murray
Nickles
Reid
Roberts
Rockefeller
Roth
Santorum
Sessions
Shelby
Smith (NH)
Smith (OR)
Snowe
Specter
Stevens
Thomas
Thompson
Thurmond
Warner
Wyden
NAYS--22
Akaka
Baucus
Bingaman
Bumpers
Cleland
Conrad
Daschle
Dorgan
Ford
Glenn
Harkin
Hollings
Inouye
Johnson
Lautenberg
Levin
Moseley-Braun
Reed
Robb
Sarbanes
Torricelli
Wellstone
NOT VOTING--2
Coats
Moynihan
The bill (S. 1575) was passed, as follows:
S. 1575
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. REDESIGNATION.
The airport described in the Act entitled ``An Act to
provide for the administration of the Washington National
Airport, and for other purposes'', approved June 29, 1940 (54
Stat. 686), and known as the Washington National Airport,
shall be known and designated as the ``Ronald Reagan
Washington National Airport''.
SEC. 2. REFERENCES.
(a) In General.--
(1) The following provisions of law are amended by striking
``Washington National Airport'' each place it appears and
inserting ``Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport'':
(A) Subsection (b) of the first section of the Act of June
29, 1940 (54 Stat. 686, chapter 444).
(B) Sections 106 and 107 of the Act of October 31, 1945 (59
Stat. 553, chapter 443).
(C) Section 41714 of title 49, United States Code.
(D) Chapter 491 of title 49, United States Code.
(2) Section 41714(d) of title 49, United States Code, is
amended in the subsection heading by striking ``Washington
National Airport'' and inserting ``Ronald Reagan Washington
National Airport''.
(b) Other References.--Any reference in a law, map,
regulation, document, paper, or other record of the United
States to the Washington National Airport shall be deemed to
be a reference to the ``Ronald Reagan Washington National
Airport''.
Mr. COVERDELL. I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. SANTORUM. I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
[[Page S342]]
Mr. COVERDELL addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Roberts). The Senator from Georgia.
Mr. COVERDELL. Mr. President, I thank the Senate and our cosponsors.
I want to reiterate my gladness that this has been a spontaneous effort
on the part of the U.S. Senate to respond to a great American
President.
Throughout the debate it was questioned from time to time, what was
the position of the Reagan family? There was not a position. This is a
gesture from a people and grateful nation and a grateful Senate. And I
thank my colleagues, those who disagree, for the collegiality in which
this matter was resolved.
I yield the floor.
Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I want to congratulate and express my
appreciation to the Senator from Georgia for the leadership he has
exhibited here. He kept calm and he got the job done. I think it was
the right thing to do, and I am very proud that the Senate, in a very
broad, bipartisan vote, voted to name this airport after former
President Reagan. I had the opportunity to talk to a couple of
colleagues here in the well as we were voting --Democrats who came up
and remembered acts of kindnesses they had experienced from former
President Reagan, and they voted for the legislation.
I know some had reservations or misgivings, but I think it was the
right thing to do and it was the right time to do it. I thank the
Senator for his efforts; he did an excellent job. I thank one and all
for their cooperation.
Mr. BYRD addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from West Virginia is recognized.
____________________