[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 156 (Saturday, November 8, 1997)]
[Senate]
[Pages S12181-S12183]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
SENATE RESOLUTION 149--REGARDING THE STATE VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES
OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
Mrs. FEINSTEIN (for herself, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Kerry, Mr. Smith of
Oregon, Mrs. Murray, Mr. Hagel, Mr. Grams, Mr. Robb, and Mr. Roth)
submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee
on Foreign Relations:
S. Res. 149
Whereas, the ability of the United States and the People's
Republic of China to avoid conflict, to cooperate, and to act
as partners rather than adversaries has a substantial bearing
on peace and stability in Asia and worldwide;
Whereas on October 28-30, 1997, President Jiang Zemin of
the People's Republic of China conducted a state visit to
Washington, DC;
Whereas the state visit included meetings with President
Bill Clinton, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, and the
Congressional leadership;
Whereas, in connection with the state visit, china gave
clear assurances that it will conduct no new nuclear
cooperation with Iran, reiterated its commitment not to
assist unsafeguarded nuclear facilities, joined the Zangger
Committee, and promulgated national regulations to control
exports of nuclear material, equipment and technology;
Whereas, President Clinton announced his intention to
certify that China has met the conditions necessary to
implement the 1985 Agreement for Cooperation Between the
Government of the United States and the Government of the
People's Republic of China Concerning the Peaceful Uses of
Nuclear Energy;
Whereas China agreed to allow a delegation of American
religious leaders to conduct a fact-finding mission on
religious freedom in China, to resume a project of accounting
for prisoners, and to conduct preparatory talks on
establishing a Non-Governmental Organization forum on human
rights;
Whereas the United States and China agreed to conduct
regular summit, cabinet-level, and sub-cabinet level meetings
in their respective capitals, and agreed to the establishment
of a direct telephone link between the two Presidents;
Whereas the United States and China agreed to increase
contacts between their respective militaries in order to
avoid incidents at sea between their naval forces, and to
coordinate their responses to humanitarian crises;
Whereas the United States and China agreed to increase
cooperation aimed at promoting the rule of law in China,
including training judges and lawyers, drafting legal codes,
and developing due process of law;
Whereas the United States and China agreed to expand their
cooperation in law enforcement efforts, including by
stationing officers of the United States Drug Enforcement
Administration in the United States Embassy in Beijing;
Whereas the United States and China have agreed to
cooperate on developing clean energy projects in China
through the use of United States products and technology;
Whereas despite some significant achievements reached
during the state visit of President Hiang Zemin, many
significant concerns and problems remain in the U.S.-China
relationship;
Whereas the United States continues to have serious
concerns about the human
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rights policies and practices of the People's Republic of
China, including the imprisonment of Wei Jingsheng, Wang Dan,
and other dissidents, limitations on the free practice of
religion, harsh population control measures (including
isolated reports of forced abortion), the use of prison labor
to produce cheap consumer goods, the continuing suppresson of
the people of Tibet, and the refusal of China's leadership to
meet with the Dalai Lama;
Whereas the United States continues to have deep concerns
about reports of exports from China of nuclear, chemical, and
ballistic missile technology, and advanced conventional
weapons, to countries who are known proliferators, such as
Iran and Pakistan;
Whereas the United States continues to seek from the
People's Republic of China measures to reduce the growing
trade imbalance between the United States and China,
including access to China's markets for United States
products and services;
Whereas the United States believes it is imperative that
the People's Republic of China commit to resolving the Taiwan
question by exclusively peaceful means, and that both sides
should resume a Cross-Straits dialogue as soon as possible;
Whereas the recently concluded U.S.-China summit is part of
President Clinton's articulated policy of engagement with the
People's Republic of China, a central goal of which is to
further draw the People's Republic of China into the
international community and toward internationally recognized
standards of behavior; and
Whereas President Clinton accepted President Jiang's
invitation to make a return visit to the People's Republic of
China in 1998: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Senate--
(1) welcomes the agreements and understanding reached by
the United States and the People's Republic of China during
the state visit of President Jiang Zemin;
(2) urges the President to continue to press vigorously for
further progress in China's policies and practices in the
areas of human rights, nonproliferation, trade, Tibet, and
Taiwan;
(3) views the expected return visit to the People's
Republic of China in 1998 by President Clinton as an
opportunity for the United States and the People's Republic
of China to advance their relationship by enhancing
cooperation in areas of accord and making genuine progress
toward resolving areas of disagreement.
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Madam President, today I am joined by a bipartisan
group of my colleagues in submitting a resolution that expresses
support for the agreements reached at the recent summit between
President Clinton and President Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of
China.
As the resolution makes clear, the United States and China did not
come to agreement on every issue that divides us during the summit.
Significant, even fundamental differences remain in some areas,
particularly in the area of human rights. But there is no question that
the summit was a positive step forward in building a cooperative
partnership between the largest developed country and the largest
developing country on earth.
The summit has, of course, occasioned a vigorous debate on the United
States' policy toward China. It seems to me that the key to a
successful China policy is to be able to encourage this large nation to
take its place in the world as a stable, responsible leader that can
help ensure peace and stability in Asia and the world.
The question is how to do this? Our choices seem to boil down to two:
Some say we should contain China, prevent its rise, and isolate it
from the world community. We should recognize it as an adversary.
Others--myself and the cosponsors of this resolution included--say we
should engage China, understand that our relationship is complex,
develop a strategic partnership where we have like interests, and
through intensive communication try to achieve common ground.
Last week's summit was, in my view, the beginning of a course of
ongoing top level dialogue and diplomacy.
It showed that we must deal with China on the top levels. Prior to
last week, our two presidents had had little communication. There was
no red telephone, no way for the leaders to speak. Our dialogue was
sporadic, and took place on second and third levels.
Was the summit a success? Yes. It was definitely more that just a
series of photo-ops. It accomplished progress and concrete results
which bear explicit restatement.
First, the summit established the ability of two country's leaders to
talk with each other. They have resolved to engage in ongoing
communication, conduct regular summit meetings--indeed, President
Clinton will go to China next year--and the establishment of a
telephone hotline.
This high-level communication is important, because Beijing does not
always know what all its ministries are doing. Our intelligence can
help bring it to their attention, as was the case when Chinese
companies shipped ring magnets to Pakistan. U.S. intelligence also
helped China shut down a number of illegal CD factories.
Second, the summit produced a very important nuclear non-
proliferation agreement. China committed that it would engage in no new
export of nuclear technology, expertise, or equipment to Iran. This is
in addition to China having already signed the N.P.T., the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, the CWC, and its commitment to abide by
the Missile Technology Control Regime and its annexes. China also
agreed to participate in multi-lateral efforts to control and monitor
the export of nuclear materials. In exchange we have agreed to allow
the export of peaceful nuclear energy technology to China.
Third, the summit led to several extremely useful military-to-
military agreements. Two two sides agreed to expand military-to-
military exchanges, including at the Secretary of Defense level, and to
establish communications links to avoid accidental incidents at sea
between the our navies.
Fourth, the summit produced agreements aimed at increasing U.S.-China
cooperation on law enforcement. China agreed to the stationing of two
DEA agents at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, and we will expand our
cooperation in combating organized crime, counterfeiting, alien
smuggling, and money laundering.
Fifth, the two sides reached agreements aimed at improving China's
energy usage and decreasing its pollution problem. The United States
and China will engage in a cooperative effort--using U.S. technology to
work on China's serious urban air pollution problem, and to provide
electricity to rural villages.
Sixth, in perhaps the most important contribution we can make to the
cause of human rights in China, the two sides agreed on a number of
measures aimed at promoting the rule of law in China. The United States
and China will engage in a joint effort in developing the rule of law
in China. It will involve the training of judges and lawyers, exchanges
of legal experts, and assistance to China in drafting new criminal,
civil, and commercial codes.
Seventh, even in the area of human rights, there were some modest
gains. I emphasize ``modest'' because we still have fundamental
differences with the Chinese on human rights. What we see as issues of
basic human freedom and dignity, the regard as their ``internal
affairs,'' with deep implications for China's stability and unity.
America's position was clearly put forward--by the President, by
Members of Congress, and by the many demonstrations that followed
President Jiang around. I believe Chinese leaders may now have an
understanding of the depth of feeling about human rights issues in the
United States in a way they could not have known before the visit.
Nevertheless, there was some limited progress. China agreed to
receive a group of religious leaders from the U.S. to conduct fact-
finding on religious freedom. China also agreed to resume a prisoner
accounting project run by a businessman and human rights activist, John
Kamm. In addition, China agreed to the establishment of a non-
governmental organization human rights forum. Preparatory sessions will
be held soon. And just prior to the summit, China signed the U.N.
Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, which obligates
parties to promote these rights in their countries.
Clearly, there were also major disappointments on human rights. There
was no release of dissidents, and no comment that indicated any new
thinking on Tiananmen Square. On Tibet, China clings to old and
discredited arguments and has been non-committal on all overtures for
talks with the Dalai Lama, and the repression in Tibet continues.
But even with the disappointments, things are changing in China. No
large country has changed as much as China has in the last 30 years
since the end of cultural revolution. Today there is a freer lifestyle,
an improved standard of
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living, and much greater educational opportunities. There is a greater
openness, and tremendous economic development. There is also a gradual
lowering of tariffs and opening of borders.
Our relationship with China is not without its strains. Taiwan, for
example remains the number one issue of sensitivity for China. The
Chinese view it as a fundamental issue of sovereignty. I think the
Administration understands this, and is firmly committed to the One
China policy.
But otherwise, all issues remain negotiable and subject to the
enterprise of diplomacy conducted at the highest levels. In this
regard, the summit was definitely a step forward. For that reason, my
colleagues and I submit this resolution to recognize the achievements
of the summit, and to express our support for President Clinton's
intention to make a return visit to China next year.
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