[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 155 (Friday, November 7, 1997)]
[Senate]
[Pages S11906-S11907]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                            AFTER THE SUMMIT

  Mr. BAUCUS. Madam President, I rise to discuss the state visit of 
Chinese President Jiang Zemin to the United States last week.


                          goals of asia policy

  Let me begin with a reminder of our goals in Asia policy. They are:
  A peaceful Pacific, open trade, joint work on problems of mutual 
concern like environmental problems and international crime, and 
progress toward respect for internationally recognized human rights.
  This morning I would like to discuss my view of the results.


                       accomplishments of summit

  To begin with the positive, I believe this visit will be particularly 
helpful in the first area--that of ensuring a stable peace in the 
Pacific. The major elements of our security policy in the region are 
the United States alliance with Japan; a permanent troop presence in 
Asia; deterrence of North Korean aggression; a one-China policy coupled 
with a commitment to help Taiwan ensure its security; and preventing 
proliferation of nuclear weapons.
  We have had a chance to discuss all of these issues in detail with 
President Jiang and China's senior foreign policy officials. And we 
have emerged without any serious short-term differences, plus an 
important agreement on China's part to cease nuclear cooperation with 
Iran. This will reduce the chances of a crisis in the region, and make 
peace in the Pacific generally more stable and permanent.
  I see this renewed strategic dialogue and understanding of our mutual 
interest in a peaceful region as the major accomplishment of the visit. 
I would also note some important specific agreements on a range of 
issues, including:
  In return for China's halt of nuclear cooperation with Iran, we will 
open up sales of civil nuclear power technology to China; China will 
enter the Information Technology Agreement, thus eliminating tariffs on 
a range of high-tech products in which American companies are highly 
competitive--for example, semiconductors.
  The United States will increase our assistance to China's efforts to 
combat pollution; the United States Justice Department will support 
efforts to develop the rule of law in China, and the

[[Page S11907]]

military services of both countries will make their military-to-
military dialogs more intense and frequent.
  These are good, constructive agreements that will serve the interest 
of both countries. It is quite clear, however, that a great deal of 
work lies ahead. Our goal should not only be to avoid crises and find 
common ground on areas of concern to both countries, but to solve 
problems.
  Here, we saw relatively little advance in two critical areas, and one 
is international trade.


                           tasks ahead: trade

  Last month, China passed Japan as the source of our largest trade 
deficit--and this in a year when our deficit with Japan has risen 
substantially over last year's totals. And the main reason for this 
deficit is the fact United States exports to China have been flat for 3 
years: $11.7 billion last year, $11.7 billion last year, on track for 
the same this year. During this period, of course, China's economy has 
grown by about 30 percent.
  Our strategy for change has been to encourage China's membership in 
the World Trade Organization on commercially acceptable grounds.
  That is the right strategy. I believe that China should have 
permanent MFN status when it occurs. But the progress on WTO membership 
has been so slow this year--even with the incentive of the first United 
States-China summit since President Bush visited China nearly 9 years 
ago--that we need to begin thinking about a fall-back option.
  That is, China may well have concluded that the status quo is 
acceptable for the time being--that the price for entering the WTO in 
terms of trade reform is higher than the price for remaining outside.
  If so, we need to change that calculus. I suggest as one possibility 
that the administration begin to think about self-initiating a broad 
section 301 case, as the Bush administration did in 1991. This would 
tackle some of the main trade problems we are focusing on in the WTO 
accession talks.
  This is obviously a less attractive, less cooperative approach than 
the WTO accession. But we have already waited 8 years for China to make 
a good WTO offer, and we cannot afford to wait very much longer. We 
remain very much open to imports from China, while China keeps out our 
wheat, our manufactures, our services, and all the rest.
  It is not fair, and our legitimate complaints about market access 
cannot be held hostage forever to WTO entry.


                              human rights

  The second is human rights.
  Since World War II, we have viewed human rights practices within 
nations as intimately linked to the willingness of governments to use 
force and coercion outside their borders. We have also seen promotion 
of human rights as a humanitarian, nonpolitical responsibility that all 
of us hold.
  I agree with both of those considerations. I believe they apply in 
China as well as in other countries. And I am disappointed by the lack 
of any significant change in Chinese policy, especially on the 
political prisoner question, during this summit. As we look to the 
future, though, I believe we need to remember three things.
  First, broad long-term trends in most areas are good. During the past 
decade, the number of political prisoners in China has fallen from 
about 5,000 to about 2,500; controls on information in a number of 
once-sensitive areas like official corruption and workplace abuses have 
relaxed; and China has taken steps like introducing village elections 
that have made the political system somewhat more accountable.
  Second, we should set limited, achievable goals where we do not see a 
great deal of progress. These should include freedom for dissidents 
like Wei Jingsheng and Wang Dan; a clear public accounting of the 
number of people jailed for strictly political reasons; talks with the 
Dalai Lama; and so forth. Short of areas like rule of law or 
parliamentary procedure, in which China is seeking our assistance, 
human rights policy should not include very broad, ambitious efforts to 
change the Chinese political system. Such efforts would be seen not as 
humanitarian in nature, but either as an effort to overthrow the 
Chinese Government, or more likely a rhetorical policy without much 
serious content.
  And third, human rights is a long-term issue. The keys to success are 
patience and persistence. We will need to continue raising the cases of 
individuals held in prison with Chinese officials, continue our work in 
areas like the U.N. Human Commission on Human Rights next spring. We 
need to be persistent and don't give up.


                            the road forward

  In the broader sense, with the summit behind us our next steps in 
China policy are clear.
  We have set a good foundation in the political and security arena. We 
have done a good job in identifying other areas of mutual interest, 
from environmental protection to nuclear plant sales to the rule of 
law. We need to keep at these issues; and we need to work harder in 
areas like market access and human rights, where this summit brought 
less than we would have hoped for. And we should avoid reckless steps 
like broad new sanctions laws which are likely to make things worse 
rather than better.
  On the whole, we are on the right course and we should stay there. 
Step by step, issue by issue, we are getting the results we should seek 
in China policy--a stable peace in Asia; fairness in trade; respect for 
international standards of human rights; and cooperation in areas of 
mutual interest like the environment. This summit has made a very 
important contribution to the effort, and I look for it to continue.
  Madam President, I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a 
quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. Collins). The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. SMITH of Oregon. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that 
the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

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