[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 154 (Thursday, November 6, 1997)]
[House]
[Pages H10124-H10129]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                             GENERAL LEAVE

  Mr. GILMAN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their 
remarks on House Resolution 188.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New York?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. GILMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 5 minutes.
  Madam Speaker, I am proud to bring this resolution, House Resolution 
188, to the floor today for consideration. This measure, which has 
support on both sides of the aisle, is an expression of the House that 
the administration is not doing all that it can to protect our 
dedicated service men and women who are, at this very moment, far from 
home, protecting our national interests.
  This resolution was initially directed toward China's irresponsible 
transfer of cruise missiles to Iran. We have improved this measure by 
adding the resolution of the gentlewoman from California [Ms. Harman] 
on the Russian transfer of missile technology to Iran.
  We further improved the resolution by incorporating proposals by the 
gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Porter] and the gentleman from California 
[Mr. Dreier] on restricting the issuance of visas to known weapons 
proliferators whose actions are inimicable to U.S. interests.
  We must do all we can to stop the proliferation of advanced 
conventional, chemical, biological and nuclear weapons. The acquisition 
by Iran of a large number of advanced cruise missiles from China and 
ballistic missile technology and knowhow from Russia clearly is a 
dangerous and destabilizing development.
  In the arsenal of a rogue regime like Iran, these weapons pose a 
significant threat to the security of the United States forces in the 
area, the safety of all ships passing through the Straits of Hormuz, 
and the stability of the entire Persian Gulf region and beyond.
  Concerning the transfer of cruise missiles, the Iran-Iraq Arms 
Nonproliferation Act of 1992 requires the President to impose sanctions 
on any Nation that transfers ``destabilizing numbers and types'' of 
advanced conventional weapons to Iran.
  Inexplicably, the Clinton administration determined that the transfer 
of these state-of-the-art nearly supersonic sea-skimming Chinese-made 
C-802 cruise missiles in the hands of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard 
forces are not ``destabilizing.''
  Based on that determination, the White House has regrettably failed 
to levy sanctions on either the company which transferred the missiles 
or against China, as called for in the Iran-Iraq Nonproliferation Act.
  I strongly disagree with the administration's failure to act, and 
have introduced this resolution in response. House Resolution 188 finds 
that the delivery of C-802 cruise missiles to Iran violates the Gore-
McCain Act and urges the administration to take firm action against 
those responsible for transferring these dangerous weapons.
  Iran has threatened to use its military power to close the Straits of 
Hormuz, to disrupt international shipping and to forcefully expel 
American forces from the Persian Gulf.
  The acquisition of C-802 cruise missiles by Iran, weapons which can 
be launched from sea, the air or land, must be considered a serious 
threat to regional stability, and, most important, our forces deployed 
to the region.
  Today, some 15,000 American service men and women are stationed in 
the Persian Gulf region, well within the range of these mobile C-802 
cruise missiles. We all remember the tragic and deadly attack against 
the U.S.S. Stark that occurred in the gulf in May of 1987. A single 
cruise missile slammed into that frigate and killed 37 of our American 
sailors.
  Likewise, we must pressure the Government of Russia to halt similar 
irresponsible transfers of ballistic missile technology to Iran in 
violation of the Missile Technology Control Regime.
  If we are not able to accomplish this, it is incumbent upon the 
administration to impose sanctions and to reconsider the aid we provide 
to the Russian Government.
  We owe it to our troops to minimize the threat they face as they 
carry out their selfless mission in support of our national security. 
Prohibiting Iran from acquiring advanced conventional weapons and 
penalizing those nations that provide those weapons must be a high 
foreign policy objective of our Nation. To my mind, these transfers 
should be unacceptable to the Congress, to the American people, and to 
our U.S. military. I say it is time to do something about it.
  Accordingly, Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support House 
Resolution 188 and we call upon the Clinton administration to take 
appropriate action.
  Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. HAMILTON. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from California [Ms. Harman], one of the chief sponsors of 
a portion of this resolution.
  Ms. HARMAN. Madam Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding time to me 
as the first speaker on our side and speak in enthusiastic support of 
House Resolution 188, as amended.
  I would also like to commend Chairman Gilman for highlighting the 
serious national security threat posed by the acquisition of cruise 
missiles by Iran. I agree with the gentleman that the acquisition of 
missile technology by Iran threatens our troops in the area, poses the 
highest security threat to Israel, our democratic ally in the region; 
to Turkey, our NATO ally; and is in general profoundly destabilizing in 
a highly volatile region.
  An equally if not more destabilizing development than Chinese 
proliferation to Iran is Iran's acquisition of long-range ballistic 
missile technology from Russia. This pattern of Russian-Iranian 
cooperation is well documented through press reports that cite Israeli 
and U.S. intelligence sources. These reports say Russian entities have 
provided assistance to Iran that includes

[[Page H10125]]

wind-tunnel testing of missile nose cones, guidance and propulsion 
systems design, metal alloys used to build long-range missiles, and the 
presence in Iran of high-level Russian advisers.
  The U.S. Director of Central Intelligence, in an unclassified report 
released in June, confirmed a Russian role in helping the Iranian 
missile program. The DCI's report stated that, ``Russia had supplied a 
variety of ballistic missile-related goods to foreign countries during 
the reporting period,'' which was 1996, ``especially to Iran.''
  Significantly, the Russian internal security service admitted last 
month that it had thwarted an effort by Iran to acquire missile 
technology from a Russian firm, this only a week after Russian 
President Yeltsin denied the possibility of such transfers.
  Madam Speaker, these Russian transfers to Iran are particularly 
troubling. First, they will allow Iran to develop in a maximum of 3 
years, and possibly within 1 year, a missile of a range capable of 
striking as far away as Central Europe, as well as Israel and U.S. 
troops in the region. That range is 800 to 1,200 miles.
  One of the ironies, of course, is that is the distance between Iran 
and Russia. So Russia may be feeding a system that may then in the end 
threaten Russia.
  Second, the Russian transfers provide Iran with technology and 
technical advice that would allow Iran to indigenously produce long-
range ballistic missiles. And this is Iran's stated intention.
  Let me underscore this point, Madam Speaker. We are not talking about 
a one-time transfer of weapons. We are talking about the transfer of 
knowhow that would allow Iran to build up an arsenal of its own, an 
arsenal that could be equipped with chemical, biological, and nuclear 
warheads, and very likely would be equipped with those warheads.
  My amendment, now included in House Resolution 188, which I 
introduced in the House and which Senator Kyl has introduced in the 
other body, directs the President to impose sanctions on those entities 
that are found to be responsible for these dangerous transfers of 
technology in accordance with current law and current policy.
  It is a simple and direct signal to the administration that it must 
act now to seek a halt by the Russian Government of its policy, one of 
complacency at best, proliferation at worst.
  Let us pass House Resolution 188, as amended, and put the House on 
record in strong support of taking immediate steps to halt this 
dangerous situation.
  Madam Speaker, diplomacy to date has failed to achieve the desired 
results. Imposing sanctions is the next step required.
  Mr. GILMAN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Blunt], a member of our committee.
  Mr. BLUNT. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of this important 
measure. I appreciate the leadership of the chairman on this issue.
  Fifteen thousand members of the U.S. Armed Forces are currently 
stationed in the Persian Gulf to maintain peace in that vulnerable 
region of the world. We owe these young men and young women the safety 
that we can provide in a dangerous occupation and in a dangerous world. 
We need to minimize the threat to their lives that these actions that 
are being discussed here on the floor today create. We also need to 
minimize the threat to our ally, Israel, and to our allies in Europe, 
and to the stability of the Middle East.
  The acquisition by Iran of advanced cruise missiles like the C-802 
model is a serious threat to the stability of the entire gulf and to 
the safety of our troops. Iran is clearly challenging the United States 
for control of the gulf, and I doubt if it would hesitate to utilize 
the 60 or more lethal cruise missiles pointed at our troops if the 
opportunity presented itself.
  The sale of these missiles and of missile technology by the Russians 
to Iran and by China constitutes a clear violation of the Iran-Iraq 
Arms Nonproliferation Act and of our missile technology accords.
  The President must use his authority and the Congress has to give 
direction, apparently, that that authority be used to impose sanctions 
on China and on Russia. His continued failure to do so represents a 
clear abdication of his duties as Americans are under serious threat, 
our allies are under serious threat.
  Surely the 1987 example of the attack on the U.S.S. Stark gave us all 
the evidence we need; the loss of 37 American sailors should be enough. 
I urge my colleagues to vote for this resolution and protect the lives 
of young Americans.
  Mr. GILMAN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from Texas, Mr. Sam Johnson.
  Mr. SAM JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for 
yielding me time, and thank the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Hamilton] 
as well.
  Madam Speaker, now that Chinese President Jiang's visit to the United 
States is over, I am glad we can focus on the real issue at hand, and 
that is the future of United States policy toward China. I hope the 
President, after rolling up the red carpet and putting away the 
champagne glasses, remembers that China has sold deadly military 
hardware to a terrorist nation. This includes a direct transfer of both 
chemical technology and cruise missiles to Iran. And what was this 
administration's response? Silence. Even though this was in direct 
violation of U.S. law, which was written by none other than Vice 
President Al Gore.
  Correct me if I am wrong, Madam Speaker, but wasn't it this President 
who in 1993 said, ``The United States would not cater to nations that 
violated peace and weapons agreements and restricted the freedoms of 
their people?''
  The last time I checked, China was still a Communist nation with a 
leadership that restricted the most basic of human rights, and Iran was 
still a dangerous rogue nation, which even today has proven ill will 
toward the United States. But most hypocritical of all, the original 
author of the Senate bill to stop arms sales to terrorist nations and 
impose sanctions if violations occur was none other than Al Gore, our 
own Vice President.
  Yet last week, during the discussions with Jiang, our President was 
touting a new agreement he had reached with President Jiang. Well, that 
is nice, but what about upholding current law? If I was the Vice 
President, I would be outraged. I guess the law just does not matter to 
some.
  I hope the President remembers, as Mr. Gilman has noted, that 15,000 
United States troops are stationed right there in direct line of the 
cruise missiles which China transferred to Iran. The transfer of these 
weapons and technology from China is in direct violation of United 
States law, and our refusal to call China to the mat for their actions 
is an embarrassment to this country.

                              {time}  1415

  This bill will rectify this situation and force the administration to 
take the very action which the Vice President called for in 1993. This 
Congress must live up to our responsibility to protect the safety and 
security of America. I urge my colleagues' vote.
  Mr. HAMILTON. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may 
consume.
  Madam Speaker, first of all, the resolution finds that the delivery 
of cruise missiles to Iran is of a destabilizing type and is, 
therefore, in violation of the Iran-Iraq Arms Nonproliferation Act of 
1992. The resolution also urges the President to enforce the Iran-Iraq 
Nonproliferation Act of 1992, basically calling for the application of 
sanctions, with respect to the acquisition of Iran, by Iran, of C-802 
model cruise missiles.
  The Committee on Rules added 2 clauses, one recommending a visa 
denial for anyone from China who has been materially involved in 
weapons proliferation; and second, the text of the resolution of the 
gentlewoman from California [Ms. Harman], House Concurrent Resolution 
121, expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding the 
proliferation of missile technology from Russia to Iran.
  I am troubled by this resolution. I understand the popularity of it. 
I certainly share with my colleagues in their concern about the 
transfer of dangerous technology to Iran by either China or Russia. I 
think we all agree on the objective that it is very, very much in the 
interests of the United States to stop the transfer of that technology 
to Iran.
  Now, in the Iran-Iraq Nonproliferation Act, the Congress of the 
United

[[Page H10126]]

States gave to the President the power, the authority to make a 
determination whether China or any other country has violated the law. 
We did not give that authority to ourselves; we gave it to the 
President. The reason we gave it to the President was because it is a 
very tough question, a question of great sensitivity and complexity, 
and any finding that the delivery of cruise missiles to Iran is of a 
destabilizing number and type, and therefore a violation of the Iran-
Iraq Arms Nonproliferation Act, is a judgment that calls for the input 
of the political leaders of the country, but also intelligence, policy, 
regional experts.
  I have complained about the process. I do it in this instance. To my 
knowledge, we heard, with respect to this question of violation, from 
one intelligence official for about 5 minutes. I am speaking now about 
Members. I think the staff may have been briefed further. At the time 
the intelligence official made the briefing, there were three Members 
of Congress in the room.
  Now, we have then a situation where some years ago we made the 
judgment that this is a very, very tough call; it should be made by the 
President because of the resources available to the executive branch, 
and now we are saying we are going to make that call in this 
resolution, and we are doing so with very thin consultation and 
preparation.
  The staff has had briefings on the topic of C-802 missile transfers 
from China to Iran. It is my very clear impression that those missiles 
from China do, indeed, make the task of the United States Navy in the 
gulf more complicated. I do not think there is any doubt about that. 
But it is also clear from these briefings that the missiles do not 
shift the military balance in the gulf. The United States clearly 
retains strong air and naval superiority.
  Another point I want to make here is that the comment has been made 
several times that diplomacy has failed. I can understand how that 
conclusion may have been reached, but I really do not agree with it. I 
do not think it is fair to say that diplomacy has succeeded, but I do 
think it is fair to say that as a result of diplomacy, the Chinese now 
appear to be heading in the right direction on this issue, although 
they are not yet prepared to give a public pledge to stop all 
transfers. I think the goal of U.S. diplomacy now has to be to confirm 
and to clarify and to get the most authoritative statement we can from 
China about the termination of missile shipments.
  In a sense, our problem on the floor, the difference between the 
majority and myself here, is one of a failure of consultation between 
the executive branch and the legislative branch. The negotiations have 
been going on. Those negotiations have been in secret. There has not 
been, I think, adequate consultation with Members of Congress about the 
progress that has been made.
  Members of Congress have read a lot of press reports. They are 
rightly concerned about this transfer, and so they decide that more 
vigorous action has to be taken. What bothers me is that I think the 
resolution is not going to be helpful to the diplomatic process. This 
problem is going to be solved eventually through diplomacy I think, I 
hope, and our goal should be to help the President and not make his job 
more difficult on the very tough questions of nonproliferation, where 
we all share the same goals.
  With respect to the resolution of the gentlewoman from California 
[Ms. Harman] concerning the transfer not of Chinese, but of Russian 
missile technology to Iran, which was added to this resolution, may I 
simply say to her that I think she deserves a lot of credit for 
focusing the attention of the House on a very important question. If 
her resolution stood by itself, I would have no trouble at all voting 
for it as a freestanding resolution, because I think it is quite 
commendable.
  I understand that the argument I am making here is probably one that 
will not be agreed with by most of my colleagues, but I do think it is 
important that we point out that diplomacy here has made some progress, 
and that progress may not be fully known to all Members of the House. 
We think the Chinese are heading in the right direction now. We cannot 
be absolutely sure of that, but I am sure none of us want to take steps 
here that would make that diplomacy, and a successful result from it, 
more difficult.
  Ms. HARMAN. Madam Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. HAMILTON. I yield to the gentlewoman from California.
  Ms. HARMAN. Madam Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's nice comments 
about my role and I thank him for them.
  On the subject of diplomacy, though, as the gentleman does, I commend 
the Vice President and the President for raising this issue, certainly 
the issue of Russian proliferation, with senior Russians in the 
delegation at every summit meeting and every possible event during the 
year. However, published reports show that the proliferation between 
Russia and Iran is not stopping, despite our urging and despite the 
fact that President Clinton has raised this with President Yeltsin 
personally twice.
  So my question to the gentleman is, if it is true that Iran will get 
indigenous capability in terms of developing missiles and the means to 
deploy them within a year to 3 years, can we wait any longer for this 
diplomatic course to work, or should we not, as responsible Members of 
Congress, exert maximum pressure, as we are trying to do today, to 
force the stopping of the proliferation?
  Mr. HAMILTON. Madam Speaker, reclaiming my time, the difficulty in my 
mind, and I fully appreciate the gentlewoman's deep concern about it, 
is whether the actions we take today and the threat of the sanctions 
will in fact help our diplomacy. I think it is the Vice President's 
position, and I do not want to try to speak for him, but that this kind 
of action at this particular juncture is counterproductive.
  I understand that we do not have firm results in diplomacy now, so I 
understand the unease that many Members have here. I think, from my 
standpoint, we have several months, at least, to see that diplomacy 
work. And if the steps we take today make the diplomacy more difficult, 
I do not think any of us want to do it. Now, the gentlewoman and I may 
have a difference in judgment about whether these steps are helpful or 
not.
  Ms. HARMAN. Madam Speaker, if the gentleman would yield for another 
10 seconds, I would comment that we have been trying to do this at 
least since April, and the subject was raised at the Helsinki summit 
and it was raised in Denver, and it was raised in Moscow more recently 
by the Vice President, and it has been raised at other senior level 
meetings between us and the Russians; in addition to which we have an 
ambassador, Mr. Wisner, who is in Russia at this moment negotiating on 
this, but the results are not there, and the clock is ticking, and I 
think that we have to push harder.
  Mr. HAMILTON. Madam Speaker, reclaiming my time, let me emphasize to 
the gentlewoman that I am not opposing her part of the bill. My 
objection really runs to the other part of it. The gentlewoman's 
resolution is a sense of the House, as I recall, and I think it is 
worthy, and I do not want to suggest that I am opposed to it. My 
objection goes to the China part of it.
  Ms. HARMAN. Madam Speaker, my final comment, if the gentleman will 
continue to yield, I think the point of the gentleman from New York 
[Mr. Gilman], is that missile technology from any source in Iran is 
destabilizing and that is why he is trying to shut down the Chinese 
proliferation, and that is why I agree with him.
  Mr. HAMILTON. Madam Speaker, we have no argument about wanting to 
shut down the transfer of technology. Everybody agrees to that. I am 
not urging the transfer of technology from China and Russia to Iran. 
Please do not attribute that to me.
  The question here is how best do we stop it? I am simply raising the 
question that at this point intervention on the transfer of China to 
Iran, when diplomacy appears to be, and I have to emphasize the 
``appears,'' to be making progress, I am not sure it is the best thing 
to do.
  Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California [Mr. 
Berman], a distinguished member of the committee.
  Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the legislation. I 
want to particularly focus on the language put into this bill by the 
adoption of the rule dealing with the Russian sale of

[[Page H10127]]

missile technology to Iran. This is a critical issue. In fact, both 
aspects of this bill involve a critical issue: The delivery of of 
enhanced missile capability, and in the case of the Russian transfers, 
very specifically technology, which violates commitments made by the 
Russian promise to adhere to the missile technology control regime.

                              {time}  1430

  I want to congratulate the gentlewoman from California [Ms. Harman] 
for being probably the leader on this side of the Congress, the House 
side of the Congress, in raising this issue now for many, many months. 
The administration has now clearly become focused on this issue. They 
have appointed a special emissary to negotiate on this. It is receiving 
attention at the highest levels of our Government. The gentlewoman 
deserves congratulations for bringing this resolution to this point and 
to the attention of this body.
  Mr. HAMILTON. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. GILMAN. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may 
consume to the gentleman from New York [Mr. Solomon], the distinguished 
Chairman of the Committee on Rules, for a closing statement.
  Mr. SOLOMON. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time 
to me.
  Madam Speaker, let me sing the gentleman's praises, because let me 
tell the Members, the gentleman from New York, Mr. Ben Gilman, does an 
outstanding job as the chairman of the Committee on International 
Relations, my old committee. We just cannot tell the gentleman how 
important it is for the foreign policy of this Nation.
  I also see across the aisle the gentlewoman from California, Ms. Jane 
Harman. Let me also sing her praises, because she has been a leader on 
this issue, and we have to give her full credit for it. We are glad 
that her amendment is part of the bill.
  Madam Speaker, let me say something about the gentleman from Indiana, 
Mr. Lee Hamilton, the ranking member and former chairman of the 
committee that I used to serve on. The gentleman from Indiana, Mr. Lee 
Hamilton, is one of the men that I most respect in this body. He has 
always been a man who speaks from his heart, he speaks with sincerity, 
and he tells it like it is.
  We do not always agree. We certainly do not agree on this issue here. 
He talks about how best to handle our relationships with China. He 
talks about thinking that China is moving in the right direction, and I 
would just say to my good friend, the gentleman from Indiana, thinking 
that they are moving in the right direction is not good enough.
  Nothing has changed. Everything is worse in China. They have a 
deplorable human rights record, just read the gentleman's own State 
Department report. Religious persecution is so, so terrible. They have 
huge military buildups taking place over the last 4 or 5 years that 
have almost doubled the entire military budget for China, the only 
nation of any significance at all, any size, that has any increase in 
their military budget at all.
  Why are they doing those things? They are selling missiles to 
unstable countries. They are allowing Third World despots like Iran, 
our sworn enemy, to obtain nuclear technology, not to mention chemical 
and biological factories that are actually being sold to Iran at this 
very moment.
  Let me just read the Members an AP story. I think we can probably 
believe this. It is by Barry Schweid. I do not see the date here.
  It says,

       Even while the Clinton administration celebrates new 
     assurances that China will refrain from selling nuclear 
     missile technology to Iran, it is investigating recent 
     delivery of nonnuclear cruise missiles to Tehran, to Iran.
  Madam Speaker, let me tell the Members that this bill offered by the 
gentleman from New York, Mr. Ben Gilman, is an excellent piece of 
legislation. It brings to the floor a ridiculous situation that the 
Clinton administration has put itself in.
  In 1992 Senator Gore, at that time, now our Vice President, offered 
legislation that would impose sanctions on nations that sell advanced 
conventional or weapons of mass destruction technology to Iran or Iraq. 
That is the law of the land.
  Guess what? Communist China has been selling the C-802 antiship 
missiles to Iran. Everybody knows it. Everybody in this Chamber here 
knows it. Everybody, including the Clinton administration, admits it. 
But no sanctions of any kind have been levied against China, as 
provided for in Vice President's Gore's own legislation.
  Cruise missile shipments from China to Iran were publicly reported in 
Defense News, the Washington Post, and the New York Times as early as 
the summer of 1995 and continue to go on; 2 years of public knowledge 
and still today there has been no acknowledgment from our 
administration of the significance of the deadly capabilities that have 
been passed on to Iran, again, I say, our avowed enemy. Iran says that 
they are our avowed enemy.
  It is high time, Madam Speaker, that our President stop looking the 
other way, stop ignoring the Gore-McCain law, ignoring the danger 
facing our 15,000 U.S. troops that are stationed within range of these 
deadly cruise missiles provided to Iran by this China that we seem to 
want to appease here on this floor, the danger that was witnessed 
firsthand by the men and women of our Armed Forces during Desert Storm.
  I was over there and the Members were over there, we saw them, when 
the USS Stark was struck by a cruise missile resulting in the loss of 
37 American sailors. Do we want to increase that danger? What will it 
take to convince the administration of the significance of the Chinese 
arms sponsorship of outlawed nations like Iran?
  The Congress must take the opportunity presented to us here today in 
this resolution to make a clear statement to the President, and in turn 
to the Communist Chinese Government, that the United States people will 
not stand for further proliferation, will not stand for dangerous and 
extensive weapon capabilities that threaten United States Armed Forces 
and endanger the welfare of United States allies in the Mideast.
  Mr. Speaker, everybody says, oh, you must never appease, we always 
have to cooperate and work with the Chinese. Let me tell the Members 
something. We have a $50 million trade deficit with China. They lick 
their chops to do business with the United States of America, with 260 
million Americans, with the highest standard of living in the world. 
Everybody wants to sell America. We use that as a bargaining chip to 
stop this rogue regime, these outlaw activities.
  That is why we need to pass this bill before us today. It will send 
the right message. China is not going to say, the heck with the United 
States. They are going to come licking their chops and doing business 
with us, and they will cooperate, and we will save American lives in 
doing it.
  Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
  Mr. SOLOMON. I yield to the gentleman from California.
  Mr. BERMAN. Madam Speaker, I just wanted to point out that I agree 
with gentleman's analysis about the dangerous nature of these 
transfers, about the destabilizing impact, about the need to do 
everything we can to stop it. But I just want to say, in all fairness, 
the administration has been intensely focused on trying to get these 
transfers stopped. We have reason to believe as a result of their 
efforts that things will change, so I just think the administration on 
this one is not the enemy, they are the gentleman's and my ally.
  Mr. SOLOMON. Madam Speaker, my good friend is a member of the Select 
Committee on Intelligence. He is aware of all of the information that I 
am aware of. Let me assure the gentleman, it is still going on, and we 
need to put a stop to it. Let us do it by sending this signal, a very 
light signal to the Chinese Government.
  Mr. GILMAN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mrs. Emerson). Pursuant to House Resolution 
302, the previous question is ordered on the resolution, as amended.
  The question is on the resolution, as amended.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. GILMAN. Madam Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a 
quorum is not present and make the

[[Page H10128]]

point of order that a quorum is not present.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Evidently a quorum is not present.
  The Sergeant at Arms will notify absent Members.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 414, 
nays 8, not voting 11, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 592]

                               YEAS--414

     Abercrombie
     Ackerman
     Aderholt
     Allen
     Andrews
     Archer
     Armey
     Bachus
     Baesler
     Baker
     Baldacci
     Ballenger
     Barcia
     Barr
     Barrett (NE)
     Barrett (WI)
     Bartlett
     Barton
     Bass
     Bateman
     Becerra
     Bentsen
     Bereuter
     Berman
     Berry
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bishop
     Blagojevich
     Bliley
     Blumenauer
     Blunt
     Boehlert
     Boehner
     Bonilla
     Bonior
     Bono
     Borski
     Boswell
     Boucher
     Boyd
     Brady
     Brown (FL)
     Brown (OH)
     Bryant
     Bunning
     Burr
     Burton
     Buyer
     Callahan
     Calvert
     Camp
     Campbell
     Canady
     Cannon
     Cardin
     Castle
     Chabot
     Chambliss
     Chenoweth
     Christensen
     Clay
     Clayton
     Clement
     Clyburn
     Coble
     Coburn
     Collins
     Combest
     Condit
     Conyers
     Cook
     Cooksey
     Costello
     Cox
     Coyne
     Cramer
     Crane
     Crapo
     Cummings
     Cunningham
     Danner
     Davis (FL)
     Davis (IL)
     Davis (VA)
     Deal
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     Delahunt
     DeLauro
     DeLay
     Dellums
     Deutsch
     Diaz-Balart
     Dickey
     Dicks
     Dingell
     Dixon
     Doggett
     Dooley
     Doolittle
     Doyle
     Dreier
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Edwards
     Ehlers
     Ehrlich
     Emerson
     Engel
     English
     Ensign
     Eshoo
     Etheridge
     Evans
     Everett
     Ewing
     Farr
     Fattah
     Fawell
     Fazio
     Filner
     Flake
     Foley
     Ford
     Fossella
     Fowler
     Fox
     Frank (MA)
     Franks (NJ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Frost
     Furse
     Gallegly
     Ganske
     Gejdenson
     Gekas
     Gephardt
     Gibbons
     Gilchrest
     Gillmor
     Gilman
     Goode
     Goodlatte
     Goodling
     Gordon
     Goss
     Graham
     Granger
     Green
     Greenwood
     Gutierrez
     Gutknecht
     Hall (OH)
     Hall (TX)
     Hansen
     Harman
     Hastert
     Hastings (FL)
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayworth
     Hefley
     Hefner
     Herger
     Hill
     Hilleary
     Hilliard
     Hinchey
     Hinojosa
     Hobson
     Hoekstra
     Holden
     Hooley
     Horn
     Hostettler
     Hoyer
     Hulshof
     Hunter
     Hutchinson
     Hyde
     Inglis
     Istook
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson-Lee (TX)
     Jefferson
     Jenkins
     John
     Johnson (CT)
     Johnson (WI)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Kanjorski
     Kaptur
     Kasich
     Kelly
     Kennedy (MA)
     Kennedy (RI)
     Kennelly
     Kildee
     Kilpatrick
     Kim
     Kind (WI)
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Kleczka
     Klink
     Klug
     Knollenberg
     Kolbe
     Kucinich
     LaHood
     Lampson
     Lantos
     Largent
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Lazio
     Leach
     Levin
     Lewis (CA)
     Lewis (GA)
     Lewis (KY)
     Linder
     Lipinski
     Livingston
     LoBiondo
     Lofgren
     Lowey
     Lucas
     Luther
     Maloney (CT)
     Maloney (NY)
     Manton
     Manzullo
     Markey
     Martinez
     Mascara
     Matsui
     McCarthy (MO)
     McCarthy (NY)
     McCollum
     McCrery
     McDade
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McHale
     McHugh
     McInnis
     McIntosh
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     McNulty
     Meehan
     Meek
     Menendez
     Metcalf
     Millender-McDonald
     Miller (CA)
     Miller (FL)
     Minge
     Mink
     Moakley
     Mollohan
     Moran (KS)
     Morella
     Myrick
     Nadler
     Neal
     Nethercutt
     Neumann
     Ney
     Northup
     Norwood
     Nussle
     Oberstar
     Obey
     Olver
     Ortiz
     Owens
     Oxley
     Packard
     Pallone
     Pappas
     Parker
     Pascrell
     Pastor
     Paul
     Paxon
     Payne
     Pease
     Pelosi
     Peterson (MN)
     Peterson (PA)
     Petri
     Pickering
     Pickett
     Pitts
     Pombo
     Pomeroy
     Porter
     Poshard
     Price (NC)
     Pryce (OH)
     Quinn
     Radanovich
     Rahall
     Ramstad
     Rangel
     Redmond
     Regula
     Reyes
     Riggs
     Rivers
     Rodriguez
     Roemer
     Rogan
     Rogers
     Rohrabacher
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Rothman
     Roukema
     Roybal-Allard
     Royce
     Rush
     Ryun
     Sabo
     Salmon
     Sanchez
     Sanders
     Sandlin
     Sanford
     Sawyer
     Saxton
     Scarborough
     Schaefer, Dan
     Schaffer, Bob
     Schumer
     Scott
     Sensenbrenner
     Serrano
     Sessions
     Shadegg
     Shaw
     Shays
     Sherman
     Shimkus
     Shuster
     Sisisky
     Skeen
     Skelton
     Slaughter
     Smith (MI)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (OR)
     Smith (TX)
     Smith, Adam
     Smith, Linda
     Snowbarger
     Snyder
     Solomon
     Souder
     Spence
     Spratt
     Stabenow
     Stark
     Stearns
     Stenholm
     Stokes
     Strickland
     Stump
     Stupak
     Sununu
     Talent
     Tanner
     Tauscher
     Tauzin
     Taylor (MS)
     Taylor (NC)
     Thomas
     Thompson
     Thornberry
     Thune
     Thurman
     Tiahrt
     Tierney
     Torres
     Towns
     Traficant
     Turner
     Upton
     Velazquez
     Vento
     Visclosky
     Walsh
     Wamp
     Waters
     Watkins
     Watt (NC)
     Watts (OK)
     Waxman
     Weldon (FL)
     Weldon (PA)
     Weller
     Wexler
     Weygand
     White
     Whitfield
     Wicker
     Wise
     Wolf
     Woolsey
     Wynn
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)

                                NAYS--8

     Hamilton
     Houghton
     Johnson, E. B.
     LaFalce
     Moran (VA)
     Murtha
     Skaggs
     Yates

                             NOT VOTING--11

     Brown (CA)
     Carson
     Cubin
     Foglietta
     Forbes
     Gonzalez
     McKinney
     Mica
     Portman
     Riley
     Schiff

                              {time}  1459

  Mr. YATES changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
  Mr. SANFORD changed his vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
  So the resolution, as amended, was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.

                              {time}  1500

  Ms. VELAZQUEZ. I move to reconsider the vote, Madam Speaker.


                 Motion to Table Offered by Mr. Latham

  Mr. LATHAM. Madam Speaker, I move to lay on the table the motion to 
reconsider.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mrs. Emerson). The question is on the motion 
offered by the gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Latham] to lay on the table the 
motion to reconsider offered by the gentlewoman from New York [Ms. 
Velazquez].
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.


                             Recorded Vote

  Ms. VELAZQUEZ. Madam Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
  A recorded vote was ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 240, 
noes 176, not voting 17, as follows:

                             [Roll No 593]

                               AYES--240

     Aderholt
     Archer
     Armey
     Bachus
     Baker
     Ballenger
     Barr
     Barrett (NE)
     Bartlett
     Barton
     Bass
     Bateman
     Bentsen
     Berry
     Bilbray
     Bilirakis
     Bliley
     Blunt
     Boehlert
     Boehner
     Bonilla
     Bono
     Boyd
     Brady
     Bryant
     Bunning
     Burton
     Buyer
     Callahan
     Calvert
     Camp
     Campbell
     Canady
     Cannon
     Castle
     Chabot
     Chambliss
     Chenoweth
     Christensen
     Coble
     Coburn
     Collins
     Combest
     Condit
     Cook
     Cooksey
     Cox
     Crane
     Crapo
     Cunningham
     Davis (FL)
     Davis (VA)
     Deal
     DeLay
     Diaz-Balart
     Dickey
     Doolittle
     Dreier
     Duncan
     Dunn
     Ehlers
     Ehrlich
     Emerson
     English
     Ensign
     Everett
     Ewing
     Fawell
     Foley
     Fossella
     Fowler
     Fox
     Franks (NJ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallegly
     Ganske
     Gekas
     Gibbons
     Gilchrest
     Gillmor
     Gilman
     Goode
     Goodlatte
     Goodling
     Goss
     Graham
     Granger
     Greenwood
     Gutknecht
     Hall (TX)
     Hansen
     Hastert
     Hastings (FL)
     Hastings (WA)
     Hayworth
     Hefley
     Herger
     Hill
     Hilleary
     Hobson
     Hoekstra
     Horn
     Hostettler
     Houghton
     Hulshof
     Hunter
     Hutchinson
     Hyde
     Inglis
     Istook
     Jenkins
     John
     Johnson (CT)
     Johnson (WI)
     Johnson, Sam
     Jones
     Kasich
     Kelly
     Kim
     King (NY)
     Kingston
     Klug
     Knollenberg
     Kolbe
     LaHood
     Lampson
     Largent
     Latham
     LaTourette
     Lazio
     Leach
     Lewis (CA)
     Lewis (KY)
     Linder
     Livingston
     LoBiondo
     Lucas
     Manzullo
     Martinez
     McCollum
     McCrery
     McDade
     McHugh
     McInnis
     McIntosh
     McIntyre
     McKeon
     Metcalf
     Miller (FL)
     Moran (KS)
     Morella
     Myrick
     Nethercutt
     Neumann
     Ney
     Northup
     Norwood
     Nussle
     Oxley
     Packard
     Pappas
     Parker
     Paul
     Paxon
     Payne
     Pease
     Peterson (PA)
     Petri
     Pickering
     Pitts
     Pombo
     Porter
     Pryce (OH)
     Quinn
     Radanovich
     Ramstad
     Redmond
     Regula
     Riggs
     Rodriguez
     Roemer
     Rogan
     Rogers
     Rohrabacher
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roukema
     Royce
     Ryun
     Salmon
     Sanford
     Saxton
     Scarborough
     Schaefer, Dan
     Schaffer, Bob
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Shadegg
     Shaw
     Shays
     Shimkus
     Shuster
     Sisisky
     Skeen
     Smith (MI)
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (OR)
     Smith (TX)
     Smith, Linda
     Snowbarger
     Solomon
     Souder
     Spence
     Stearns
     Stump
     Sununu
     Talent
     Tauzin
     Taylor (MS)
     Taylor (NC)
     Thomas
     Thornberry
     Thune
     Tiahrt
     Traficant
     Turner
     Upton
     Walsh
     Wamp
     Watkins
     Watts (OK)
     Weldon (FL)
     Weldon (PA)
     Weller
     Wexler
     White
     Whitfield
     Wicker
     Wolf
     Young (AK)
     Young (FL)

[[Page H10129]]



                               NOES--176

     Abercrombie
     Ackerman
     Allen
     Andrews
     Baesler
     Baldacci
     Barcia
     Barrett (WI)
     Becerra
     Berman
     Bishop
     Blagojevich
     Blumenauer
     Bonior
     Borski
     Boswell
     Boucher
     Brown (FL)
     Brown (OH)
     Cardin
     Clay
     Clayton
     Clement
     Clyburn
     Conyers
     Costello
     Coyne
     Cramer
     Cummings
     Danner
     Davis (IL)
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     Delahunt
     DeLauro
     Dellums
     Deutsch
     Dicks
     Dingell
     Dixon
     Doggett
     Dooley
     Doyle
     Edwards
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Etheridge
     Evans
     Farr
     Fattah
     Fazio
     Filner
     Flake
     Ford
     Frank (MA)
     Frost
     Furse
     Gejdenson
     Gephardt
     Gordon
     Green
     Gutierrez
     Hall (OH)
     Hamilton
     Harman
     Hefner
     Hilliard
     Hinchey
     Hinojosa
     Holden
     Hooley
     Hoyer
     Jackson (IL)
     Jackson-Lee (TX)
     Jefferson
     Johnson, E. B.
     Kanjorski
     Kaptur
     Kennedy (MA)
     Kennedy (RI)
     Kennelly
     Kildee
     Kilpatrick
     Kind (WI)
     Kleczka
     Klink
     Kucinich
     LaFalce
     Lantos
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Lipinski
     Lofgren
     Lowey
     Luther
     Maloney (CT)
     Maloney (NY)
     Manton
     Markey
     Mascara
     Matsui
     McCarthy (MO)
     McCarthy (NY)
     McDermott
     McGovern
     McHale
     McNulty
     Meehan
     Meek
     Menendez
     Millender-McDonald
     Miller (CA)
     Minge
     Mink
     Moakley
     Mollohan
     Moran (VA)
     Murtha
     Neal
     Oberstar
     Obey
     Olver
     Ortiz
     Owens
     Pallone
     Pascrell
     Pastor
     Pelosi
     Peterson (MN)
     Pickett
     Pomeroy
     Poshard
     Price (NC)
     Rahall
     Rangel
     Reyes
     Rivers
     Rothman
     Roybal-Allard
     Rush
     Sabo
     Sanchez
     Sanders
     Sandlin
     Sawyer
     Schumer
     Scott
     Serrano
     Sherman
     Skaggs
     Skelton
     Smith, Adam
     Snyder
     Spratt
     Stark
     Stokes
     Strickland
     Stupak
     Tanner
     Tauscher
     Thompson
     Thurman
     Tierney
     Torres
     Towns
     Velazquez
     Vento
     Visclosky
     Waters
     Watt (NC)
     Waxman
     Weygand
     Wise
     Woolsey
     Wynn
     Yates

                             NOT VOTING--17

     Bereuter
     Brown (CA)
     Burr
     Carson
     Cubin
     Foglietta
     Forbes
     Gonzalez
     McKinney
     Mica
     Nadler
     Portman
     Riley
     Schiff
     Slaughter
     Stabenow
     Stenholm

                              {time}  1518

  Mr. ROEMER changed his vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
  So the motion to table was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  Pursuant to House Resolution 302, the title of the resolution was 
amended so as to read: ``Resolution urging the executive branch to take 
action regarding the acquisition by Iran of C-802 cruise missiles, and 
expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding 
proliferation of missile technology from Russia to Iran.''

                          ____________________