[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 149 (Thursday, October 30, 1997)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E2135-E2136]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




 THE CHINESE HUMAN RIGHTS RECORD AND THE VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES OF 
                     CHINESE PRESIDENT JIANG ZEMIN

                                 ______
                                 

                            HON. TOM LANTOS

                             of california

                    in the house of representatives

                       Thursday, October 30, 1997

  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, this morning a number of us had a leadership 
breakfast with

[[Page E2136]]

the visiting President of China, Jiang Zemin. In that meeting a number 
of very serious human rights concerns were raised with our Chinese 
guest by the participating Senators and Members of Congress. Mr. 
Speaker, it is important that President Jiang Zemin understand the 
seriousness of the concern, the strength of the interest of the 
American people in human rights.
  Mr. Speaker, earlier this week, on the eve of President Jiang's 
arrival in Washington, DC, the Subcommittee on International Operations 
and Human Rights of the House International Relations Committee held a 
hearing on China's record on human rights under the leadership of 
Subcommittee Chairman Chris Smith of New Jersey. That was a most 
appropriate and most important hearing at which a number of excellent 
witnesses discussed in some detail the appalling abuse of human rights 
by the Government of China.
  I ask, Mr. Speaker, that my opening statement at that hearing be 
placed in the Record. As the President of China visits us here on 
Capitol Hill, it is important that he understand clearly and 
unequivocally the point of view of the elected representatives of the 
American people.

    Statement of Congressman Tom Lantos of California--``U.S.-China 
             Relations and Human Rights,'' October 28, 1997

       Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. First, I want to commend 
     you for holding this hearing. I deeply regret that, 
     apparently, this is the only hearing held on this general 
     subject during the visit of the President of China, because I 
     think it's extremely important that the public relations 
     campaign so carefully constructed and so effectively executed 
     by the paid propagandists of Beijing not be successful and 
     that the true story about China be relayed.
       Since I so strongly agree with most of the statements that 
     you just made, Mr. Chairman, allow me to begin with a general 
     observation that puts this visit in its proper perspective. I 
     disagree with this administration's China policy. Having said 
     that, however, let me state for the record that I'm convinced 
     that the commitment to human rights of this administration is 
     far stronger than was the commitment to human rights of the 
     previous administration.
       And while we can discuss ad nauseam and ad infinitum the 
     human rights policies of the Clinton administration vis-a-vis 
     many countries on the face of this planet, and while I share 
     your concern, Mr. Chairman, with respect to the Clinton 
     administration's human rights policy with respect to China, 
     the record must show that the Clinton-Gore Administration has 
     a far greater commitment to human rights than did Bush-
     Quayle; that Secretary Albright has a far greater commitment 
     to human rights than did former Secretary Jim Baker; and that 
     on balance, this administration is far more sympathetic to 
     human rights concerns across the globe than was the previous 
     administration.
       Let me state at the outset that I look forward to listening 
     to our witnesses as one who has unbounded admiration for 
     China as a civilization and a culture. Chinese civilization 
     and culture is obviously one of the great civilizations and 
     cultures on the face of this planet. And nothing would please 
     me more than the opportunity for that culture and that 
     civilization to blossom in freedom and in growing friendship 
     with the United States.
       Let me also at the outset, Mr. Chairman, put to rest 
     perhaps the most preposterous notion that many who oppose our 
     position claim with respect to U.S.-China policy. There is an 
     attempt on the part of many--and many in the administration--
     to juxtapose a policy of engagement with a policy of 
     isolation.
       That is a phony juxtaposition. No one is more committed to 
     engagement with China than I am, and I believe you are, Mr. 
     Chairman. What we are calling for is an engagement which is 
     consonant with fundamental America principles and values. No 
     one in his right mind is advocating isolating 1.2 billion 
     human beings. All of us recognize the enormous importance 
     China will play in Asia and in the Pacific. All of us are 
     hoping for a prosperous, peaceful and democratic China. So, I 
     reject categorically the juxtaposition of engagement versus 
     isolation, however, high the authority may be who is pursuing 
     that line.
       Our problem with China, of course, is many fold. Today, we 
     are dealing with human rights. But let me, for the record, 
     state that I am--as I am sure you too, Mr. Chairman--
     profoundly concerned with China's role in the proliferation 
     of weapons of mass destruction. I am profoundly concerned 
     with the profoundly unfair trade relations between the United 
     States and China--a trade imbalance which this year will 
     exceed $40 billion. I am profoundly concerned with the subtle 
     undermining of political democracy in Hong Kong. I am 
     profoundly concerned with the onslaught on the free and 
     democratic Taiwan. And of course, I am profoundly concerned 
     about outrageous performance of this Chinese regime in Tibet.
       Cynical photo opportunities by the President of China--
     seeking out the most sacred places of American democracy in 
     Philadelphia or Williamsburg or elsewhere--will not suffice 
     to cover up the shameful human rights record of the Chinese 
     government. The record is clear. In addition to the litany of 
     items you mentioned, Mr. Chairman, we will be hearing from my 
     friend Harry Wu concerning the sordid traffic in organs of 
     executed prisoners--one of the shabbiest aspects of China's 
     policy anywhere on the face of this planet.
       I have no doubt in my mind that the almost pathological 
     opposition of this regime, to his holiness the Dalai Lama 
     stems from the inherent fear of a sick and valueless system 
     when it is confronted with ultimate moral authority. There is 
     no rational explanation as to why this vast and powerful 
     country of 1.2 billion people with a vast military apparatus 
     should be afraid of a simple Buddhist monk in saffron robes--
     without a military, without economic power, without anything 
     except his moral authority--which he juxtaposes to the 
     powerful regime in Beijing.
       Human rights have, in fact, deteriorated in China in recent 
     years. Our decoupling of most-favored-nation treatment (MFN) 
     issues from human rights--as you, Mr. Chairman, and I and our 
     good friend, Congressman Wolf so ably stated at the time--was 
     a mistake when it occurred. And it is my, perhaps naive, hope 
     that at least in the House of Representatives this next time 
     around we will have sufficient votes with a new coalition 
     emerging--covering the broad spectrum from human rights 
     through the American labor movement to the religious groups--
     that we might in fact eke out a narrow majority for a victory 
     for the moral position on that issue.
       Let me just say in conclusion, Mr. Chairman, that long 
     after the Jiang Zemin's of this world have been thrown on the 
     dump heap of history, the heroes in China's prisons will 
     continue to live in the minds of men and women across the 
     globe who believe in human freedom and dignity, in religious 
     freedom, in the right of people to select governments of 
     their own choosing. This transitory regime will not be here 
     for long in its present from because the people of China are 
     as entitled to live in a free and open and democratically 
     elected society, as are the people Taiwan today and as are 
     the people of Hungary or the Czech Republic or Poland.
       It was not too many years ago when those of us who 
     expressed hope that the communist regimes will collapse in 
     the Soviet Union and in the Soviet empire were labeled naive. 
     Naivete is on the other side--mostly on the side of the 
     leaders of the multi-national giant corporations who, for the 
     sake of a few contracts, are ready to swallow all of the 
     principles taught to them in schools here in the United 
     States.
       And our great democratic allies are no better. In France, 
     in the United Kingdom and elsewhere, the pursuit of contracts 
     with China is no less vigorous and shameless as it is by 
     multi-nationals headquartered in the United States. But 
     naivete is not on our side. It is on the side of those who 
     hope that making deals with the devil is a long-term 
     proposition for national prosperity.
       In the not-too-distant future, I look forward to welcoming 
     to Washington some leaders of China who will view the 
     American shrines of democracy not merely as photo 
     opportunities, but as fountains where they can replenish 
     their yearning for freedom.
       Thank you Mr. Chairman.

       

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