[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 144 (Thursday, October 23, 1997)]
[Senate]
[Pages S11028-S11029]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                     UNITED STATES-CHINA RELATIONS

  Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I rise today to address the direction of 
our country's relationship with the People's Republic of China. As we 
speak, the Clinton administration is busily preparing for next week's 
state visit of Chinese President Jiang Zemin. A state visit is the most 
formal and ceremonial diplomatic event hosted by the United States. It 
involves champagne receptions and flattering toasts.
  While United States-Chinese relations are crucial and important for 
both countries, I believe it would be inappropriate for President 
Clinton to welcome the Chinese leader in a state visit at this time.
  The United States, the world's leading free nation, should not give a 
red carpet welcome to China's Communist leadership until we see greater 
strides on human rights, religious freedom and other issues in that 
country. Rather than a ceremonial visit, we should be holding a working 
visit with the Chinese leadership, concentrating on the very real 
issues which exist between our two nations.
  In my view, the President should put specific demands on the Chinese 
leadership, calling for improved human rights policies and an end to 
weapons proliferation.
  Mr. President, China's record of human rights abuses and repression 
of religious faith is long and disturbing.
  Peaceful advocates of democracy and political reforms have been 
sentenced to long terms in prisons where they have been beaten, 
tortured, and denied needed medical care.
  Women pregnant with their second or third child have been coerced 
into abortions.
  Religious meeting places have been forcibly closed.
  Tibetan monks refusing to condemn their religious leader, the Dalai 
Lama, have been forced from their monasteries; some of their leaders 
have disappeared.
  The President's own State Department Report on Human Rights confirms 
these allegations.
  And recent claims by the Chinese Government that Catholics in 
particular are few in number and not mistreated have been directly 
contradicted by the Vatican.
  According to the Vatican news agency, Chinese reports simply ignore 
the existence of 8 million Catholics loyal to the Pope, as well as 
China's violent actions in closing down secret churches and arresting 
religious leaders.
  China also has engaged in weapons proliferation that endangers our 
national security.
  Although China signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and agreed 
to abide by the terms of the Missile Technology Control Regime in 1992, 
violations of both agreements continue. Especially worrisome are 
Chinese sales of weapons technologies to countries which are trying to 
develop weapons of mass destruction, countries which America regards as 
rogue nations.
  Chinese weapons exports also have more directly threatened Americans 
here on United States soil. Companies associated with China's Communist 
People's Liberation Army the PLA, have been caught attempting to sell 
smuggled assault weapons to street gangs in Los Angeles.
  The Clinton administration's response to these dangerous actions, in 
my judgment, has been inadequate to say the least.
  Last December, the administration welcomed China's Defense Minister,

[[Page S11029]]

Gen. Chi Haotian, to Washington. Mr. Chi was one of the People's 
Liberation Army officers who led the military assault against the 
citizens of the Chinese capital on June 4, 1989--the massacre in 
Tiananmen Square.
  Now the administration wants to welcome President Jiang with pomp and 
circumstance. These actions indicate that, where China is concerned, 
what we have is not a policy of constructive engagement, but one of 
unconditional engagement.
  By agreeing to this state visit without receiving any significant 
concession on human rights, religious freedom and weapons 
proliferation, the administration may be squandering its strongest 
source of leverage with Beijing.
  None of this is to recommend cutting off all dialog between the 
United States and China. Again, I would not object to having a visit 
for working-level purposes. But I feel the symbolism of a state visit 
is inappropriate given the current situation in China and our 
fundamental disagreements.
  For this reason, I have cosponsored a resolution, with Senators 
Feingold  and Helms, to downgrade the upcoming event from a state visit 
to a working visit. And I urge my colleagues to cosponsor this 
resolution as well.
  We must work, Mr. President, to put United States-China relations on 
a more substantive basis. And that requires hard work and tough 
negotiations.
  The President must call for specific actions on the part of the 
Chinese leadership that will improve that country's treatment of its 
own people and stop its destabilizing activities in the world at large.
  According to the Wall Street Journal, ``[China] doesn't plan to 
discuss issues such as human rights'' at this upcoming conference. A 
Chinese Embassy spokesman even said ``we do not welcome'' advice on 
such matters.
  But, welcome or not, President Clinton must insist that China's 
leaders address crucial issues like human rights. Indeed, in my view, 
the administration has a moral duty to press a whole host of issues on 
the Chinese Government that it may not welcome, but that are of great 
importance to the people of China, to the United States, and to the 
world.
  Specifically, I believe President Clinton should demand:
  First, that the Chinese Government dismantle nonreciprocal tariff and 
nontariff barriers to American exports to China, and stop the continued 
export to the United States of products made with prison labor;
  Second, that the Chinese Government cease persecuting Chinese 
Christians, as well as members of other religious faiths, and release 
all persons incarcerated for their religious or other human rights 
related activities;
  Third, that China end its coercive family planning practices, 
including its practice of forced abortion, forced sterilization and 
infanticide;
  Fourth, that the Chinese Government stop its activities leading to 
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and advanced ballistic 
missile technology; and
  Fifth, that the Chinese Government stop its evasion of United States 
export control and other laws.
  Mr. President, by making these demands on the Chinese Government, the 
President would put in place the structure needed for a coherent China 
policy; a policy aimed at protecting our national interests and 
improving human rights conditions in China.
  In addition, I believe it is crucial that the President express his 
determination to uphold and fully implement the Taiwan Relations Act. 
This act provides the framework for strong economic and security 
relations between the United States and the democratic government of 
Taiwan. Full implementation will show our commitment to freedom in the 
Asian-Pacific region.
  If no progress is made through these means, Mr. President, Congress 
must act. If the Chinese leadership is not willing to make significant 
reforms on its own, we must pass legislation targeting its improper 
activities.
  In preparation for that contingency, I have joined with a bipartisan 
group of colleagues to introduce the China Policy Act of 1997.
  This legislation will set in motion a policy that will encourage the 
Chinese Government to reform its human rights policies, and end its 
sales of arms and weapons technology to renegade regimes like Iran.
  To begin with, Mr. President, the bill contains targeted sanctions 
aimed directly at Chinese companies that engage in weapons and weapons 
technology proliferation.
  The bill would institute targeted sanctions against PLA companies 
found to have engaged in weapons proliferation, illegal importation of 
weapons to the United States or military or political espionage in the 
United States. The U.S. Government also would publish a list of other 
PLA-controlled companies.
  This would allow American companies and consumers to decide whether 
they wish to purchase products manufactured in whole or in part by the 
Communist Chinese Army.
  As important, the bill includes provisions to encourage internal 
liberalization and cultural exchanges between our two countries. It 
would increase funding for international broadcasting to China, 
including Radio Free Asia and the Voice of America.
  It also would increase funding for National Endowment for Democracy 
and the United States Information Agency student, cultural, and 
legislative exchange programs in China.
  The bill would contain a variety of other provisions likewise aimed 
at trying to address the concerns on a targeted basis, Mr. President, 
as opposed to the approach which has been taken, in my judgment, for 
too long, an approach which has focused exclusively on the issue of 
most-favored-nation treaty status with respect to the relationship 
between the United States and China.
  I think the proper way to address the concerns that many of us have 
is to focus on the specific concerns themselves and to impose, if 
appropriate, sanctions with regard to those concerns on a targeted 
basis.
  I firmly believe that it is America's duty as well as our interest to 
make the extra effort required to promote freedom and democracy in 
China and to integrate her into the community of nations.
  I urge my colleagues to support this resolution and I call on the 
President to demand that the Government of the People's Republic of 
China bring itself into compliance with international standards on 
human rights and religious freedom.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Abraham). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.

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