[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 135 (Thursday, October 2, 1997)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E1903]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                       PREVENTING DEADLY CONFLICT

                                 ______
                                 

                          HON. LEE H. HAMILTON

                               of indiana

                    in the house of representatives

                      Tuesday, September 30, 1997

  Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, I would like to bring to my colleagues' 
attention my monthly newsletter on foreign affairs from August 1997 
entitled ``Preventing Deadly Conflict.''
  I ask that this newsletter be printed in the Congressional Record.
  The newsletter follows:

                       Preventing Deadly Conflict

       Many thought the end of the Cold War would mean a more 
     peaceful international order. But conflict has not lessened. 
     Today, there are more than 27 conflicts underway around the 
     world.
       Conflict prevention is a matter of acute importance for 
     U.S. foreign policy. Whenever or wherever a crisis erupts, 
     the world looks for a U.S. leadership role in resolving it, 
     Public opinion strongly resists a U.S. role as the world's 
     policeman, and policy-makers always ask: What are the 
     alternatives to sending in the Marines? The use of force 
     should be the option of not only last but least resort. 
     Unless a better system of conflict prevention is developed, 
     the burden on the U.S. will be much greater, financially and 
     military, to respond to instability and conflict.
       Sources of conflict are diverse. Most conflicts today are 
     not between states but within states. Political repression of 
     racial, ethnic or religious groups creates the conditions for 
     conflict. Violence born of desperation becomes the 
     alternative to continued repression.
       There are also economic causes. Gross imbalances in living 
     standards can breed conflict. Even economic reform and 
     growth, building blocks of stability, can contribute to 
     conflict. For example, growth has bypassed indigenous 
     populations in many parts of Latin America, and inequality 
     has contributed to armed revolt in Mexico and Peru.
       Nations still compete violently for the control of 
     resources. Control of oil and water continue to be a source 
     of contention--and war--in the Middle East. Population 
     pressures can create a serious strain on limited resources, 
     and so can refugees. Most of the world's 15 million refugees 
     today are the result of conflict, but massive refugee 
     movements can also spread conflict and instability.
       Much conflict is rooted in deep-seated historical 
     animosities. U.S. diplomacy has helped to stop wars, for 
     example, in the Balkans and Middle East, but long-term 
     resolution of these and other conflicts has been elusive.
       What should be done? Because conflict resolution is so 
     complex, we need a comprehensive approach. The challenge is 
     to develop the available arsenal of tools and to use them 
     skillfully. Among these tools are dialogue, mediation, 
     political and economic sticks and carrots, diplomatic 
     pressure from the regional and international communities, 
     sanctions, and--if necessary--international military 
     intervention, either by consent or by force.
       At the local level, the primary responsibility for conflict 
     prevention rests with a country itself. Any country will be 
     susceptible to internal violence if there is not economic 
     growth and good governance. If a country has good political, 
     economic and legal mechanisms, tensions can be addressed 
     before violence erupts. Democratic countries with market-
     based economies have the best record of achieving lasting 
     peace and prosperity.
       At the regional level, we should work to increase the 
     effectiveness of security institutions--the Organization of 
     American States, the Organization of African Unity, the ASEAN 
     Regional Forum, and others--to prevent conflict. They should 
     take more responsibility for economic development and 
     integration, the promotion of good governance, and conflict 
     prevention. It is better, for example, if Africans deal 
     with African problems. Regional organizations should 
     support confidence-building measures to increase military 
     transparency, communication, and cooperation. They should 
     develop the capability to apply pressure, offer 
     assistance, or deploy regional forces to prevent conflict.
       At the international level, there is much to be done. 
     First, the international community needs a capability for 
     preventive action. This means the ability to deploy civilian 
     personnel--to mediate problems, to provide immediate economic 
     relief, and to address the long-term problems that give rise 
     to conflict. The UN should give higher priority to conflict 
     prevention. Among other things, the international community 
     needs a better system of early warning and response. Conflict 
     seldom arises without warning. Persons knowledgeable about 
     countries are rarely surprised when long-simmering problems 
     escalate into full-scale conflict. The problem is getting 
     timely attention by policy-makers.
       Second, the international community needs to address the 
     underlying economic causes of conflict. The U.S. should work 
     with the international community, especially international 
     financial institutions, to support long-term development 
     assistance to achieve economic growth and promote economic 
     opportunity and equality. Working through institutions such 
     as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the 
     World Trade Organization, the U.S. should support market 
     reform and regional economic integration to bolster growth. 
     The international community must be prepared to apply 
     pressure, even sanctions, to states that do not work to 
     prevent violence or promote conflict resolution.
       Third, the international community needs to support 
     political reform and the development of responsive and 
     accountable government. Helping to establish and promote 
     institutions of civil society such as political parties, 
     trade unions, independent media, and the rule of law are 
     important safeguards for protecting human rights, fighting 
     corruption, and fending off political demagoguery. Democratic 
     societies and governments handle political disputes with far 
     less violence.
       Finally, the international community must improve its 
     military response to conflicts once they reach the crisis 
     stage. There are many problems in developing the appropriate 
     mechanism for an international military capability to 
     intervene in areas of potential or actual conflict, but it is 
     urgent that these problems be addressed and solutions found. 
     The UN continues to coordinate efforts by governments to 
     train forces and set aside necessary resources for future 
     missions. The U.S. should support these efforts, so that the 
     international community can respond rapidly and effectively 
     if a military response is required.
       Conclusion. There is no cure for war and human folly. We 
     will always have both, and the U.S. cannot and should not be 
     responsible for addressing all the world's ills. Yet the 
     U.S., the international community, and individual states can 
     do more to prevent or reduce conflict. Early attention to 
     disputes can save lives as well as the financial and human 
     costs of military intervention. It may not be a message that 
     is popular in the current political climate, but devoting 
     more resources and efforts to conflict prevention is a long-
     term investment that serves the U.S. national interest.

     

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