[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 134 (Wednesday, October 1, 1997)]
[Senate]
[Pages S10269-S10270]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CAMPAIGN FINANCE REFORM
Mr. THOMAS. Mr. President, we have spent several days recently and
this week talking about campaign finance. I would like to share some of
my thoughts. It is one of those issues that have become so complicated
and so convoluted that it seems to me it is very difficult for a person
to really bring it down to the simple basics, particularly if you
haven't listened to all of it.
Proponents of campaign finance reform bills will have you believe
this is the top issue and in the interest of Americans, that everyone
on Main Street is waiting breathlessly for some significant action that
would be more important than tax relief or the balanced budget--no. I
think that is not so. When I go back to Wyoming nearly every week,
people don't come and talk to me about campaign finance. They want to
discuss health care, they want to discuss public lands, they want to
discuss taxes.
This is not to say that it is not important, certainly not to say
that I am against finance reform, because I think there should be some
thoughtful changes in terms of campaign financing. I just don't believe
that it is a catastrophic issue. I don't believe it is an issue that is
the most important thing on our agenda as it sometimes is termed.
The steam behind the issue, as a matter of fact, is generally that of
enforcing the laws that are now on the books. That is what the hearings
were about. That is what brought it up. It is not new laws that are
needed--enforce the ones that are now there, not merely adding more to
be unenforced.
I am in favor of campaign finance reform. I have been very involved
in political systems, as a matter of fact, long before I was ever in
elective office, because it seemed to me over a period of years that it
is pretty clear that politics and campaigns are how we govern
ourselves. That is how you and I in our precincts decide the big issues
in terms of government. So I just think we need to make it the kind of
a process in which people can be involved, the kind of a process in
which the first amendment opportunities to speak are there and are
extended to everyone--not just limited to the press.
On the other hand, we can't overlook the defects we saw in the last
campaign cycle. The answer, however, is not to marshal the powers of
the Federal Government and increase governmental intervention. We can
reintroduce principle, we can introduce integrity and serious
compliance into this important function of governing ourselves by
strengthening and enforcing the reporting and disclosure laws, by
limiting the influence of soft money on the national level, by
requiring that a majority of the funds in a campaign come from the
district in which the election takes place, by banning compulsory
contributions.
I don't think we ought to pass a bill just because we want to go
through the rhetorical process, just because we want to shift the
attention from not adhering to the law to writing new laws.
We are talking about being home, and I hear more than anything else
in Wyoming, ``Wait a minute, the issue is not new law; the issue is
enforcing the laws we have.'' I think disclosure is the most important
of the election issues. In that case, voters can determine where the
money comes from to go to a candidate and make their own judgment as to
whether or not that is reasonable. It is a simple way to bring our
system of privately financed campaigns on track by strengthening and
enforcing existing disclosure laws.
Privately financed--I think it is a mistake to move more and more to
how the taxpayers finance campaigns. It seems to me that has proven not
to be useful. Candidates in parties must offer fuller and more timely
disclosure of campaign receipts and spending activities. Reports must
be prompt and
[[Page S10270]]
early. Now there is a period of time between the last reporting and the
election in which donations and contributions are not reported until
after the election is over. That is wrong. We ought to change that.
Candidates' reports are often late and partial and voters are kept from
knowing what they should know about contributions prior to the time of
voting. People need to be better informed. We can do that and we
should.
Soft money--I am concerned about the increased amount of soft money
being spent on a national level. I say again, I was very involved in my
party prior to being elected, and I saw us use money of that kind to do
things that I thought were useful, and continue to think are useful--
party building, voter identification, voter registration, getting
people to vote and participate in government. That is what soft money
is for.
Unfortunately, the receipts for campaigns have increased some 200
percent from the 1992 Presidential election to the 1996 cycle. That is
a little scary. That is a lot. This money is not subject to the kind of
disclosure requirements and restrictions in the kind of things that so-
called hard money is. Voters have the right to be suspect of this kind
of dough, it seems to me, since there are really not stringent
accountability standards. We must develop, I think, a contribution
limit on soft money. It doesn't need to be small. It can be healthy,
but it should not be unlimited, and it should be for party building.
We talk sometimes disdainfully about politics. Politics is how we
govern ourselves. That is how you and I who live in our precincts are
able to make an impact. I feel very strongly about that.
Fundraising in the district--pretty evident that is the important
thing. I support the idea of having at least 50 percent of the money
that goes into the campaign come from the district from which the
candidate runs.
Now, I am the first to admit--and that is one of the difficulties
with all kinds of election controls and election restrictions--there
are ways to go around that. In my State there are large companies that
run mines, for example, that contribute to campaigns from out-of-state
headquarters. They will simply contribute from instate headquarters,
and it will be the same money. But, nevertheless it is important. I
think there is a great shift of money from one place to another outside
of the eligible voters, simply because of interests that are somewhere
else, that go to this campaign. I suggest that at least 50 percent come
from the area in which the candidates come.
Compulsory dues being used for campaigns I think is a real mistake.
Labor unions are the only ones that really are able to do that. I think
it certainly ought to be voluntary on the part of the member whether or
not those dues are used for that purpose. There are some polls recently
that say that is greatly supported, 4 to 1, by members of unions. I
think that is right. They should not be restricted from using their
money for that purpose if they choose to, but they need to choose.
Mr. President, in summary, voting is one of the highest privileges of
being a citizen. Not only is it a privilege, it is an obligation and a
responsibility if we are to have a government of the people, by the
people and for the people, then the people must participate, must be
given an opportunity to participate.
It is ironic to me, it seems to me we are in a time where we have the
technical ability to have more information available to more people
than ever in history. Can you imagine what it was like to vote 100
years ago? How much do you think people knew about national elections?
Very little, I suspect. Now we know anything that happens in the world,
and we know it in 10 minutes. Yet we seem not to have the kind of
participation that we really ought to have in a citizen government.
That is what we ought to be striving to have as we deal with election
finance--voters being responsible, voters fulfilling their obligation,
voters being knowledgeable, and voters being able to choose.
One of the real meaningful ways, of course, is that individuals can
contribute to that point of view that they support. We should work hard
to ensure that campaign system is free of some of its current laws and
yet open and free and not governed in every detail by some bureau
somewhere that decides what you can say in an ad. Those kind of things
are not useful and, indeed in my opinion, move us in the wrong
direction.
I hope we continue to work on this issue. I hope we do some things. I
hope we stay away from the convoluted notion that we ought to have
somebody in some bureaucracy, somewhere, manage all of the election
activities. Here again, these kind of things belong in our communities,
they belong in our States, they belong in our towns, they belong in our
school boards. That is where they ought to be.
I yield the floor.
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