[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 112 (Friday, August 1, 1997)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Pages E1594-E1595]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




SECRETARY ALBRIGHT'S ADDRESS IN PRAGUE ON THE ADMISSION TO NATO OF THE 
                             CZECH REPUBLIC

                                 ______
                                 

                            HON. TOM LANTOS

                             of california

                    in the house of representatives

                        Thursday, July 31, 1997

  Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, as my colleagues know, I have consistently 
and strongly supported the addition of new members to the North 
Atlantic Alliance. I welcome enthusiastically the decision of NATO to 
invite Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic to join the alliance. In 
this regard, I want to pay particular tribute to our Secretary of State 
Madeleine Albright for her intense efforts and effective leadership in 
bringing about this very positive result.
  Mr. Speaker, the visit of Secretary Albright to Prague was 
significant and emotional. It was her first since she became our 
Secretary of State at the beginning of the year. As my colleagues know, 
Secretary Albright was born in Czechoslovakia, and her father, Joseph 
Korbel, was a distinguished member of that country's diplomatic 
service. In 1948 he and his family, including Madeleine, were forced to 
flee their homeland when the Communist Party assumed complete control 
of the country. To the great benefit of our country, they chose to come 
to the United States, and at that time our Nation was farsighted enough 
to welcome such political refugees.
  Secretary Albright has been appropriately recognized by the 
Government of the Czech Republic for her effective and farsighted 
leadership as our Secretary of State. When she was in Prague 2 weeks 
ago following the NATO summit at Madrid, the President of the Czech 
Republic, Vaclav Havel, awarded her the Order of the White Lion, the 
highest honor that the Republic can bestow upon a non-Czech citizen. 
This was a most fitting and appropriate award, and one that I am sure 
was especially meaningful to Secretary Albright because of her 
background.
  During her visit to Prague, Secretary Albright addressed a meeting of 
the leaders of the Czech Government convened by President Havel. The 
speech was held in the Obecni Dum, the historic hall where the Republic 
of Czechoslovakia was proclaimed in 1918, with the support and 
assistance of American President Woodrow Wilson and the United States. 
Secretary Albright in her speech struck a most fitting historic tone 
that was appropriate to the place and the significance of the historic 
decision to invite the Czech Republic to become a member of NATO. She 
made most appropriate references to the abandonment of Czechoslovakia 
to Nazi Germany by Britain and France in 1938 at the Munich Conference, 
the Communist takeover of the country in 1948, and the Velvet 
Revolution in November 1989.
  Secretary Albright's speech on this occasion was an outstanding 
statement of the historic and strategic significance of the admission 
of the Czech Republic to NATO. Not only did she focus upon the 
importance of this step for the Czech Republic, but she also discussed 
its significance for other nations in the future. In particular, she 
challenged the Czechs to play a positive leadership role in the future 
expansion of NATO to still other countries in Central and Eastern 
Europe.
  Mr. Speaker, I ask that Secretary Albright's address be placed in the 
Record, and I urge my colleagues to read and give it thoughtful 
attention:

  A Moment of Celebration and of Dedication: Address by Secretary of 
          State Madeleine K. Albright to the People of Prague

                             July 14, 1997

       President Havel, Prime Minister Klaus, Senators and 
     Parliamentarians, Excellencies, distinguished guests, thank 
     you so much for your warm and unforgettable welcome. Let me 
     being by expressing my sadness at the devastation that has 
     been caused by the flooding over the last week. Our thoughts 
     and prayers today are with those who have lost their loved 
     ones and their homes. I know that there are many mayors here 
     from regions affected by the flood. The solidarity and 
     dedication that you and the Czech people have shown in this 
     tragedy is inspiring.
       This week, as I traveled from Madrid to central Europe, I 
     could not help but think about the three journeys that have 
     framed my life, and my life's work:
       I have been thinking about the memories and the meaning of 
     my own family's journey through the war and the turbulence of 
     post-war Europe to the freedom and security of the United 
     States.
       I have been thinking as well about Europe's journey from 
     total war to absolute division to the promise of enduring 
     unity and peace.
       And of course, I have been thinking about the journey of 
     the Czech nation from the day in 1918 when its independence 
     was proclaimed on this very spot, to the day in 1948 when its 
     liberty was extinguished, to this day, when you take your 
     rightful place in the family of European democracies--fully, 
     finally and forever.
       T.S. Eliot wrote:
     We shall not cease from exploration
     And the end of all our exploring
     Will be to arrive where we started
     And know the place for the first time.
       Today, you know me in a new way, in my new role. And I see 
     you in a new way as well--not only as the friend of the 
     United States, but also as our next ally. Truth does conquer, 
     after all. President Havel: Truth and love do conquer after 
     all.
       I have been here many times since the Velvet Revolution. 
     And I am filled with pride every time I hear the playing of 
     my country's national anthem, ``The Star Spangled Banner,'' 
     and yours, ``Where is my Home.'' But nothing compares to the 
     feeling of coming to my original home, Prague, as the 
     Secretary of State of the United States, for the purpose of 
     saying to you: Welcome home.
       For with the news from Madrid this week, you are coming 
     home in fact to the community of freedom that you never left 
     in spirit.
       From Munich to Madrid, from tragedy to triumph, it has been 
     a long and painful journey. But you have arrived at your 
     destination.
       You have arrived at a moment of injustice undone, of 
     promises kept, of a unified Europe begun. Now, a new journey 
     begins; and at last, we can travel it together.
       We stand at one of those great turning points in history. 
     For the third time in this century, the politics of Europe 
     are changing fundamentally. And this time, we pray, for good.
       Almost 80 years ago, our parents and grandparents were full 
     of the hope that Woodrow Wilson's dream of universal 
     democracy inspired across the lands of central and eastern 
     Europe. That dream was shattered by the illusion that the 
     people of Paris and London and New York could simply go on 
     with their lives while the people of Vilnius and Krakow and 
     Prague were robbed of their independence, sent away in box 
     cars, and machine-gunned in forests.
       After World War II, it was Stalin's armies that shattered 
     our dream. And for the next 50 years, one half of Europe was 
     consigned to subjugation, the other half to fear. We were 
     separated by concrete and barbed wire, by radio jammers and 
     minefields, by lies that might seem ridiculous today had they 
     not ruined so many lives.
       The amazing thing is that all those years of propaganda, 
     terror, and isolation utterly failed to flatten Europe's 
     moral landscape. The communist authorities kept from you the 
     truth, and still you spoke the truth. They fed you a vacuous 
     culture and still you gave us works of art that fill our 
     lives with intelligence, humor and warmth. They tried to 
     smother your allegiances, your faith and your initiative, and 
     still you taught the world the meaning of solidarity and 
     civil society. They banished your finest leaders, and still 
     you gave us Vaclav Havel.
       This is what we must remember as the Czech Republic, 
     Hungary and Poland join NATO. As President Clinton has said, 
     we are not just new allies. In the ways that truly matter, we 
     are old allies. We are and always have been and always will 
     be part of the same community.
       NATO membership will bring many benefits to the Czech 
     Republic and to others who

[[Page E1595]]

     join today and in the future--as will our broader strategy of 
     integration. Above all, it means you will always be able to 
     rely on us and we will always be able to rely on you. If 
     there is a threat to the peace and security of this country, 
     we will be bound by a solemn commitment to defeat it 
     together. For this reason, we can be confident such a threat 
     is far less likely to arise.
       It means security in Europe will not stop at its Cold War 
     dividing lines. It means Europe's new democracies will not be 
     consigned to a buffer zone of excluded states. It means you 
     will be the authors of your history, the masters of your 
     destiny, the vassals and victims of no one.
       But, my friends, this is more than a moment of celebration. 
     For NATO's old and new allies alike, it is also a moment of 
     challenge.
       Our most immediate challenge is to ensure together that the 
     people and parliaments of NATO's 16 member nations embrace 
     the enlargement of our alliance. In America, the debate will 
     be vigorous. Because we take our commitments seriously, we do 
     not extend them lightly.
       I believe that our Senate will approve this initiative, but 
     the burden of proof will still rest with those of us who 
     believe that NATO enlargement serves American interests. The 
     Senators will ask us many appropriate questions about risks 
     and costs. They will remind you, as do I, that with a first 
     class ticket to NATO comes the obligation to make a first 
     class contribution.
       Regrettably, you will also hear echoes of Munich in this 
     debate. Already, people have trotted out the tired myth that 
     in times of crisis we will make no sacrifice to defend a 
     distant city with an unpronounceable name; that we will 
     protect the freedom of Barcelona but not Brno, Stuttgart but 
     not Szczecin.
       I challenge those critics; come meet your future allies. 
     Speak with their people. Their names may sound unfamiliar, 
     but they speak the same language of freedom. Visit the 
     veterans in this region who fought for the allied cause in 
     World War II. Talk to the veterans of the dissident 
     movements. They have spent a lifetime sacrificing for the 
     ideals we have in common. Look them in the eye. Ask them why 
     we should be allied with Europe's old democracies forever, 
     but its new democracies never.
       You might listen to President Havel, as well. ``If we 
     appeal to the West not to close itself off to us,'' he has 
     said, ``this is not only because we are concerned about our 
     own security and stability. We are concerned about the 
     destiny of the values and principles that communism denied, 
     and in whose name we resisted communism and ultimately 
     brought it down.''
       Defending values, righting history's wrong's--these are 
     idealistic arguments. Oddly, some are troubled by that. They 
     want NATO to remain its military muscle, but they are 
     suspicious of enlargement because its also appeals to our 
     hearts. Others, who champion freedom in central Europe and 
     Russia, are suspicious of enlargement precisely because NATO 
     is an organization with tanks and bombers. But there is no 
     contradiction here between realism and idealism, between 
     pragmatism and principle, between security and justice.
       Those of us who knew Prague before the Cold War know that 
     freedom without security is a frail reed. And those in 
     America who most ardently prosecuted the Cold War should be 
     the first to admit that it was not merely a military 
     enterprise, but an idealistic one as well.
       You know that NATO enlargement fulfills a moral and 
     strategic challenge. By turning a Europe of shared values 
     into a Europe of shared responsibilities, you know we can do 
     both.
       Because we are old friends, let me speak plainly. NATO is 
     welcoming new members because we know you are ready to make 
     an even deeper commitment to the common endeavors of our 
     alliance of democracies--from the pursuit of peace in 
     troubled regions, to the flight against terror and crime, to 
     our support for those who still struggle for the freedom you 
     enjoy.
       For example, the SFOR mission in Bosnia will come to an end 
     in one year. But the United States has made a long-term 
     commitment to support peace in that country and given what 
     you have already done in Bosnia, I trust you will, too. I 
     trust you will also be leaders in the effort to keep deadly 
     weapons from dangerous rogue states, even if it means losing 
     a sale from time to time. And I trust you will pay the costs 
     and do what is necessary to assure the full integration of 
     the Czech armed forces into NATO.
       It is your willingness to assume great responsibilities 
     that has brought you to this point. You are about to join 
     NATO. You are already a member of the OECD. No doubt, you 
     will join the EU as well. Our memory of the last 50 years 
     makes it hard to believe, but as you enter these 
     institutions, you will stand among the most prosperous and 
     powerful nations in the world.
       You are no longer on the outside looking in; you are on the 
     inside looking forward.
       For 50 years, you looked to the free world for support, 
     understanding, and recognition. Now you are the free world; 
     other nations will look to you for support.
       Part of our new responsibility to others is to ensure that 
     the door to NATO remains open to all European democracies 
     that are willing and able to meet the obligations of 
     membership.
       That is the policy NATO adopted in Madrid. We count on you 
     to support that policy in word and in deed. It is also a 
     personal commitment President Clinton has made to all the 
     nations that lie between the Baltic and Black Seas. And it is 
     our message today to the people of Slovakia. For it is our 
     sincere hope that their nation will rejoin the path of true 
     democratic reform and make itself a strong candidate for the 
     second round of NATO enlargement.
       To all the nations that still aspire to join NATO, I say: 
     consider why we have invited the Czech Republic. It is not 
     because the Czechs are somehow more ``European'' than the 
     Orthodox and Muslim peoples to the south and east; we have no 
     patience for that kind of thinking. It is not because Prague 
     is west of Vienna. It is not just because of your pre-war 
     democratic tradition.
       Rather, the Czech Republic's invitation to NATO was 
     inscribed by its deeds over the last seven years. Others will 
     soon be ready to follow your lead, and you must join us in 
     helping them.
       You know that the effort to join NATO is not a race to 
     escape a bad neighborhood. It is an effort to improve the 
     neighborhood for the benefit of all.
       This is why I appreciate the Czech Republic's support for 
     the NATO-Russia Founding Act and your recognition that a 
     democratic Russia must be part of a Europe whole and free. As 
     President Havel has said, ``in this era, we--as nations--
     cannot divide ourselves according to who were the victors and 
     who the vanquished in the past.''
       After my trip to Europe this week, I am more confident than 
     ever that together, we can meet his challenge and more. In 
     Madrid, I saw NATO's strength as its leaders made a decision 
     that was difficult but right. With President Clinton in 
     Warsaw, I saw that our new allies are not just ready but 
     eager to add their energy to ours. In Bucharest, I watched 
     the President address 100,000 people at University Square--
     and even though their country will not be among the first 
     group of new allies, they showed us that they support NATO's 
     enlargement and that they will do what it takes to be part of 
     a new Europe. I heard the same message in Ljubljana and in 
     Vilnius. And in St. Petersburg, I saw a Russia that is moving 
     ahead with reform and moving closer to the rest of Europe.
       Today, I can foresee a Europe where every nation is free 
     and every free nation is our partner. Not long ago, that was 
     a future we might have imagined, but in the darkest moments 
     perhaps thought would never come. And that brings me back to 
     the earlier part of my remarks--and of my life.
       Fifty years ago, Jan Masaryk was told by Stalin in Moscow 
     that Czechoslovakia must not participate in the Marshall Plan 
     despite its national interest in doing so. Upon his return to 
     Prague, Masaryk told my father, his chef de cabinet, and it 
     was then he understood that he was employed by a government 
     no longer sovereign in its own land.
       Soon after, the communists took over in Prague. That coup 
     drove my parents and me from this country for the second 
     time. And more than any other single event, that coup 
     awakened America and western Europe to the need for an 
     Atlantic Alliance. Thus, the event that cast my family out of 
     Prague, and you into darkness, also helped to create the 
     Alliance that has brought me back again, and put you in the 
     center of a new Europe.
       Today, there is no Stalin to give orders to you or to 
     anyone. The opportunity to be part of the international 
     system is open to all. The goal of integration is not bound 
     by strategic realities or confined by cultural arrogance to 
     western Europe, to central Europe or even to Europe.
       Today, the west has no fixed eastern frontiers. Every 
     democratic nation that seeks to participate in the global 
     system we are constructing and that is willing to do all it 
     can to help itself will have America's help in finding the 
     right path. Now they will have your help and your example as 
     well.
       People of Prague, people of the Czech Republic: Half a 
     century ago, our journeys diverged. But this week's events 
     have brought our paths together again. Now we are reunited in 
     a common cause. Soon we will be joined in a common alliance. 
     And we will never be parted again.
       You were the passion of my parents. You are the land of my 
     birth. And now you and I, my nation and yours, will build and 
     defend a new Europe together. God bless you.

     

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