[Congressional Record Volume 143, Number 111 (Thursday, July 31, 1997)]
[Senate]
[Pages S8465-S8480]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
[[Page S8465]]
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Senate
RAILROAD DEFICIT REDUCTION FUEL TAXES
Mr. CHAFEE. Unfortunately, I understand the conference agreement on
H.R. 2014 takes no action to equalize the rate of deficit reduction
fuel taxes paid by the various modes of transportation. As the
distinguished chairman of the Finance Committee and I have discussed,
an obvious inequity currently exists which requires that railroads pay
a 5.55 cents-per-gallon fuel excise tax, while all other modes of
transportation pay no more than 4.3 cents-per-gallon for this purpose.
In fact, by transferring deficit reduction taxes paid by other
transportation users, including truckers which compete with the
railroads, into trust funds for infrastructure improvements, we
exacerbate the current inequity. Railroads continue to contribute to
deficit reduction, while their competitors instead contribute to their
own infrastructure.
If transportation is to be singled out for deficit reduction, the
burden of contributing to a balanced budget should be shared equally
among all modes. While I regret that no solution to this problem was
possible in this legislation, I hope you share my belief that the fuel
tax inequity imposed on the Nation's railroads must be remedied at the
earliest opportunity.
Mr. ROTH. As the Senator from Rhode Island knows, I am deeply
concerned about the unfair situation faced by railroads. While we were
unable to include a solution to this problem in H.R. 2014, it is my
hope that we will have the opportunity to pursue such a remedy as
quickly as possible, perhaps in the upcoming ISTEA reauthorization
legislation.
Mr. CHAFEE. Let me express my appreciation to the Chairman, Senator
Roth, for his interest in this important issue. I look forward to
working with him on this matter during the upcoming ISTEA legislation.
Mr. FAIRCLOTH. Mr. President, I rise in strong support of the tax
bill, H.R. 2014.
Mr. President, this is a major tax cut for the American people--more
than $90 billion in tax relief.
This is the largest tax cut for the American people since 1981.
In terms of education, the provisions are very significant. My
legislative priority for this year has been a tax credit for community
college students of any age to improve their job skills. On the first
day of this Congress, I introduced S. 50, a bill to provide a $1,500
tax credit for community college students. Technology has brought about
rapid change in the workplace, and the need to update one's skills on a
daily basis is critical. I think the community college system is the
best job training program we have in this country. North Carolina has
been a leader in education and in job growth. There is a strong link
between the two. The tax bill will provide a 100-percent tax credit for
the first $1,000 of expenses for attending a community college or the
first 2 years of college. It will provide a 50-percent credit for of
the next $1,000. In sum, it's a $1,500 tax credit for all of America's
community college students. I was a strong supporter of this provision,
and I am pleased it has been retained and improved.
The legislation also provides an interest deduction for student
loans. Under the bill, State prepaid tuition plans will receive tax-
free treatment. And, the bill permits penalty free withdrawals from
IRA's for education expenses. All of these provisions will improve our
education system without spending more money on bureaucrats or
Government programs.
For families, the bill has significant tax relief. We have provided a
$500 tax credit for children under the age of 17. For a family of four
making $30,000--this is a 50-percent tax cut. For a family of four
making $50,000, this is a 21-percent tax cut.
Mr. President, this is major tax relief for America's working
families. For too many years, these families, working men and women
have been the backbone of America, going to work every day, paying the
mortgage, raising families, and paying their taxes and their debts. The
Government has put a greater and greater tax burden on them every year.
This tax relief is long overdue. In fact, it's 16 years overdue. Their
last tax cut was 1981. There have been plenty of tax increases in the
intervening years.
Mr. President, there are a number of other positive items in this tax
bill. For example, the bill: Cuts capital gains taxes; cuts the capital
gains on the sale of one's home; provides greater estate tax relief,
particularly for small family-owned businesses and farms; accelerates
the phasein of self-employed health insurance tax deduction; and
provides a more generous IRA for at-home spouses.
Mr. President, we should not lose sight of the fact that the
Republicans have now controlled Congress for 3 years. We have finally
overcome the President's opposition and cut taxes. In 1993, President
Clinton passed the largest tax increase in American history. To me,
this is a stark contrast in philosophy. If the Senate was not in
Republican hands, we would be debating the size of the tax hike, not
the tax cut. Although the White House has at times tried to blur the
differences, it should not be lost on the American public that wasteful
Government spending is going down, and taxes are being cut for the
first time in years.
The battle for greater tax relief does not end here. The Tax Code has
to be simplified dramatically. Overall tax rates are too high.
Americans are working until May just to pay taxes. We need to set a
protection into law that not more than 25 percent of one's wages can be
taken in taxes.
I can assure the Senate and my constituents in North Carolina that I
will
[[Page S8466]]
continue my work for greater tax relief.
Thank you, Mr. President, I am pleased to support this bill.
Mr. LAUTENBERG. Mr. President, I rise in support of the conference
report on the tax reconciliation bill.
Mr. President, before I begin to discuss this legislation, let me
take a moment to again congratulate the chairman and ranking member of
the Finance Committee, Senator Roth and Senator Moynihan, for their
leadership on this legislation. Both these distinguished Senators
reached out to Members on the other side of the aisle to make this
happen, and they deserve enormous credit for their leadership.
Mr. President, I am supporting this legislation for four primary
reasons. First, it will help ordinary, middle-class families and
especially their children. Second, it will promote education. Third, it
will help clean up our environment and promote economic development.
And, fourth, it's part of a broader bipartisan agreement that will
balance the budget and prepare our Nation for the 21st century.
First, Mr. President, this legislation would provide valuable
assistance to middle-class families in the form of a $500 tax credit
for children under the age of 17. This credit will help millions of
ordinary people who are raising their children, working hard, and
struggling to pay their bills. For these Americans, an extra $500 or
$1,000 per year can go a long way. And, so long as our Nation can
afford to provide this relief in the context of a balanced budget, I
think it's the right thing to do.
Mr. President, I am especially pleased that the child tax credit
included in this legislation will be available to lower income families
who also qualify for the earned income tax credit, or EITC. This proved
to be one of the most contentious issues in the conference, much to my
surprise. Yet some around here argued that providing direct tax relief
to police officers, nurses, and teachers somehow amounted to welfare. I
never understood the logic of that. But, fortunately, Democrats made
this a top priority. And, in the end, these hard-working Americans will
be able to benefit from the child tax credit.
Mr. President, the second major element of this legislation is the
section that promotes education. The bill includes a $1,500 tax credit
to help students afford the first 2 years of college. In addition,
there's a tax credit worth up to $1,000 for those who want to pursue
additional education beyond that.
This latter benefit will be available to adults of all ages. And it's
especially important. In an increasingly technological age, education
must be a life-long process. And it's something that we should
encourage and support.
Mr. President, the third major reason why I'm supporting this
legislation is that it includes new incentives to clean up thousands of
contaminated, abandoned sites in economically distressed areas. That
not only will improve the environment, but it will help encourage
redevelopment of these areas, known as brownfields. It's a win-win
approach that will make a real difference for communities around our
Nation.
Mr. President, the final reason I am supporting this legislation is
that it's part of the broad bipartisan budget agreement that I helped
negotiate with leaders from both parties and the President. That
agreement will provide several benefits outside the tax area that we
never could have achieved without this broader compromise.
We're getting $24 billion to provide health care coverage for
uninsured children. We're restoring disability benefits for legal
immigrants. We're ensuring that 30,000 disabled children don't lose
their Medicaid coverage. We're investing $3 billion to move people from
welfare to work. And the list goes on.
None of these important advances would have been possible without a
broad bipartisan agreement. And to get that agreement, Democrats had to
accept some significant new tax breaks that we otherwise would have
resisted.
Mr. President, I, for one, do not share the faith of my Republican
friends that cutting taxes for rich Americans is the ticket to economic
growth. We've tried trickle-down economics in the past. And it's proved
not only unfair, but ineffective in promoting the economy.
Most Democrats have a different approach, Mr. President. We like to
focus on tax cuts for ordinary Americans. The people who work hard,
raise their kids, and who often have a hard time keeping their heads
above water.
In other words, Mr. President, rather than showering tax breaks on
the rich and having that money trickle down, we'd rather provide relief
to ordinary Americans, and allow those funds to flow back up.
Fortunately, Mr. President, while this bill does contain some new tax
breaks for the very wealthy, the bulk of its benefits are focused on
the middle class. The most expensive element in the package is the
child tax credit. The next most expensive area is education. Both of
these types of tax relief are targeted on people who really could use
the help.
Having said that, Mr. President, there clearly are other provisions,
such as the capital gains rate cut and the backloaded IRA, I'm
concerned about the costs of these new tax breaks, especially in the
future. If it were up to me, I would have done much more to constrain
those costs.
But, Mr. President, these provisions were necessary to reach the
broader agreement. There simply would not have been a deal without
them. And so, on the whole, many on this side of the aisle felt that
this was the price we had to pay to get the other benefits in the
budget agreement.
At least, Mr. President, the legislation before us does not include
some of the more egregious proposals that would have exploded the
deficit in the future.
But the bottom line, Mr. President, is that, though it has real
flaws, I am going to support this legislation. And I would encourage my
colleagues to do likewise.
No, it's not perfect legislation. But it's part of a compromise that
will do a lot of good. It provides significant tax relief to middle-
class families. It will help millions of Americans afford college. It
will encourage millions of others to pursue their educations throughout
their lives. It will lead to the cleanup and redevelopment of many
abandoned sites around our nation. And it's part of a bipartisan plan
that will balance the budget and prepare our Nation for the next
century.
Mr. SPECTER. Mr. President, I am pleased to vote in favor of the
Taxpayer Relief Act, which will provide the first significant tax cut
to working Americans in 16 years.
Although I still believe that we ought to move to a system of a
fairer, flatter tax without myriad exemptions and deductions, this bill
represents an important first step toward relieving the tax burden on
working Americans and families. This tax bill provides a net tax
reduction of $96 billion over 5 years while remaining on a glide path
toward a balanced budget.
Specifically, I am pleased that the final package includes a $500 per
child tax credit, tax incentives for education, including education
IRA's, a modified Hope Scholarship and tax free treatment of State
prepaid tuition plans. It also takes important steps toward expanding
participation in IRA's, a reduction in the capital gains tax and AMT,
and incentives for small business by reinstatement of the home office
business deduction and an acceleration in the phase in of the self-
employed health insurance deduction.
On estate taxes, an area where I have long believed that we must have
relief, this bill would help family farmers and small businesses by
increasing the exclusion to $1.3 million. It would also increase the
exclusion for families to $1 million over 10 years.
In conclusion, Mr. President when combined with the budget savings
bill passed earlier today, we have made real progress on putting our
financial house in order and providing necessary tax relief to millions
of Americans.
repeal of limit on sec. 501(c)(3) bonds
Mr. MOYNIHAN. Mr. President, one provision of H.R. 2014 would repeal
the $150 million limit on section 501(C)(3) bonds. This is a change I
have long sought, and I am grateful for my chairman's support for this
change. It is my understanding that the intention of the provision is
that bonds that meet the requirements of the bill will be eligible for
tax-exempt treatment without being subject to the $150 million
limitation. Furthermore, these bonds will not be taken into account
with respect to other qualified section 501(C)(3)
[[Page S8467]]
bonds that are subject to the $150 million limitation, which bonds may
continue to be issued on a tax-exempt basis to finance and refinance
expenditures as permitted under existing law.
Mr. ROTH. I agree with the Senator's interpretation of this provision
of the bill.
Mr. ALLARD. Mr. President, I must admit that I was less than pleased
with the spending portion of the budget reconciliation package. I
regret that I was unable to give that section my support.
Unfortunately, we failed to address the problem of growth in
entitlement spending. We passed on making some needed reforms to the
Medicare system. We owe our children and grandchildren much more, Mr.
President. I am much more pleased with the tax portion of the budget
reconciliation package. One of my primary goals has always been to
reduce the tax burden on hard-working Americans. I am proud to say that
we will take a step toward this goal today. For the first time in 16
years, we give the American people a measure of tax relief. I am
especially pleased that we are taking steps to reduce two of the most
onerous and economically harmful taxes--the capital gains tax and the
death tax.
Mr. President, with this act today, we will move in the direction of
protecting family farms and businesses from Uncle Sam's grasping arms.
Under current law, many family farms and small businesses have to be
sold off just to pay the taxes on the founder's estate. This is tragic
and irresponsible. But today, we will change that law to allow estates
containing small businesses and family farms to deduct the first $1.3
million of the value of the estate. This change in death tax law is a
good step in the right direction, although I must emphasize that it is
only a first step. No family owned business or farm should have to be
sold to pay death taxes. I will continue to fight to see that no family
owned business is ever again the victim of the Federal Government's
insatiable appetite for more money.
We also make some good progress in the area of capital gains tax
relief in this bill. Under current law, the U.S. has one of the highest
capital gains tax rates in the world. These high rates have the
perverse effect of punishing those who help our economy to grow by
saving and investing and they raise the cost of capital, thereby
lowering growth in productivity. With this bill today, we will reduce
this economically harmful tax.
Although we did not get the indexing provisions that I championed,
most investors will get a reduced rate of 18 percent if they hold an
asset purchased after 2000 for more than 5 years. Low-income investors
will be charged an even lower rate of 8 percent for long-term
investments. In addition, we are reducing the rate on all capital. Most
taxpayers will now be charged a 20 percent rate and those in the lowest
income bracket will only have to pay 10 percent. The 43 percent of
Americans that now invest in stocks in one form or another will benefit
from these provisions.
Mr. President, I am pleased with these steps that we are taking today
to reduce these economically harmful and unfair taxes, and I am proud
to say that I will support this portion of the budget reconciliation
package. I look forward to working with my colleagues in the future to
enact further tax reduction measures that will help our family farms
and small businesses.
Mr. HUTCHINSON. Mr. President, the United Kingdom deregulated its
electric utilities in 1990. There is now a central power pool. Power
stations with capacities of over 10 megawatts are ordinarily required
to sell all electricity generated into the pool. Consumers buy from the
pool or from regional electric companies that buy from the pool
Thus, for example, if an independent generator wanted to build a
power station to supply electricity to an oil refinery in England, it
might lease land from the refinery and build the power station.
However, a direct sale of electricity to the refinery would not be
permitted. The generator would sell electricity to the pool, and the
refinery would buy from that pool. The pool prices change each half
hour based on demand and supply and, therefore, fluctuate frequently.
The refinery will want protection against price fluctuations.
Consequently, it will enter into a contract for differences with the
generator. The parties will agree on a schedule of fixed prices that
the generator would have charged had the generator been free to make a
direct sale. When the pool price exceeds the agreed price in the
schedule, the generator will pay the refinery the difference. The
refinery will pay the generator the difference when the pool price is
less. Thus, the differences contract is a way for both parties to buy
certainty. The generator is certain of his revenue stream. The refinery
is certain of how much electricity will cost over an extended period.
It is a hedging agreement.
It my understanding that the relevant provision in the bill does not
turn payments under such differences contracts into subpart F income.
Would the Chairman clarify this understanding?
Mr. ROTH. The legislation is not intended to affect arrangements
which do not constitute notional principal contracts under present law.
In addition, the legislation is not intended to change the treatment of
notional principal contracts entered into as part of a hedging
arrangement referred to elsewhere in section 954.
Mr. HUTCHINSON. I thank the Chairman.
amtrak
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, the conference agreement to H.R. 2014
includes a provision to provide Amtrak up to $2.3 billion during the
next 2 years. This funding provision would be provided in the form of
tax credits. While I have already made my concerns known regarding this
provision, I note that it would require enactment of reform legislation
prior to the Treasury providing these credits to Amtrak.
As Chairman of the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and
Transportation, which has jurisdiction over Amtrak, I would like to
ascertain for the record what the authors of this tax credit provision
envision would constitute reforms. Since I was not a conferee, I would
appreciate the majority leader clarifying this matter and explaining
the conferees intent.
Mr. LOTT. I would be happy to offer clarification to the Chairman of
the Amtrak authorizing Committee. As members know, we have spent
significant congressional time working to develop comprehensive Amtrak
reform and reauthorization legislation. As Members further know, I
worked for 2 years on a bipartisan reform package in the 104th
Congress. Senator Hutchison has picked up this legislation effort and
has worked diligently to advance the process. However, we cannot
justify new Federal subsidies for Amtrak unless we also fix the many
impediments imposed by statute which prevent Amtrak from operating like
a business. Comprehensive reforms in the areas of Amtrak operations,
labor, and liability must be enacted if we are serious about addressing
Amtrak's financial crisis. Amtrak cannot survive without these
fundamental changes. Money alone will not address Amtrak's systemic
problems.
Mr. McCAIN. I thank the majority leader for his comments. From your
description, the reforms you envision to release this new funding for
Amtrak are the type of reforms included for in S. 738, the Amtrak
Reform and Accountability Act of 1997. That bill, sponsored by the
Chairwoman of the Surface Transportation and Merchant Marine
Subcommittee, Senator Hutchison, was approved by the Commerce Committee
on June 26, 1997. I note that the sponsor of S. 738 is on the floor. I
would like to ask what her intentions are for moving that bill.
Mrs. HUTCHISON. Thank you. I had hoped we would be able to accomplish
the necessary Amtrak reforms within the context of this tax bill. I
believe that Members of the Senate from both parties were prepared to
do that. Given that Amtrak has warned us it could reach bankruptcy by
the spring of 1998, the reforms embodied in S. 738, which include labor
reforms and limits on liability, are simply critical. I am committed to
moving S. 738 as soon as possible after the August recess. The Chairman
of the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee shares my
commitment to provide honest legislative reforms in order to release
the tax credits to Amtrak. I hope the majority leader will work with me
to assure timely floor action.
[[Page S8468]]
Mr. LOTT. I look forward to having the full Senate consider the
authorization legislation reported by the Senate Commerce Committee and
will be happy to work with the Senator.
Mr. McCAIN. I thank the majority leader and Senator Hutchison for
clarifying this issue. The reform language in this tax bill linked to
the release of tax credits clearly means comprehensive, substantive,
meaningful reforms to ensure Amtrak operates more efficiently and to
set up a process that will protect taxpayers if Amtrak does not meet
its financial goals. Let there be no misunderstanding. There will be no
new funding provided to Amtrak until we first enact legislation
providing operational, labor and liability reforms. The hard working
men and women whose tax dollars are subsidizing Amtrak deserve to have
their contributions invested as responsibly as possible. I stand ready
to work with the majority leader and the subcommittee chairman to bring
this reform measure before the full Senate.
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I rise to support the Tax Relief Act of
1997. I commend the Finance Committee and the leadership, along with
the Budget Committee, for their hard work.
This bill, along with the Balanced Budget Act of 1997, fulfills our
promise to the American people--to restrain Government spending, and to
bring Tax Relief to the American people.
This tax reduction act has some tax relief for all Americans, at all
stages of life. The child tax credit will boost the family budget for
parents with children.
Homeowners, and others with capital assets will benefit from the
capital gains tax reduction. The education provisions will encourage
savings and assist all students. The bill has provisions for savings
and investment, and for businesses. This will encourage economic growth
and promote employment. Finally, there are estate tax reforms which
will help preserve family businesses and farms.
Mr. President, this Nation has waited too long for a balanced
budget--nearly 30 years; and it has been 16 years since we have
delivered any significant tax relief. These measures passed today keep
us on the track of smaller government and a strong economy.
I am proud to support this measure, because it is good for the people
of South Carolina and good for the Nation. It is a good down payment
toward a simpler, fairer, and less burdensome tax system.
Finally, Mr. President, these two bills put us on course to fiscal
responsibility. We must continue to keep spending within the limits of
our resources, and begin to reduce the national debt. We owe no less to
our children and grandchildren.
Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, I rise in support of H.R. 2014, the
conference report on tax relief. Through this tax package, we can give
the American people the first serious tax reduction package in 16
years. This legislation provides tax relief to families with children,
it offers greatly needed relief for small business, and it encourages
education and investment. Finally this legislation gives some relief to
individuals and small businesses from the punitive Federal death tax. I
commend the Chairmen of the Finance and Budget Committees and the other
conferees for their hard work on this package. We must realize that we
still have a long journey ahead in relieving the tax burden on American
taxpayers and in simplifying the cumbersome tax code.
Mr. President, our tax burden in this country is overwhelming. We tax
income, we tax investment, and we tax savings. In fact, we have pretty
well figured out a way of taxing a person from the time he gets up in
the morning to the time he goes to bed. From the time you wake up in
the morning and have your first cup of coffee, you are paying sales
tax. When you get in your car and drive to work, you are paying
gasoline tax. As you work all day to support your family, you are also
supporting the Government by paying income tax. When you go home and
spend time with your family and finally go to bed, you are paying
property tax. If you decide to make a telephone call or turn on the
light switch, you get taxed for that too. This taxation on almost all
your daily activities goes on your entire life and to add insult to
injury, we even tax you when you die. It is a tragic situation in this
country when most people spend more money on taxes than they spend on
food, clothing, and shelter combined. It is time that we relieve this
tax burden on our Americans.
Just as our tax burden is too high, our Tax Code is frustratingly
complex. Like a critically-ill patient, the Internal Revenue Code is in
desperate need of surgery. We have continued to operate our Tax Code
with layer after layer of bandages while ignoring the gasps of the
dying patient beneath. This complexity has often left even the
professional tax preparers in a quandary about the meaning of the
myriad of code provisions and revenue regulations. When even the
experts cannot understand our Tax Code, it is time for meaningful
reform.
I had the pleasure of conducting a small business committee field
hearing in Casper, WY, this past April in order to find out the
concerns facing many of our small businesses. One of the consistent
messages I received from the hearing was that the complexity of our Tax
Code is strangling small businesses. Even the representatives from the
accounting profession testified that our Tax Code is in desperate need
of simplification. They are concerned about their own liability because
they cannot even count on representatives of the Internal Revenue
Service to understand the Tax Code they attempt to enforce. I have
found that many of these accountants are reluctant to simplify the
code, however, because every time we've attempted to simplify the Tax
Code, we have ended up raising taxes. We in Congress must begin by
reevaluating our tax policy. We will be able to accurately chart our
course only if we know where we are going.
This conference report takes an important step in lessening the tax
burden on individuals and small businesses alike. This tax package
provides broad-based tax relief for America's families. The $500-per-
child tax credit would provide over $70 billion in tax relief for
families over the next 5 years. The child credit has long been
championed by the Republican Party as a means of helping in the
evergrowing cost of raising families. Our Tax Code has failed miserably
to keep up with the ever-growing demands of raising children. The
current exemption for dependent children is less than one-half what it
should be to keep pace with inflation. Many of America's families have
two parents working with one working to pay the bills and the other
working to pay the taxes. We should be working to strengthen our
families in any way we can, and this credit will help in that effort.
Mr. President, this package moves us a step closer to the eventual
repeal of the punitive death tax. This is an area I have taken a
special interest in since the Federal death tax adversely impacts a
large number of small businesses and farms in Wyoming. The death tax
punishes people who work hard their entire lives in order to pass
something on to their children. This bill increase the exemption for
individuals and provides for a $700,000 exclusion for family owned
businesses. This exclusion was an important priority for me. I joined
several of my colleagues in urging the conferees to include a provision
which excludes the death tax for family businesses and farms. We need
to build on this foundation and work toward an eventual repeal of the
Federal death tax.
Mr. President, this bill gets us closer to leveling the playing field
between small businesses and their larger competitors. Most notably, it
accelerates the phase in for the deduction of health insurance for the
self-employed and it reinstates the home office business deduction. As
a small businessman myself, I was pleased to see some tax relief going
to those who form the backbone of our economy.
This legislation also encourages education by providing tax credits
for tuition and expenses for college and technical school training as
well as tax deductions for the interest on student loans. These tuition
tax credits will provide the means for many students to pursue a
college education or receive technical training. The tax deduction for
individuals who have already invested in college or graduate education
provide tax relief for one of the largest investments many people will
make in their lifetime.
Mr. President, this package makes important strides toward
encouraging
[[Page S8469]]
Americans to save and to invest for their future. We currently have a
dangerously low savings rate in this country, and this is due in large
part to our current tax structure which not only taxes income but it
taxes savings. This bill expands the availability of tax-free
Individual Retirement Accounts to include nonworking spouses and it
creates a new ``super IRA'' the proceeds of which can be withdrawn tax-
free for purposes such as first time home purchases.
We also provide relief for investment by providing for long-overdue
capital gains relief. This bill cuts the top capital gains rate from 28
percent to 20 percent and reduces the 15 percent rate to 10 percent for
assets held longer than 18 months. This reduction of the capital gains
rate will benefit millions of Americans. A news report just this week
showed that nearly one-half of Americans have some current investment
in the stock market. Many companies have allowed their employees to
invest in their future by buying stock in the company. Many of these
employees have counted on this investment for retirement. This package
provides relief for people who have planned wisely for their future.
Mr. President, I support his tax relief proposal because I believe we
need to return some of the Americans' money back to them this year.
This legislation will return over $90 million to those who have paid
the taxes. It has been far too long since Congress has passed a tax
relief package for the American families and small business, and I
applaud this effort. We must not, however, believe that our work is
done. Rather, it has just begun. We must now focus our attention and
effort on the reducing the enormous complexity of the Internal Revenue
Code. We need to set our sights on the clearly defining our Nation's
tax policy, and then muster the reserve to implement our goals with
simplicity and fairness. As the only accountant in the U.S. Senate, I
fully realize the need of reforming a tax code so that it strengthens
families, encourages enterprise and thrift, and rewards savings. I look
forward to working with my colleagues in this most important endeavor.
I thank the Chair and yield the floor.
tax incentives that promote forestland conservation
Mr. GREGG. Mr. President, I am very pleased that the Senator from
Delaware [Mr. Roth], included language in this tax bill, H.R. 2014, the
Revenue Reconciliation Act, which promotes land conservation through
the use of conservation easements and allowing the postmortem election
of these easements. Still, I believe that more must be done in the
future to ensure that forestland, especially in the Northeast, is
preserved. This issue is of particular importance in the Northeast,
where 85 percent of our forestland is in private ownership.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I agree with the Senator from New
Hampshire, and I intend to work with him in a bipartisan manner to
promote land conservation by pushing forward the recommendations made
by the Northern Forest Lands Council in 1994. As highlighted in S. 552,
the Forestland Preservation Tax Act, certain tax polices work against
the long-term ownership and management of forestland and instead force
landowners to sell or change the use of their land. H.R. 2014 begins to
address this program with the provisions for conservation easements and
estate tax relief for small businesses and family farms. In the
Northeast, the timber production is part of our agriculture and faces
many of the same challenges as family farms.
Mr. ROTH. I agree with both Senators and look forward to working with
both of you on these issues in the future.
Child Health Provisions
Mr. MOYNIHAN. Mr. President, I would like to enter into a colloquy
with Chairman Roth to clarify the conference agreement as it relates to
the children's health initiative. First, the issue of what benefits
must be provided to children has been very important to us in this
Chamber, on both sides of the aisle. Under the conference report, a
State covering children under the new title XXI must offer at least the
coverage listed under the options specified in section 2103(a). Do
these options establish floors or ceilings?
Mr. ROTH. These four options are floors. States are given flexibility
to design their programs, while meeting the standards of section
2103(a). States may also build upon the benchmark packages. With grant
funds, States, if they wish, may provide additional benefit coverage,
but they must provide at least the coverage described in section
2103(a). For example, a State may supplement the benchmark-equivalent
package of the standard Blue Cross/Blue Shield plan for Federal
employees by expanding vision, dental, and hearing services benefits.
Mr. MOYNIHAN. Another benchmark is the coverage for State employees.
It is my understanding that this benchmark coverage is equivalent to
the health benefit plans in which State employees are enrolled. Is that
correct?
Mr. ROTH. Yes, this benchmark allows States to provide children with
coverage benefits equivalent to the health benefit plans that enroll
State employees.
Mr. MOYNIHAN. Another clarification. Is it intended that children,
including those with special needs, receive quality care?
Mr. ROTH. The conferees expect State programs to provide access to
appropriate treatment for special needs children. In addition, the new
legislation is clear that children who are eligible for Medicaid under
current law may not be shifted to the new program under title XXI.
Medicaid coverage may not be rolled back and replaced by new insurance
programs. For example, the new program cannot replace an existing
medically needy program for children or existing Medicaid eligibility
through waivers for children receiving home and community based care.
Mr. MOYNIHAN. I thank the distinguished chairman of the Finance
Committee for his helpful remarks. I would also emphasize that, in the
Finance Committee, members on both sides of the aisle strongly agreed
that these child health grants should not supplant current State
spending, and instead would supplement and enhance current State child
health insurance programs. The conference report included such
maintenance of effort provisions. To ensure a cost-effective grant
program, Federal funds should not replace existing State spending.
Mr. NICKLES. Mr. President, the chairman of the Senate Finance
Committee has worked closely with me on a provision in this bill to
clarify the application of section 168(j) of the Internal Revenue Code
to Indian lands in Oklahoma.
Section 168(j) was enacted in 1993 to provide accelerated
depreciation for property placed in service on Indian reservations.
Since Oklahoma has no formal reservations, the House of Representatives
included a provision in their tax bill to clarify that lands in
Oklahoma within the jurisdictional area of an Oklahoma Indian tribe and
eligible for trust-land status would qualify for section 168(j).
As the chairman knows, the Senate receded to the House provision in
conference. However, since the House leaves the interpretation of the
provisions to the U.S. Department of the Interior, I believe it is
essential that we clarify congressional intent.
There needs to be a ``bright-line'' test for determining which
Oklahoma lands qualify for section 168(j) in order to treat Oklahoma
fairly compared to other States and to avoid costly litigation. The
Department of the Interior has indicated that ``lands in Oklahoma
within the jurisdictional area of an Oklahoma Indian tribe'' would be
defined as lands within boundaries of the last treaties with the
Oklahoma tribes. This definition narrows the land area compared with
current law by eliminating the unassigned lands.
Because I believe it is important that we clarify this matter, does
the chairman of the Senate Finance Committee concur with my
explanation?
Mr. ROTH. The Senator from Oklahoma is correct. I thank the Senator
for his cooperation on this issue.
Mr. DOMENICI. Mr. President, pursuant to section 313(c) of the Budget
Act I submit the following list of extraneous material for H.R. 2014,
the Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
[[Page S8470]]
EXTRANEOUS PROVISIONS--CONFERENCE REPORT ON H.R. 2014--TAXPAYER RELIEF
ACT OF 1997
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Provision Comments/Violation
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Sec. 901............................... Deposit general revenue portion
of highway motor fuels taxes
into highway trust fund. Byrd
rule (b)(1)(A): Produces no
change in outlays or revenues.
Sec. 909............................... Require study of feasibility of
moving collection point for
distilled spirits excise tax.
Byrd rule (b)(1)(A): Produces
no change in outlays or
revenues.
Sec. 910............................... Codify BATF regulations on wine
labeling. Byrd rule (b)(1)(A):
Produces no change in outlays
or revenues.
Sec. 931............................... Delay penalties for failure to
make payments through EFTPS
until after 6/30/98. Byrd rule
(b)(1)(A): Produces no change
in outlays or revenues.
Sec. 954............................... Modification of empowerment
zones and enterprise
communities criteria in the
event of future designations
of additional zones and
communities. Byrd rule
(b)(1)(A): Produces no change
in outlays or revenues.
Sec. 976............................... Combined employment tax
reporting five-year
demonstration project for
Montana. Byrd rule (b)(1)(A):
Produces no change in outlays
or revenues.
Sec. 1031(d)........................... Dedicate 4.3 cents/gallon tax
on aviation fuel to the
Airport and Airway Trust Fund.
Byrd rule (b)(1)(A): Produces
no change in outlays or
revenues.
Following provisions are from the Simplification section of H.R. 2014
Sec. 1223.............................. Due date for furnishing
information to partners of
large partnerships. Byrd rule
(b)(1)(A): Produces no change
in outlays or revenues.
Sec. 1283.............................. Repeal of authority to disclose
whether prospective juror has
been audited. Byrd rule
(b)(1)(A): Produces no change
in outlays or revenues.
Sec. 1284.............................. Clarification of statute of
limitations. Byrd rule
(b)(1)(A): Produces no change
in outlays or revenues.
Sec. 1285.............................. Clarify procedures for
administrative cost awards.
Byrd rule (b)(1)(A): Produces
no change in outlays or
revenues.
Sec. 1310.............................. Adjustments for certain gifts
made within three years of
decedent's death. Byrd rule
(b)(1)(A): Produces no change
in outlays or revenues.
Sec. 1314.............................. Authority to waive requirement
of United States trustee for
qualified domestic trusts.
Byrd rule (b)(1)(A): Produces
no change in outlays or
revenues.
Sec. 1412.............................. Authority to cancel or credit
export bonds without
submission of records. Byrd
rule (b)(1)(A): Produces no
change in outlays or revenues.
Sec. 1413.............................. Repeal of required maintenance
of records on premises of
distilled spirits plant. Byrd
rule (b)(1)(A): Produces no
change in outlays or revenues.
Sec. 1415.............................. Repeal of requirement for
wholesale dealers in liquor to
post sign. Byrd rule
(b)(1)(A): Produces no change
in outlays or revenues.
Sec. 1417.............................. Use of additional ameliorating
material in certain wines.
Byrd rule (b)(1)(A): Produces
no change in outlays or
revenues.
Sec. 1420.............................. Authority to allow drawback on
exported beer without
submission of records. Byrd
rule (b)(1)(A): Produces no
change in outlays or revenues.
Sec. 1431.............................. Authority for IRS to grant
exemptions from excise tax
registration requirements.
Byrd rule (b)(1)(A): Produces
no change in outlays or
revenues.
Sec. 1432.............................. Repeal of expired provisions.
Byrd rule (b)(1)(A): Produces
no change in outlays or
revenues.
Sec. 1444.............................. Repeal of expired provisions.
Byrd rule (b)(1)(A): Produces
no change in outlays or
revenues.
Sec. 1451.............................. Clarify Tax Court jurisdiction
over interest determinations.
Byrd rule (b)(1)(A): Produces
no change in outlays or
revenues.
Sec. 1503.............................. Elimination of paperwork
burdens on plans. Byrd rule
(b)(1)(A): Produces no change
in outlays or revenues.
Sec. 1510.............................. New technologies in retirement
plans. Byrd rule (b)(1)(A):
Produces no change in outlays
or revenues.
Sec. 1604(f)(3)........................ Coordination with tobacco
industry settlement agreement.
Byrd rule (b)(1)(A): Produces
no change in outlays or
revenues.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
railroad deficit reduction fuel taxes
Mr. CHAFEE. Unfortunately, I understand the Conference Agreement on
H.R. 2014 takes no action to equalize the rate of deficit reduction
fuel taxes paid by the various modes of transportation. As the
distinguished Chairman of the Finance Committee and I have discussed,
an obvious inequity currently exists which requires that railroads pay
a 5.55 cents-per-gallon fuel excise tax, while all other modes of
transportation pay no more than 4.3 cents-per-gallon for this purpose.
In fact, by transferring deficit reduction taxes paid by other
transportation users, including truckers which compete with the
railroads, into trust funds for infrastructure improvements, we
exacerbate the current inequity. Railroads continue to contribute to
deficit reduction, while their competitors instead contribute to their
own infrastructure.
If transportation is to be singled out for deficit reduction, the
burden of contributing to a balanced budget should be shared equally
among all modes. While I regret that no solution to this problem was
possible in this legislation, I hope you share my belief that the fuel
tax inequity imposed on the Nation's railroads must be remedied at the
earliest opportunity.
Mr. ROTH. As the Senator from Rhode Island knows, I am deeply
concerned about the unfair situation faced by railroads. While we were
unable to include a solution to this problem in H.R. 2014, it is my
hope that we will have the opportunity to pursue such a remedy as
quickly as possible, perhaps in the upcoming ISTEA reauthorization
legislation.
Mr. CHAFEE. Let me express my appreciation to the Chairman, Senator
Roth, for his interest in this important issue. I look forward to
working with him on this matter during the upcoming ISTEA legislation.
puerto rico tax incentives
Mr. D'AMATO. Mr. President, I joined with Senators Moynihan, Chafee,
Hatch, Graham, and Breaux recently in introducing S. 906, which would
provide job creation incentives for our fellow 3.8 million American
citizens in Puerto Rico. I am disappointed that these incentives were
not included in the bill before us today, H.R. 2014, the Taxpayers
Relief Act.
S. 906 had the unified support of the public and private sectors in
Puerto Rico, was endorsed by the President, and has received bipartisan
support in Congress. It was my goal to include this job creation
incentive in today's legislation. But because of extreme economic
constraints on available resources, this was not possible.
As a result of the changes made to tax incentives affecting Puerto
Rico in 1993 and 1996, Puerto Rico has no Federal economic incentives
to attract new businesses or jobs. Further, existing U.S. companies
operating on the island have little incentive to make new investments
or replace depreciating plant and equipment. This is inequitable and
should be changed. Our fellow citizens in Puerto Rico, where there is
an unemployment rate more than twice the national average, and well
over 50 percent of its population living below the poverty line, can
least afford to suffer economic setbacks.
Mr. President, I urge the Senate to consider S. 906, or other
incentives for economic growth in Puerto Rico at the first available
opportunity. This legislation provides a wage-based tax credit that
encourages U.S. companies to stay and expand on the island.
We cannot wait until the damage is done. Puerto Rican Americans, no
less than Americans living in the States, should be receiving the
benefits of economic growth and job creation that the Taxpayer Relief
Act provides to so many others.
Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I rise to make a few remarks on the tax
cut package being considered before us today.
Not since 1981 have we been able to offer the American people as
comprehensive a tax relief package as we are offering in this tax bill.
Through this historic tax bill we will offer American families much
needed tax relief in the form of $500 per child tax credit, capital
gains tax rate cuts, as well as an increase in the unified credit
exemption for death taxes. Families will also be able to save through
tax relief for education expenses.
But this is just the beginning.
Cutting taxes and shrinking government spending are two things that
will help to remove the obstacles that impede the progress of our
economy. We must continue to cut taxes even more.
Current estimates by the Congressional Budget Office place our
deficit this year around $45 billion. With a robust economy and
continually declining deficits we could easily reach a balanced budget
next year--we might even go into surplus for the first time in well
over a generation--something that would truly make this budget deal
historic.
In the spending portion of the budget deal the Administration has
stated that the amounts agreed to are enough for the operation of the
federal government. Although I believe that we need to reduce the size
of the federal government even further.
We have a deal that limits government, we cannot and should not let
government grow beyond what we have agreed to here today when revenues
exceed the costs of the operation of the federal government.
The question is now upon us as to what we should do next--what we
should do after having achieved the goals so boldly outlined just three
short years ago. The debate is no longer about whether we should
balance the budget or not--it's not about whether we should cut taxes
or not--we have done those things. The debate before us is now in terms
of a more limited government with lower taxes. The next question is now
that we have agreed on the acceptable size of government what should we
do next.
The short answer is we must continue to cut taxes.
Surpluses that are generalized either next year or five years from
now must be used for further tax reduction. We must make it clear that
our priority is to provide Americans with as much tax relief as
possible--and using surpluses to provide additional tax relief makes
that priority clear. Cutting taxes will continue to fuel the economy
and will further unleash the potential of our economy to perform at
full speed. For too long the Congress has worked to hinder the
functioning of our economy by imposing a multilayered tax system that
punishes success more than it rewards it.
We must continue to cut taxes and to make that our priority as we
move into the next century.
[[Page S8471]]
Currently, whenever revenues come into the Treasury higher than
estimated the revenues automatically go to deficit reduction and will
eventually contribute to paying down the Federal debt once we are
running a surplus.
I believe that it is critical that we continue to eliminate the
deficit and pay down the debt--but we must do that in the context of
lower taxes for the American people. We can do both--we can provide the
American taxpayers with much needed tax relief and pay down the debt by
allocating excess revenues to both tax reduction and debt reduction.
But we must be vigilant in ensuring that excess revenues do not go to
more Government spending; they must go to tax cuts and debt reduction
alone.
We must continue to limit the size, scope, and intrusiveness of the
Federal Government. We must further limit Government and force its
shrinkage through a continuing effort to cut taxes.
And when we cut the size of Government further we must return the
money to the taxpayers who have been forced to subsidize its woefully
inefficient operations for much of this century. The taxpayers deserve
a break.
Now, however, we must reject any notions of relaxing at having
completed this historic budget deal. Rather, we must pick up again, and
begin again, fighting for more tax relief, more tax cuts, and a
smaller, less intrusive Federal Government.
The American people have said they want these things--now we must
bind ourselves to provide those things--it would be irresponsible to do
otherwise.
Thank you Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I rise today in support of H.R. 2014, the
Revenue Reconciliation Act of 1997. This conference report is the
product of months of effort by Members of the Senate as well as our
colleagues in the other body and representatives of the administration.
This legislation also represents the first real tax cut for the
American people in over a decade. Today, Americans are bearing an
enormous burden when it comes to income taxes. According to a recent
study by the Tax Foundation, the per capita Federal tax burden has
increased 36.5 percent since 1992 and 57.5 percent since 1988, largely
because of the severity of the administration's 1993 tax increase.
In simple terms, the tax burden on Americans today is too high. Many
Americans now pay more in taxes than they do for food, clothing, and
housing combined. This bill takes a positive step toward easing that
burden in an effort to let the hard-working men and women in this
country keep more of the money they earn.
While the provisions of this bill reduces taxes in a variety of ways,
I want to focus on two important groups who will benefit the most from
this legislation--our American families and the millions of small
businesses across the Nation.
family tax relief
Family tax relief is a critical part of the conference report that we
consider today. The child tax credit has long been a Republican
priority, and as a result of this bill, it is now a reality. Beginning
in 1998, families will be able to claim a $400 credit per child, which
will increase to $500 beginning in 1999. In addition, by making the
credit available for children under age 17, we help many families when
they need it the most. As a parent, I can attest to the fact that the
costs of raising a child explode during the teenage years, and through
this bill millions of parents will not have to struggle so much to meet
those higher expenses.
The availability of this credit will benefit more than 43 million
children and their families. In fact, the Joint Economic Committee
estimates that a married couple in my State of Missouri who earn
$30,000 a year and have two children will see their Federal tax burden
cut in half. That means that those families will be able to keep
significantly more of their hard-earned income and use it to put food
on the table rather than subsidizing the huge Federal bureaucracy.
On the education front, the Revenue Reconciliation Act provides
relief for millions of students seeking to better themselves and learn
a trade or other profession. The bill establishes the Hope Scholarship
and the Lifetime Learning tax credits, which will offset some of the
high costs that families must bear to continue their children's
education after high school.
In addition, this legislation will benefit nearly 5 million students
through tuition tax relief in the form of State-sponsored prepaid
tuition programs and new educational IRA's. These programs will allow
parents to contribute to education savings accounts for a child
beginning at an early age. As those contributions grow tax-free, a fund
will be created to pay for tuition, room and board, and related
expenses when the child goes to a qualifying college or vocational
school.
For many students, however, higher education is only possible if they
finance all or part of the expense through student loans.
Unfortunately, after accumulating 4 years of such loans, these students
often graduate into starting positions and large monthly loan payments.
I am very pleased that this bill will assist over 7 million students in
this situation by restoring a tax deduction for interest paid on
student loans. This provision will help today's student who will not
have had the benefit of the long-term educational savings accounts
created under the bill, and it will recognize the responsibility and
commitment that they undertook to achieve their higher education goals.
While this bill provides important tax relief for families with
children and for young adults expanding their education, it also helps
those planning for their retirement years. The bill reduces the
limitations on individual retirement accounts and will enable more
Americans to use IRA's to save for their retirement. The legislation
will also encourage both spouses to save for retirement by permitting a
nonworking spouse to contribute to an IRA regardless of whether the
working spouse participates in a pension plan. These changes will not
only ensure greater retirement security, but will also bolster our
national savings rate, which is now one of the lowest among
industrialized nations.
small business tax relief
Mr. President, as the chairman of the Committee on Small Business, I
am very pleased that this legislation makes great strides for reducing
the enormous tax burdens on the small businesses in this country.
According to the Small Business Administration, small firms in this
country employ 53 percent of the private work force, contribute 47
percent of all sales in the country, and are responsible for 50 percent
of the private gross domestic product. In addition, industries
dominated by small businesses produced an estimated 75 percent of the
2.5 million new jobs created in 1995.
In recognition of the important role that small entrepreneurs play in
this country today, the Revenue Reconciliation Act contains several
provisions that will help level the playing field for small businesses
and encourage their continued growth and development. First and most
important, the bill increases the deductibility of health insurance for
the self-employed to 100 percent. This is truly a landmark victory for
small entrepreneurs. For the first time, this legislation recognizes
that self-employed business owners are entitled to the same tax
treatment with respect to the deductibility of their health insurance
costs as their large competitors have received for many years.
Earlier this year, I introduced legislation that would provide full
deductibility of health insurance for the self-employed beginning this
year. While I am disappointed that it will take 10 years under this
bill to reach full deductibility, we are finally on the right path. Now
we can turn our attention to realizing that 100 percent level at the
earliest possible date. Greater deductibility will help the 5.1 million
uninsured self-employed individuals and their 1.4 million children to
have greater access to health insurance. It will also help the self-
employed who are already insured to maintain the cost of a single
person health-insurance policy, which in most cases is substantially
more expensive than a group insurance policy.
A second major victory for home-based businesses is the restoration
of the home-office deduction, which is a major goal of the Home-Based
Business Act that I introduced earlier this year. For too long home-
based businesses
[[Page S8472]]
have borne the inequality created by the Soliman decision, which
radically limited the home-based businesses that could claim the
deduction. Even more troubling is the fact that many home-based
businesses that would arguably meet the current criteria for the
deduction never claim it for fear of triggering an IRS audit. This bill
puts home-based businesses on an equal footing with their larger
competitors and clears the way for the continued success of these
important entrepreneurs.
I am also pleased that we are able to provide a significant reduction
in the estate tax for family owned businesses and farms. With less than
one-third of family owned businesses currently being passed on to a
second generation, and only about one-eighth passed to a third
generation, estate tax reform for family owned businesses and farms is
urgently needed. This legislation will provide a $1.3 million exclusion
from estate tax for these family owned enterprises. In addition, the
bill will increase the individual estate tax credit to $1 million by
2006. The result will not only be the preservation of many successful
family owned businesses and farms that would otherwise have to be sold
in order to pay the Federal Government, but it will also preserve the
millions of jobs that these enterprises contribute to our local
communities.
Small businesses will also benefit from the capital gains provisions
in the bill. My committee has heard on many occasions that small
businesses need greater access to capital. I can think of no better way
to address that need than by opening up the billions of dollars of
built-in gains that currently exists in our economy, which the capital
gains tax reduction is expected to unleash. Small companies will also
have greater capital access through the provisions in the bill that
will allow tax-free rollover of gains from an investment in qualified
small business stock into an investment in another qualified small
business. This provision will foster investments in small businesses
and encourage existing investors to repeat their success stories by
rolling over their gains into new start-up companies.
Additionally, millions of limited partners, many of whom work in
small limited partnerships and limited liability companies, can rest
easy as a result of the moratorium included in the bill that will
prevent the IRS from finalizing its proposed stealth tax regulation
before July 1, 1998. This proposed regulation purports merely to define
who is a limited partner. But in reality, the rule will raise taxes on
millions of limited partners by regulatory fiat. The Constitution vests
the power to impose taxes in Congress, and Congress alone. The
moratorium included in this bill will stop the IRS from usurping that
power and give Congress an opportunity to exercise its authority to
find a statutory solution.
Finally, small business will have extended protection from IRS
penalties under this legislation as a result of the 6-month extension
of the penalty-free period for small businesses subject to the
Electronic Federal Tax Payment System [EFTPS]. This past June, the IRS
agreed to waive penalties through December 31, 1997, on small
businesses who are required to pay their taxes electronically starting
on July 1, 1997. The bill extends the penalty-free period through June
30, 1998, and will ensure that small firms will not be penalized if
errors or problems occur. In addition, it will give Congress time to
enact the legislation, which Senator Nickles introduced and I have
cosponsored, that would make EFTPS voluntary for most small businesses.
Mr. President, despite the many positive provisions in this bill for
small business, there is one glaring omission--a safe harbor for
independent contractors. The need for such a provisions was made clear
by the 2,000 delegates to the 1995 White House Conference on Small
Business who named it the most important issue for the President and
the Congress to address. For too long millions of entrepreneurs and
businesses that hire them have lived in constant fear that the IRS will
use its now infamous 20-factor test to find that a worker was
misclassified to the tune of thousands of dollars in back taxes,
interest, and penalties, not to mention the enormous costs of
accountants and attorneys necessary to fight the IRS.
No one disputes that the IRS has a duty to collect Federal revenues
and to enforce the tax laws. The problem in this case is that the IRS
is using a procedure that is patently unfair and is doing so on an
increasingly frequent basis. It is time for companies, workers, and
most especially the IRS, to have clear rules for determining the status
of workers.
The legislation that I introduced earlier this year reaches that goal
through a general safe harbor based on clear, objective criteria and a
bar against retroactive reclassification of workers by the IRS. I
remain committed to working with those on all sides of this issue to
find an answer to this critical problem, and I call on my colleagues on
both sides of the aisle to join with me in that endeavor. Let's end the
environment of fear in which small businesses and self-employed
individuals now must live. They should be able to spend less time
looking over their shoulder for an IRS audit, and more time doing what
they do best--contributing to the growth and strength of our economy
and creating much-needed jobs.
Mr. President, the Revenue Reconciliation Act that we consider today
will help Americans in so many ways, from raising children and
educating them to helping small businesses continue to be the economic
engine of this country. In addition, it is the culmination of so many
of the efforts that we began more than 2 years ago to bring meaningful
tax relief to hard-working Americans across this country. I urge all of
my colleagues to support this important legislation.
Mr. ROTH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the
distribution tables for 1998-2002 on the conference report to H.R.
2014, the Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997, as prepared by the Joint
Committee on Taxation be printed in the Record.
The distribution tables show that the Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997 is
a substantial tax cut for America's overtaxed middle-income families.
There being no objection, the tables were ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
DISTRIBUTIONAL EFFECTS OF THE CONFERENCE AGREEMENT ON THE REVENUE PROVISIONS \1\ OF H.R. 2014
[Calendar year 1998]
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Change in federal taxes Federal taxes \3\ under Federal taxes \3\ under Effective tax rate
\3\ present law proposal (percent) \4\
Income category \2\ -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Millions Percent Billions Percent Billions Percent Present law Proposal
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Less than $10,000............................... -$26 -0.5 $5 0.4 $5 0.4 5.4 5.4
10,000 to 20,000................................ -1,870 -5.9 31 2.5 30 2.4 8.5 7.9
20,000 to 30,000................................ -3,477 -4.9 70 5.6 67 5.4 13.7 13.0
30,000 to 40,000................................ -4,244 -4.3 98 7.8 93 7.6 16.5 15.8
40,000 to 50,000................................ -3,372 -3.3 103 8.2 99 8.1 17.7 17.1
50,000 to 75,000................................ -6,628 -2.6 251 20.0 244 19.9 20.2 19.6
75,000 to 100,000............................... -3,242 -1.7 193 15.4 189 15.4 23.1 22.6
100,000 to 200,000.............................. -178 -0.1 251 20.0 251 20.4 25.1 24.8
200,000 and over................................ 1,076 0.4 251 20.0 252 20.5 30.2 28.6
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Total, all taxpayers...................... -21,961 -1.8 1,253 100.0 1,231 100.0 20.7 20.1
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
(1) Includes child credit, capital gains reform, education incentives, IRA expansion, self-employed health deduction increase, EIC reduction, individual
AMT depreciation conformity and relief for farmers, and air travel taxes attributable to personal travel. Does not include increases in the cigarette
excise tax.
(2) The income concept used to place tax returns into income categories is adjusted gross income (AGI) plus: [1] tax-exempt interest, [2] employer
contributions for health plans and life insurance, [3] employer share of FICA tax, [4] worker's compensation, [5] nontaxable social security benefits,
[6] insurance value of Medicare benefits, [7] alternative minimum tax preference items, and [8] excluded income of U.S. citizens living abroad.
Categories are measured at 1997 levels.
(3) Federal taxes are equal to individual income tax (including the outlay portion of the EIC), employment tax (attributed to employees), and excise
taxes (attributed to consumers). Corporate income tax is not included due to uncertainty concerning the incidence of the tax. Individuals who are
dependents of other taxpayers and taxpayers with negative income are excluded from the analysis.
[[Page S8473]]
(4) The effective tax rate is equal to Federal taxes described in footnote (3) divided by: income described in footnote (2) plus additional income
attributable to the proposal.
Source: Joint Committee on Taxation.
Detail may not add to total due to rounding.
DISTRIBUTIONAL EFFECTS OF THE CONFERENCE AGREEMENT ON THE REVENUE PROVISIONS \1\ OF H.R. 2014
[Calendar year 1999]
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Change in federal taxes Federal taxes \3\ under Federal taxes \3\ under Effective tax rate
\3\ present law proposal (percent) \4\
Income category \2\ -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Millions Percent Billions Percent Billions Percent Present law Proposal
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Less than $10,000............................... -$33 -0.7 $5 0.4 $5 0.4 5.7 5.6
10,000 to 20,000................................ -2,051 -6.5 32 2.4 29 2.3 8.3 7.8
20,000 to 30,000................................ -3,955 -5.5 72 5.5 69 5.4 13.6 12.9
30,000 to 40,000................................ -5,088 -5.0 101 7.7 96 7.5 16.5 15.6
40,000 to 50,000................................ -4,115 -3.9 107 8.1 102 8.0 17.5 16.8
50,000 to 75,000................................ -8,255 -3.2 259 19.8 251 19.6 20.0 19.3
75,000 to 100,000............................... -4,358 -2.1 204 15.6 200 15.6 23.0 22.4
100,000 to 200,000.............................. -1,101 -0.4 264 20.2 263 20.6 25.1 24.7
200,000 and over................................ -1,893 -0.7 264 20.2 262 20.5 30.2 28.7
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Total, all taxpayers...................... -$30,850 -2.4 1,309 100.0 1,278 100.0 20.6 20.0
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
(1) Includes child credit, capital gains reform, education incentives, IRA expansion, self-employed health deduction increase, EIC reduction, individual
AMT depreciation conformity and relief for farmers, and air travel taxes attributable to personal travel. Does not include increases in the cigarette
excise tax.
(2) The income concept used to place tax returns into income categories is adjusted gross income (AGI) plus: [1] tax-exempt interest, [2] employer
contributions for health plans and life insurance, [3] employer share of FICA tax, [4] worker's compensation, [5] nontaxable social security benefits,
[6] insurance value of Medicare benefits, [7] alternative minimum tax preference items, and [8] excluded income of U.S. citizens living aboard.
Categories are measured at 1997 levels.
(3) Federal taxes are equal to individual income tax (including the outlay portion of the EIC), employment tax (attributed to employees), and excise
taxes (attributed to consumers). Corporate income tax is not included due to uncertainty concerning the incidence of the tax. Individuals who are
dependents of other taxpayers and taxpayers with negative income are excluded from the analysis.
(4) The effective tax rate is equal to Federal taxes described in footnote (3) divided by: income described in footnote (2) plus additional income
attributable to the proposal.
Source: Joint Committee on Taxation.
Detail may not add to total due to rounding.
DISTRIBUTIONAL EFFECTS OF THE CONFERENCE AGREEMENT ON THE REVENUE PROVISIONS \1\ OF H.R. 2014
[Calendar year 2000]
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Change in federal taxes Federal taxes \3\ under Federal taxes \3\ under Effective tax rate
\3\ present law proposal (percent) \4\
Income category \2\ -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Millions Percent Billions Percent Billions Percent Present law Proposal
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Less than $10,000............................... -$40 -0.8 $5 0.4 $5 0.4 5.8 5.7
10,000 to 20,000................................ -2,143 -6.7 32 2.3 30 2.2 8.3 7.7
20,000 to 30,000................................ -4,075 -5.5 75 5.4 71 5.3 13.6 12.8
30,000 to 40,000................................ -5,189 -4.9 105 7.7 100 7.5 16.4 15.6
40,000 to 50,000................................ -4,152 -3.8 110 8.1 106 7.9 17.5 16.8
50,000 to 75,000................................ -8,197 -3.1 267 19.4 258 19.3 19.7 19.1
75,000 to 100,000............................... -4,482 -2.1 218 15.9 213 15.9 22.8 22.3
100,000 to 200,000.............................. -1,096 -0.4 280 20.4 278 20.8 25.0 24.7
200,000 and over................................ -2,439 -0.9 279 20.4 277 20.7 30.2 28.7
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Total, All Taxpayers...................... -31,812 -2.3 1,371 100.0 1,339 100.0 20.6 20.0
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
(1) Includes child credit, capital gains reform, education incentives, IRA expansion, self-employed health deduction increase, EIC reduction, individual
AMT depreciation conformity and relief for farmers, and air personal travel taxes attributable to personal travel. Does not include increase in the
cigarette excise tax.
(2) The income concept used to place tax returns into income categories is adjusted gross income (AGI) plus: [1] tax-exempt interest, [2] employer
contributions for health plans and life insurance, [3] employer share of FICA tax, [4] worker's compensation, [5] nontaxable social security benefits,
[6] insurance value of Medicare benefits, [7] alternative minimum tax preference items, and [8] excluded income of U.S. citizens living aboard.
Categories are measured at 1997 levels.
(3) Federal taxes are equal to individual income tax (including the outlay portion of the EIC), employment tax (attributed to employees), and excise
taxes (attributed to consumers). Corporate income tax is not included due to uncertainty concerning the incidence of the tax. Individuals who are
dependents of other taxpayers and taxpayers with negative income are excluded from the analysis.
(4) The effective tax rate is equal to Federal taxes described in footnote (3) divided by: income described in footnote (2) plus additional income
attributable to the proposal.
Source: Joint Committee on Taxation.
Detail may not add to total due to rounding.
DISTRIBUTIONAL EFFECTS OF THE CONFERENCE AGREEMENT ON THE REVENUE PROVISIONS \1\ OF H.R. 2014
[Calendar year 2001]
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Change in federal taxes Federal taxes \3\ under Federal taxes \3\ under Effective tax rate
\3\ present law proposal (percent) \4\
Income category \2\ -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Millions Percent Billions Percent Billions Percent Present law Proposal
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Less than $10,000............................... -$52 -1.0 $5 0.4 $5 0.4 5.8 5.8
10,000 to 20,000................................ -2,395 -7.4 32 2.2 30 2.1 8.3 7.7
20,000 to 30,000................................ -4,359 -5.6 77 5.4 73 5.2 13.5 12.8
30,000 to 40,000................................ -5,359 -4.9 109 7.6 104 7.4 16.4 15.6
40,000 to 50,000................................ -4,324 -3.8 114 8.0 110 7.8 17.4 16.7
50,000 to 75,000................................ -8,116 -3.0 274 19.1 266 18.9 19.6 18.9
75,000 to 100,000............................... -4,533 -1.9 235 16.4 230 16.4 22.8 22.2
100,000 to 200,000.............................. -570 -0.2 295 20.5 294 20.9 25.0 24.7
200,000 and over................................ -1,162 -0.4 294 20.5 293 20.8 30.3 28.7
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Total, all taxpayers...................... -30,870 -2.1 1,437 100.0 1,406 100.0 20.6 20.0
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
(1) Includes child credit, capital gains reform, education incentives, IRA expansion, self-employed health deduction increase, EIC reduction, individual
AMT depreciation conformity and relief for farmers, and air travel taxes attributable to personal travel. Does not include increases in the cigarette
excise tax.
(2) The income concept used to place tax returns into income categories is adjusted gross income (AGI) plus: [1] tax-exempt interest, [2] employer
contributions for health plans and life insurance, [3] employer share of FICA tax, [4] worker's compensation, [5] nontaxable social security benefits,
[6] insurance value of Medicare benefits, [7] alternative minimum tax preference items, and [8] excluded income of U.S. citizens living aboard.
Categories are measured at 1997 levels.
(3) Federal taxes are equal to individual income tax (including the outlay portion of the EIC), employment tax (attributed to employees), and excise
taxes (attributed to consumers). Corporate income tax is not included due to uncertainty concerning the incidence of the tax. Individuals who are
dependents of other taxpayers and taxpayers with negative income are excluded from the analysis.
(4) The effective tax rate is equal to Federal taxes described in footnote (3) divided by: income described in footnote (2) plus additional income
attributable to the proposal.
Source: Joint Committee on Taxation.
Detail may not add to total due to rounding.
[[Page S8474]]
DISTRIBUTIONAL EFFECTS OF THE CONFERENCE AGREEMENT ON THE REVENUE PROVISIONS \1\ OF H.R. 2014
[Calendar year 2002]
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Change in federal taxes Federal taxes \3\ under Federal taxes \3\ under Effective tax rate
\3\ present law proposal (percent) \4\
Income category \2\ -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Millions Percent Billions Percent Billions Percent Present law Proposal
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Less than $10,000............................... -$70 -1.3 $5 0.4 $5 0.4 5.9 5.8
10,000 to 20,000................................ -2,702 -8.3 33 2.2 30 2.0 8.3 7.6
20,000 to 30,000................................ -4,748 -6.0 80 5.3 75 5.1 13.5 12.7
30,000 to 40,000................................ -5,646 -5.0 114 7.5 108 7.3 16.4 15.5
40,000 to 50,000................................ -4,537 -3.8 120 7.9 115 7.8 17.3 16.7
50,000 to 75,000................................ -8,260 -2.9 284 18.9 276 18.7 19.3 18.8
75,000 to 100,000............................... -4,696 -1.9 248 16.5 243 16.5 22.7 22.2
100,000 to 200,000.............................. -614 -0.2 312 20.8 312 21.2 25.0 24.7
200,000 and over................................ -2,019 -0.7 310 20.6 308 20.9 30.3 28.7
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Total, all taxpayers...................... -33,293 -2.2 1,505 100.0 1,471 100.0 20.6 20.0
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
(1) Includes child credit, capital gains reform, education incentives, IRA expansion, self-employed health deduction increase, EIC reduction, individual
AMT depreciation conformity and relief for farmers, and air personal travel taxes attributable to personal travel. Does not include increase in the
cigarette excise tax.
(2) The income concept used to place tax returns into income categories is adjusted gross income (AGI) plus: [1] tax-exempt interest, [2] employer
contributions for health plans and life insurance, [3] employer share of FICA tax, [4] worker's compensation, [5] nontaxable social security benefits,
[6] insurance value of Medicare benefits, [7] alternative minimum tax preference items, and [8] excluded income of U.S. citizens living aboard.
Categories are measured at 1997 levels.
(3) Federal taxes are equal to individual income tax (including the outlay portion of the EIC), employment tax (attributed to employees), and excise
taxes (attributed to consumers). Corporate income tax is not included due to uncertainty concerning the incidence of the tax. Individuals who are
dependents of other taxpayers and taxpayers with negative income are excluded from the analysis.
(4) The effective tax rate is equal to Federal taxes described in footnote (3) divided by: income described in footnote (2) plus additional income
attributable to the proposal.
Source: Joint Committee on Taxation.
Detail may not add to total due to rounding.
Mr. SARBANES addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland.
Mr. SARBANES. Will the Senator from Arkansas yield some time?
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I am delighted to yield to the Senator
from Maryland.
Mr. LOTT addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland is recognized. He
has the floor.
Mr. LOTT. Will the Senator yield for a unanimous-consent request that
I think would be of great interest to all Senators?
Mr. SARBANES. I am happy to do that.
Unanimous-Consent Agreement
Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I believe that everybody knows what is in
this bill now and Senators have had many opportunities to express their
enthusiastic support for the bill. It seems to me that Senators are
ready to vote. If we can get this unanimous-consent agreement that I
have discussed with the Democratic leader, we would have this vote this
afternoon and we would be through with our work and we would not have
another vote until Wednesday, September 3.
I ask unanimous-consent that the vote occur on adoption of the
pending tax fairness conference report at 6 p.m. this evening, and that
no further action occur prior to the vote.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection?
Mr. BYRD. Reserving the right to object, Mr. President. I reserve the
right to object not for the purpose of objecting, but for the purpose
of making a brief statement with respect to my vote on the last
rollcall vote. I think the Senate made a mistake, and I had hoped to be
here in time to express my opposition to the motion to waive all points
of order.
I think that was a mistake. These are the reasons why it is a
mistake. I was not--along with most of the other Members of this body--
a conferee on this resolution. I know very little about what's in the
bill--only by asking questions of staff and listening to other Members.
But I had nothing to do with the conference report that was brought
back. Many of the Senators in here are in the same boat.
What goes into that conference report depends a lot on the actions of
the House of Representatives. They are a part of the conference report
that comes back here for us to vote on. Our only recourse--inasmuch as
we cannot amend the conference report, our only recourse, if indeed we
want to get a vote on something in that conference report, is to make a
point of order if the point of order is available.
The Byrd rule was devised for the purpose of keeping extraneous
matter off reconciliation measures because there was very little time
on a reconciliation bill for debate, and on a conference report, there
is no opportunity to amend it. And so we devised the Byrd rule to keep
off these pieces of extemporaneous legislation that were often complex,
costly, and needed to be aired and debated by the representatives of
the people. That was the purpose of the Byrd rule.
I looked over the Byrd rule violations that were involved here. I saw
none that I would question. Some of the Byrd rule violations are good,
in my view. But at least I had the opportunity, I had the right to
raise a point of order and get a vote. I could not amend the conference
report, so a point of order would be my only way to delete from the
bill an extemporaneous matter and get a vote on it. And now the Senate
has adopted a motion that waived all points of order. It took away your
rights, your rights, your rights, and my rights, if we had wanted to
make a point of order under the Byrd rule.
It was a bad precedent. What are we going to do the next time--the
next time we bring in a reconciliation bill? The first thing, if the
majority so wishes, could be to move to waive all points of order? They
have the votes. They have the votes. We might be in the majority the
next time, or we may not be.
Another thing that happens in these conferences is, the
administration, which is a separate branch of Government--and I still
hold that there are three equal, coordinate branches of this
Government. I don't salute the executive branch. I don't serve under
any President. I serve with the President. But the administration goes
into these conferences, whether it is a Republican administration or a
Democratic administration, and tries to dominate those conferences,
tries to get matters included in the conference report right at the
last minute so we won't have time to air them under the limited time
for debate. But there is still a point of order that a Senator has a
right to make, and especially under the Byrd rule, because usually if
the administration wants to put in something, it may be an authorizing
measure, it is something which ought to be debated. But because they
can get it in the reconciliation bill, if they can get by the Byrd rule
points of order, then they are home scot-free. I am opposed to that. I
think we made a mistake. It is a bad precedent. And I only wish I had
had time to express my viewpoint before we voted. Maybe it would not
have changed any votes, but still I would have had an opportunity. I
thank all Senators for listening. I apologize for imposing on your
time.
Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I renew my request.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the unanimous-consent
request?
Without objection, it is so ordered.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland is recognized.
Mr. SARBANES. Mr. President, just 4 years ago, in 1993, in order to
reduce the deficit, the Congress, by a narrow margin, enacted a budget
resolution that curtailed programs and increased taxes--taxes that fell
primarily on those at the upper end of the income scale. This
combination of spending restraint and revenue increases represents a
logical way of dealing with the deficit issue.
[[Page S8475]]
This approach has worked in a most impressive way. The flourishing
economy has brought unemployment below 5 percent for the first time in
a quarter of a century. While unemployment is at a quarter-century low,
inflation is at a 31-year low. I don't know what better proof you can
offer of a strong economy than the low unemployment rate and low
inflation rate we are now experiencing. As a consequence of this
flourishing economy, the deficit has declined on a steady basis since
fiscal year 1992. It has come straight down in each succeeding fiscal
year from $290 billion to $255 billion, to $203 billion, to $164
billion, to $107 billion in the fiscal year that ended last September
30, and it is now expected to be below $50 billion for the current
fiscal year come this September 30.
As a percentage of gross domestic product, the deficit has gone from
4.9 percent--a very worrisome figure--in 1992 to well under 1 percent
for the current fiscal year, the best performance since 1974. So you
have the best unemployment rate in 25 years, the lowest inflation in 31
years, the lowest deficit as a percent of GDP in 23 years. We are doing
far better than any of the other major industrial countries. So it is a
very impressive economic and deficit-reduction performance indeed that
we are now witnessing.
Given this performance, one would think that the wise policy would be
to stay the course and finish the job, that we would choose to continue
following the path on which we find ourselves. Today we have already
enacted budget cuts and spending restraints, legislation which
obviously works in the direction of deficit reduction. But now we are
passing a tax cut when the objective, or so everyone states, is deficit
reduction.
Tax cuts obviously work against deficit reduction. And the tax cuts
contained in this legislation are particularly destructive of deficit
reduction in that they will grow over time in a way that may well
jeopardize the goal of reaching and staying in budget balance
altogether.
The capital gains, inheritance, and IRA tax cuts all carry with them
the potential for substantial increases in future years. In fact, the
tables put out by the Joint Tax Committee itself with respect to the
tax cuts contained in this conference report tell this very tale. For
the first 5 years covered by this legislation--1998-2002--estate tax
cuts will cost $6 billion in revenues. For the next 5 years, from 2003
to 2007, they will cost $28 billion in revenue. That is the upward
trendline from the first 5 years to the second 5 years. We don't have
the figures for beyond the initial 10-year period. They have not been
provided to us. So we are in a sense being asked to make this decision
in the dark. But it is reasonable to assume that these estate tax cuts
will continue on that upward trajectory.
Capital gains cuts in this conference report are listed as producing
$123 billion in revenues over the first 5-year period, 1998 to 2002,
and then to cost $21 billion from 2003 to 2007 with no projection
beyond that point.
IRA's will cost $1.8 billion in the first 5 years, $18 billion in the
next 5 years. And the alternative minimum tax costs $8 billion in the
first 5 years and $12 billion in the 5 years thereafter.
So, as everyone can see, we are on an upward trajectory that makes it
reasonable to assume that the loss in revenues over the second 10-year
period will be well in excess of $0.5 trillion.
This rising trend will, in effect, undercut--if not derail--the
deficit reduction effort.
Is it not imprudent--indeed, irresponsible--to commit to such tax
cuts before we have actually achieved budget balance and before we have
a more accurate and realistic view of whether it can be sustained?
As the Baltimore Sun said in an editorial only yesterday, and I
quote:
The question remains: Will the generous tax cuts come back
to haunt the country in the form of widening deficits as the
tax cuts take full effect several years down the road?'' The
answer, judging from the figures I have just cited, appears
to be yes.
Furthermore, let me note that all of this is premised on the economy
continuing to function as strongly as it is functioning right now. In
effect, with this tax cut, we are giving away our margin to engage in a
countercyclical fiscal policy, if we have an economic downturn. What
would we do in a downturn when, in fact, you might want to do a tax cut
in order to stimulate the economy to help move us out of the recession
when, in fact, you have proceeded to use up the margin for taking such
policy action with the legislation that is here before us.
Second, these tax provisions before us in this conference report are
strikingly inequitable, and result in a disproportionate share of the
burdens of deficit reduction being placed on lower income individuals
and families. The impact of the reduction in programs contained in the
spending bill passed earlier today will be felt by ordinary working
people, primarily. The tax reductions contained in this legislation,
far from burdening upper income individuals, will primarily benefit
those at the top end of the income scale.
In fact, it has been reliably estimated that the top 1 percent of the
income scale will receive 30 percent of the tax benefits contained in
this conference report. The top 5 percent will receive 44 percent of
the benefits. And the top 20 percent, the upper quintile, will receive
77 percent of the tax benefits contained in this conference report. I
repeat, the top quintile will receive 77 percent of the benefits.
By contrast, the bottom 60 percent, the lowest three quintiles, will
receive less than 7 percent of the benefits. So the top fifth of the
income pyramid is going to get 11 times the benefit that the bottom
three-fifths of the income pyramid will receive under this proposal.
There is no way that can be regarded as an equitable arrangement.
And, in fact, what is happening here is, in order to move toward
deficit reduction, additional burdens are being put on working people.
In fact, under this conference report, the people at the top end of the
scale, instead of making a contribution to deficit reduction, are
getting out from some of the burden which they now bear, a burden which
has helped to bring the deficit down to the point at which we find
ourselves today.
A budget agreement and the tax measure to implement it should
undertake equitable deficit reduction apportioning the burdens in a way
that it is reasonably spread across the entire society, as was done in
1993 when ordinary working people made their contribution through
program reductions, and those at the top end of the income scale made
their contribution through tax increases. Here again we have working
people bearing their share of the burden of program reduction. But the
tax breaks contained in this resolution go very much to those at the
upper end of the income scale, leaving working Americans bearing a far
larger percentage of the load.
So one must conclude this budget fails the equity test. A budget
agreement and the tax program to implement it should also lead to
lasting long-term deficit reduction. I don't think this legislation
will do that. In fact, as I have already discussed at length, I have
very deep concern that in the long term, as the Sun editorial
indicated--in posing the basic question, ``Will the generous tax cuts
come back to haunt the country in the form of widening deficits as the
tax cuts take full effect several years down the road?''--this
conference report will do serious damage to our long-term deficit
reduction efforts.
These tax cuts will explode in the outyears. They start exploding
even within the 10-year period. Let me repeat the figures: The estate
tax cuts go from a loss of revenue of $6 billion in the first 5 years
to a loss of $28 billion in the next 5 years, and presumably more in
the outyears. Capital gains are scored under this conference report to
earn revenues--earn revenues--of $123 billion in the first 5 years, and
to cost $21 billion in the next 5 years, and presumably more in the
outyears.
IRA's are scored here to cost $1.8 billion--less than $2 billion--in
the first 5 years, $18 billion in the next 5 years, again with no
projection beyond that, although everyone assumes it is on an upward
trajectory.
So, Mr. President, this measure before us also fails the long-term
deficit reduction test, just as it fails the equity test. In effect, it
does not have either of two essential attributes--equitable deficit
reduction and lasting long-term deficit reduction--that should inform a
tax bill.
For those reasons, I must oppose the measure before us.
[[Page S8476]]
I thank the Senator for yielding me time.
Mr. BUMPERS addressed the Chair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arkansas.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I would like to yield 10 minutes, or such
time as he may use, to the distinguished Senator from Virginia [Mr.
Robb].
Are we going back and forth?
I apologize for that, and withhold the request.
Mr. ROTH. Mr. President, I yield 5 minutes to the distinguished
Senator from Montana.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Montana.
Mr. BURNS. Mr. President, I thank my good friend from Delaware.
I rise today in support of this package. I guess every now and again
we get into a situation where we have a big bill in front of us. I know
that there is a good friend of mine on the floor now. I call him one of
the greatest American slaves to his labor than anybody, and that is
Senator Domenici from New Mexico on Budget, now with Senator Roth at
the helm on Finance.
A lot of things that we have tried to do in the last 6 or 7 or 10
years we get in this bill.
We had a problem one time in the caucus. I can remember my good
friend from Wyoming. It got kind of quiet. Nobody was coming up with
any answers. He said, ``Our biggest problem is we are overthinking this
thing.'' And we could be doing just that.
But I want to remind America what it is all about. And that is middle
America and what it means to young men and women who are starting out
in agriculture on their farms. This is income averaging, because we are
going to phase out subsidies, folks. We have to allow those who are
starting off in the farming business, and those who want to sell a
farm, to have capital gains relief--those who inherit farms. We are
giving them some way that we can pass our farms and ranches on to the
next generation. In other words, we don't have to sell the farm to save
the farm, and income averaging, allowing a young man and a young woman
on a farm to accumulate cash and save it in the good years so that they
can make it through the bad years. That is basically what we want to
do. And I call them farm friendly provisions of this budget deal.
In small business, the ability and just a short time to write off 100
percent of your premiums for a tax credit on your health care
insurance; you get your home office tax credit back; the alternative
minimum tax for small businesses and farming operations. Yes, on that
same farm or ranch they have children; and the $500-per-child tax
credit, which, in my State, means that $200 million a year stays in
that State. And the decision on who spends that money is left to the
parents. That decision will be made around a breakfast table rather
than around a conference table here in Washington, DC.
So let us take a look at the big picture. Let us take a look at the
people who really pull the wagon. They have been looking for relief a
long time. It is in this package.
I congratulate my good friend from New York and my good friend from
Delaware because they have worked a long, long time. And, yes, you can
find something in here that you do not like. But let us not let
perfection stand in the way of progress. Let us at least take that one
giant step in the right direction and let people control those dollars
that they have worked so hard to earn.
Across my State of Montana, we are agriculture and we are small
business. So this package is just like a rifle shot; it is pointed
right at those people who really are the heart and soul of any
community, and, yes, the working men and women of this country. I am
going to support it. I hope that all of my colleagues will support it.
And then if there is something wrong, this body is not encased in
stone. There is plenty of time to put some fixes in that maybe should
be put in. But nonetheless, right now let us take that one giant step
in the right direction.
Mr. President, I yield the floor and I yield back the remainder of my
time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Abraham). Who yields time?
Mr. MOYNIHAN. Mr. President, the Senator from Virginia would like 5
minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Virginia is recognized for up
to 5 minutes.
Mr. ROBB. Mr. President, I thank the Chair and I thank the
distinguished Senator from New York.
I had planned to make a longer formal statement today, but I will be
very brief given the lateness of the hour. Most of the things that I
wanted to say have already been said, and in most cases said more
eloquently than I suspect I could say them. I really do not enjoy being
the burr under the saddle when there is so much euphoria. Many good
people have worked long and hard to achieve this compromise which I
think is ultimately the only way that the system works in terms of the
major proposals that we deal with in this institution.
I applaud the President and the Republican leadership for working
together. I applaud the ranking members and the chairs of the Finance
Committee and the Budget Committee. I have had the privilege of working
with the chairman of the Budget Committee for almost 20 years. In my
prior incarnation as a Governor, Senator Domenici was always one of the
most respected Members of either party from Congress on matters that
related to fiscal policy. I know for him this budget agreement
represents a major milestone. I know how hard he has worked and I know
of his personal commitment to fiscal responsibility and to bringing
down the deficit. It is real. I have seen him make tough decisions and
without compromising his view of the deal that was finally struck
between the President and the leadership in Congress. My guess is that
he is at least as enthusiastic, if not more so, about the deficit
reduction portion than perhaps some of the timing on the tax cuts.
I would say that there are very few people that I know, Mr.
President, who wouldn't like to have their taxes reduced. My problem is
with the timing of the tax cuts. We have been making real progress on
the deficit in the last few years. We are on the right course. We have,
as the Senator from Maryland indicated just a minute ago, some of the
most favorable economic statistics and optimistic projections we have
ever had. If ever we were going to make real long-term progress, not
only in reducing the deficit but in actually beginning to reduce the
debt, so that we would not be passing on to our children and
grandchildren the kinds of burdens that we continue to accumulate, now
is the time to address that challenge. And yet we fail to do so at this
particular time.
We are providing tax cuts that will be gratefully received by many.
We are providing incentives for many good programs. And again I applaud
the President and the leadership of Congress and all of those who have
been involved in this effort. But we are missing an opportunity that
may not come again to make a substantial effort toward long-term fiscal
responsibility. I am even more concerned that some of the proposals
that we are going to pass today will have some very unfortunate
consequences in the outyears.
I think we will have to look back upon our time on watch and answer
to future generations as to why, when we had this opportunity, this
window of opportunity in our history, when so many of the economic
indicators are so good, we were not willing to make the tough choices.
I voted for the package this morning with a tinge of regret. As I
have been committed to deficit reduction for my entire public career, I
was disappointed that we failed to include in that particular package
some rather modest, but important, restraints on entitlement growth,
restraints that made sense for our long-term future. They were among
the very first parts of the proposal that we moved away from. Just as
we failed to show the political courage to take the kind of steps that
we could have taken when respected economists told us what the Consumer
Price Index was doing to all of the programs that were related to it
and the impact a revision would have on the long term. What we are
doing here today is providing the kind of good news in the short term
that many of our citizens will respond favorably to, but in the long
term all of us are going to have to answer for the consequences of our
actions.
With that, Mr. President, I thank the Chair. I applaud those who have
worked hard to reach this particular agreement, but I respectfully
dissent.
[[Page S8477]]
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
Mr. ROTH. I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished Senator from
Arizona.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arizona is recognized.
Mr. McCAIN. Mr. President, I congratulate Senator Roth, Senator
Domenici, Senator Moynihan, and especially our leader for this landmark
agreement.
However, I wish to remark on the conference agreement provision that
gives $2.3 billion to Amtrak under the guise of so-called tax relief.
Mr. President, this has got to be called the great train robbery. It
used to be in the Old West that the outlaws took money from the trains.
Now the trains are taking money from the taxpayers--$2.3 billion. The
James boys, Jesse and Frank, did not have the imagination that this
incredible scheme does. It is not to be believed.
Do you know how they are going to get that $2.3 billion, Mr.
President? They are going to get it with a $2.3 billion tax break in
taxes they never paid. Amtrak has never paid any taxes. In fact, they
have lost $20 billion since they came into being. They have lost $20
billion. Now we are going to take tax relief from the freight trains
that used to run prior to Amtrak ever coming into existence.
Mr. President, this is most bizarre. I have only been here 10 years,
and I am sure some bizarre and Orwellian things have happened, but this
is the most bizarre thing I have ever seen. The only thing, the only
thing I think that saves this is that Congress, the leader and others
have demanded that reform be part of the package. And our friends on
the other side of the aisle, rather than grabbing ahold of this
greatest sweetheart deal in history, won't even agree to reforms. Right
now, if you are laid off from Amtrak, you stay for 6 years on the
payroll, and our friends will not even agree to doing away with that
incredible, incredible, unbelievable break.
Now, I guess this provision that unless reform is agreed to this
bailout--bailout is not the word. My vocabulary does not encompass the
ability to describe what we are doing here with this $2.3 billion to
Amtrak--$2.3 billion. Not a single reform. And I thank Senator
Hutchison of Texas who has worked hard on this issue and many others,
but I well tell you, Mr. President, I am going to vote for this bill,
but I hope and pray we never see anything like this great train robbery
ever again.
Mr. President, I yield back the remainder of my time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time?
Mr. ROTH. Mr. President, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. President, I appreciate the concerns expressed by my
distinguished colleague, but I feel that a little history will readily
help us understand exactly why we have done what we have done with
Amtrak.
We are in complete agreement that Amtrak is in a serious financial
crisis.
It may not survive through next year, and according to the GAO, the
most important measure Congress can take to help Amtrak through this
crisis is to provide a stable capital funding source.
In an effort to provide this funding, I introduced legislation that
would have created a dedicated trust fund for Amtrak.
This fund would have been financed by transferring one half-cent-per-
gallon of the excise taxes imposed on all motor fuels currently going
to the general fund to a new rail fund for Amtrak. This would have
provided $2.3 billion in capital funding over the next 3\1/2\ years.
By a vote of 77 to 21, the Senate overwhelmingly approved this
funding source.
However, during the conference on the tax bill, the House conferees
demanded that the secure funding source for Amtrak be contingent on a
reform bill being enacted. And the House conferees demanded that the
funding must be provided through the Tax Code in place of the reserve
fund mechanism contained in the Senate-passed version of the tax bill.
This is why the conference agreement now includes a tax refund for
Amtrak. And while this is not my first preference in providing capital
funding for Amtrak, it provides the necessary capital to keep Amtrak
alive. The conference agreement gives Amtrak the benefit of electing no
more than $2.3 billion in net operating losses over 2 years.
Amtrak must use the benefit for capital expenses and provide a
portion of this benefit for non-Amtrak States for their transportation
related expenditures.
This relief is based on the fact that Amtrak has incurred billions of
dollars of losses as a result of inheriting revenue losing passenger
rail service since its formation in 1971.
The tax provision contained in the conference report merely provides
the same type of tax relief that would have been available to its
predecessor railroads had Amtrak not been formed in that year.
Mr. President, the bottom line is that Amtrak desperately needs this
relief.
The current path Washington is taking to address our transportation
needs is to spend more money on highways and airports. In doing this,
we must not overlook the vital importance of passenger rail. Last year
Washington spent $20 billion for highways, while capital investment for
Amtrak was less than $450 million.
In relative terms, between fiscal year 1980 and fiscal year 1994,
transportation outlays for highways increased 73 percent, aviation
increased 170 percent, and transportation outlays for rail went down by
62 percent. In terms of growth, between 1982 and 1992 highway spending
grew by 5 percent, aviation by 10 percent, while rail decreased by 9
percent.
The time has come to invest in our rail system. The money Amtrak
needs to survive is in this tax bill, but it can't be spent until a
reform bill is enacted. The bottom line is without a reform bill none
of this money will be available to Amtrak. I have done my part, it is
now time for all the parties to work together on a reform package.
Without reforms, Amtrak won't have the resources it needs to survive.
I just want to make it clear that we are about to have the last clear
chance to save the American railroad passenger system. I point out that
in the legislation there is a requirement that there must be reform.
Make no mistake about that. But the fact is I think it would be a
serious mistake that the greatest, sole superpower in the world does
not have a passenger system. It is bad from the standpoint of
transportation, it is bad from the standpoint of environment, and I
hope that we are able to get the job done so that we have this modern,
clean transportation.
I yield 4 minutes to the distinguished Senator from Oklahoma.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oklahoma is recognized.
Mr. NICKLES. Mr. President, first, I wish to compliment and
congratulate the chairman of the Finance Committee, Senator Roth, and
his counterpart, Senator Moynihan, for the bipartisan way in which they
have worked to put this bill together. Also, I wish to compliment the
majority leader of the Senate, Senator Lott, and Speaker of the House,
Speaker Gingrich, because, frankly, they set up the design to make this
happen. They said let's get something passed. Let's pass a law. Let's
reach out. Let's have Democrat support. Let's not jut pass a Republican
package.
I will tell you, I think the bill we passed 2 years ago was a lot
better. It had a net tax cut of $245 billion. This bill has a tax cut
of $95 billion. The difference is this is going to become law. That is
important. The tax bill we passed a couple of years ago had a tax
credit of $500 per child. We have it in this bill. And so if a family
of median income has three kids, that's $1,500 that they get to spend,
not Washington, DC. It is their money. They earned it. They should be
able to keep it. That is the whole premise of this package.
We have education relief. I hear some of my colleagues who are
opposing this say, well, it does too much for the wealthy. It's really
slanted toward the upper income. That is totally false; 82 percent of
the package goes to education and the family tax credit. Those are
limited to middle income. Families with over $100,000 or over $110,000
do not qualify. So this is targeted towards families, middle-income
families.
I think it is a good package. It also has IRA's, and I compliment
Chairman Roth because he has been so steadfast
[[Page S8478]]
in pushing for individual retirement accounts for spouses. Now we have
millions of nonworking spouses that will be able to invest in an IRA
before taxes. I think that is a very positive provision. We have
educational IRA's, again because of Chairman Roth. We have relief from
the so-called death tax. We will increase the exemption from $600,000
to $1 million. It takes 10 years. So I encourage people not to pass
away if they are in that range. They need to wait a few years. But we
also increased the exemption for family businesses, farms and ranches.
And I will tell my colleagues, it is extremely popular, very much
needed. If you have a family farm, business or ranch and you happen to
pass away and you have a taxable estate of $1 million. You are in a
taxable rate of 39 percent. And I don't think Government is entitled to
take 39 percent of that property. And so again I think this is long
overdue.
We have other relief in this bill to encourage savings, to encourage
investment. We reduced the capital gains tax 20 percent. Every time we
reduced capital gains we have had more savings.
And so again, I think this is a positive bill. It will encourage
jobs; it will encourage savings. It will leave families to keep more of
their own money in their pocketbooks.
I compliment again the Speaker and I compliment the leader, Senator
Roth, and Senator Moynihan, those who worked so tirelessly to make this
happen. The good news is this will become law. We will do what we said
we were going to do. We said we were going to give American families
tax relief. We said we were going to pass incentives to create more
jobs. We have done that in this bill. I urge my colleagues to vote for
it. I am glad to see this will become law soon.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Domenici). Who yields time? The Senator
from Arkansas.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I yield myself 3 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arkansas is recognized.
Mr. BUMPERS. Mr. President, I have already spoken on the subject
today. There are a couple of other things I would like to add.
First of all, there is always a big constituency for tax cuts and I
have never known a Member of Congress to lose a vote by voting for a
tax cut. We lost a lot of good men and women in 1993 because they voted
for a tax increase, which has reduced the deficit from $300 billion to
an anticipated $40 billion this year. But they are not here. They
honored what they thought was a demand by the American people for a
balanced budget, clearly within our grasp. But, you see, there is a big
constituency for tax cuts. There is always a big constituency for
spending. There is no constituency for a balanced budget. There are
those who have looked forward to that, as I have, for 22\1/2\ years.
When I was deciding whether I wanted to run again, that was one of the
major considerations with me.
There are two things that I think would reinstill confidence in the
American people in the congressional system and in our democratic
system, in our very political system. The two things that would do more
than anything to build confidence in America would be to balance the
budget, and, No. 2, to change the way we finance campaigns. I concluded
that neither were going to happen in the next 18 months and probably
wouldn't happen during the next 6 years if I ran and were reelected.
That wasn't the only consideration.
But here we are. In 1998--every economist in the country now believes
we will probably balance the budget in 1998. So what are we going to
do? No. No. We screamed about balanced budgets around here for 22\1/2\
years that I have been around here. Now it is within our grasp and how
do we treat it? Postpone it for 5 years. Don't do it in 1998, give away
some goodies.
And there are some goodies in here that I love. The educational part
of it intrigues me. I love it. But here is something the American
people have been clamoring for all of these years. We could postpone
this for at least a year and provide some comfort to the American
people in letting them know that we are really concerned about deficit
spending.
Let me ask you this. What in the name of goodness are we always
talking about Greenspan raising interest rates for, depending on the
inflation rate? Everybody is scared to death the inflation rate is
going to go up a couple of tenths of a point, Greenspan will raise
interest rates, and this glowing economy, almost unprecedented in the
annals of the history of this country, will come to a screeching halt.
There will be no balanced budget once this economy goes into decline.
I yield myself 2 additional minutes, Mr. President.
So, what are we doing? This is not a tax cut of the magnitude of
1981. Certainly in the scheme of things it doesn't even begin to match
the tax cuts of Jack Kennedy in 1961-1963. But I tell you what it is,
it is $135 billion infused into the American economy which could, which
just could fuel the economy to the extent of a couple of tenths of a
point in inflation. And if that happens, you can bet that the Fed will
raise interest rates. And if that happens you can bet that this economy
is going to start slowing and you will not see a balanced budget.
The idea, I don't mind saying, Mr. President, I don't know how to say
it any stronger--the idea of doing what we are doing today and
postponing something that is so near at hand, a balanced budget--
postponing it for 5 years is the height of irresponsibility.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time? The Senator from Michigan.
Mr. ABRAHAM. Mr. President, I just wanted to take a minute here at
the finish of this debate, to compliment a number of people whose
commitments have been so vital to the success of this bill. From the
very beginning of the 104th Congress until today, the Presiding Officer
himself has been in the lead as the chairman of our Budget Committee.
Without his leadership, we never would have reached this point. Without
the leadership of the chairman of the Finance Committee we would not
have reached this point. Without the able work of the ranking member of
the Finance Committee we would not have reached this point. Certainly,
without the assistance and the leadership of our majority leader, we
would not have reached this point.
Today we do something that has not occurred in 16 years, we give the
taxpayers of our country a chance to keep more of what they earn. In my
State of Michigan this means a great deal. We are not a rich State, in
the sense that everybody makes a lot of money. We are a rich State in
terms of values and natural resources, but the hard-working people in
Michigan have waited an awful long time for the tax cut which we will
be delivering. Whether it is the working family who will receive a $500
per child tax credit or the family trying to finance the education of
children--who do not want to go bankrupt, but want their kids to go to
college--or the small family farmers and small business people who have
feared the prospect of having to sell the family business or farm in
order to pay death taxes, or the people in our inner cities who are
going to benefit from the brownfields provisions that will allow us to
clean up environmentally contaminated brownfields and create job
opportunities in deserted factory sites, or the people who are hopeful
that we can have more dollars for road repair and, because of having
shifted the 4.3 cent gas tax to the highway trust fund in this bill we
will now have the opportunity to restore more dollars for roads and
transportation--all of those people in Michigan will benefit when this
action is taken today and the President signs this tax cut into law.
The fact is, today taxes as a percentage of our national income are
as high as they have ever been, higher than during the Depression,
higher than World War II, higher than during the Vietnam war and other
crises. The time has come to restore some balance to the equation, to
give the American hard-working families the break they deserve.
So I compliment everybody who has played this role. I think we are
moving in the right direction. Many of us would like to do more, and I
hope we will have the chance next year, in a later Congress, to do
more. But for what we are achieving today, I think great credit is owed
to the leadership we have had. So I rise to compliment that leadership
and say, as a new Member of this body, I am delighted to be
[[Page S8479]]
part of a day today in which we celebrate both the passage of a bill
that will bring us to a balanced budget for the first time in a quarter
of a century and the passage of a bill that will mean tax relief for
hard-working people in Michigan.
Mr. President, I yield the floor and thank the chairman of the
Finance Committee for this time.
Mr. ROTH. Mr. President, I yield the remainder of my time to the
majority leader.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader is recognized.
Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, if I need some additional time, I yield
myself time off my leader time, although I hope--I will stay as close
to the appointed hour for a vote as possible.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator has that right.
Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I thank the chairman of the Finance
Committee, Senator Roth, for yielding me this time and thank him for
his great work. I talked about that this morning in relation to the
balanced Budget Act, but I think it is even more appropriate that I
commend him for his diligence, patience, persistence, leadership, his
bipartisan effort. He did a great job on this legislation. I am
extremely proud of him and I think he should feel proud. Also Senator
Moynihan, for his cooperation and for the way he approaches his
legislative responsibilities, we thank him. Without his being willing
to support this we would not have had the 80 votes that we had when the
bill passed the Senate a month ago. To the Senator in the Chair, the
Senator from New Mexico, his imprint is over both these bills; all over
them. I thank him for that.
This morning I was satisfied with our action on the balanced budget.
I was pleased we got it done. I thought it was an important thing to do
and that we should get it done and move forward and reach a balanced
budget with honest numbers.
But, with this bill I am enthusiastic, I am really excited about what
this legislation does. It is going to help our children with the tax
credits and education provisions. I feel good about the education
provisions. Some people say, ``Well I don't like that part or the other
part.'' Education is about the future of America, and we put some of
the President's provisions in there but we put some others in there
that will help our children have a better access to community colleges
and universities and colleges. It is worthwhile and I am proud of that.
A lot of young people, young business men and women are going to
benefit from this. My own son, a young entrepreneur, will benefit from
it. And even he was excited, the other night, when I told him what was
in this bill. Nothing makes a father prouder than for his own son to
say, ``Dad, this will help me to create some more businesses and hire
some more people.'' He has 60 young people working for him now. This is
what the American dream is all about: Investors, savers, farmers, small
business men and women, spouses, and seniors. This is one that really
does what we said it was going to do, and we got it done. I am very
proud of it.
This is the first significant tax cut for working Americans in 16
years. It is long overdue. Taxes are too high in my opinion. The Tax
Code is obviously too complex and complicated. The IRS is too intrusive
in our lives and everybody knows it. Congressional Republicans and a
lot of Democrats wanted to do more than just talk about tax relief,
they wanted to get it done. We wanted to deliver and we wanted to
provide this legislation. We picked up considerable bipartisan support
and came together in a way that I have not seen the Senate come
together in the years that I have been in the Senate, certainly as
majority leader. It was a good feeling. We went out on the steps of the
Capitol and said we had done this job for the American people. I
thought it was constructive and thoughtful, and I was very proud of it.
The President also supports this bill. I am glad that he has
supported this tax package and the tax relief that we are giving to the
American people. He insisted that some parts of it be dropped. I was
very disappointed in that. But we insisted on some things that he
didn't want to go along with. As I said repeatedly, we gave ground on
both sides, but we found common ground in many instances.
I was particularly concerned, though, about one provision that we had
to drop, the so-called Coverdell amendment that would have allowed for
an education IRA to be used to pay for education from K through high
school, for elementary and secondary. Yes, I like the fact that we are
helping community college opportunities for our children, and
universities and colleges. But the truth of the matter is, the problem
in education in America is not at the higher education level. Our
higher education system in America is a good one. It is broad, it is
diverse, there is lots of choice. The problem is at the elementary and
secondary level.
Why shouldn't a parent, who can now put $500 in the Roth education
IRA opportunity, be able to take some of that money to help their
children in the fourth grade with some tutoring, so they can learn to
read better, or to get help with remedial arithmetic? Why shouldn't a
parent be able to do that? I think they should, and I am very sorry
that we had to drop this from the package. But the President insisted
that this not be allowed because, he said, it would undermine public
education. I don't want to do that. I am a product of public education.
My mother is a public education schoolteacher. So there were some
disappointments along the way. But there is a lot of good in this bill.
Everybody can declare a victory in being for this, because the
American people, the American family will benefit from this
legislation. Three years ago, congressional Republicans promised the
American people a $500-per-child tax credit to help them save for the
future or to meet the costs of raising a family in today's world. We
kept that promise. And along the way, the Democrats got involved. They
put their imprint on it. But the main thing is they are going to get
this help. Parents with children will get some help to do things for
their own children. I think we should be proud of that.
At the start of this Congress I urged that the Republican conference
introduce, as our first bill, a bill to help families with the needs
for education and for college costs. S. 1, the first bill that was
introduced this year, our highest priority, was in education. The
legislation before us today incorporates many of those tax provisions.
If American families are looking for someone to thank, they need to
look to further than the sponsors and the leaders of this legislation,
Senator Roth and Senator Moynihan. They really did a great job. They
brought us together and they produced the final package that we are
voting on here today.
Amazing as it seems, we have been willing to resist some of the
criticisms that we should not give tax relief for working Americans. We
have done it here. We have kept our promises. I think it is going to be
good for the economy. Allow the people, allow our people in this
country to make some decisions of how they will help their own
children, when it comes to the tax credit, and for education. Let them
decide how they will use their money to pay for education.
We are making individual retirement accounts available to almost
everybody, especially homemakers. We have that up, now, so they can put
in $2,000 like everybody else. Why shouldn't they be able to? But they
had not been able to in the past. Now homemakers have this opportunity,
just like everybody else, to have this IRA.
We are reducing the unfair tax on capital gains, including
homeowners. That alone is going to help fire up the economy even more,
foster job creation and expand opportunity for every willing worker.
So, this is an important package. But I want the taxpayers of America
to understand this. It is only a downpayment. It is not Utopia. It's
not everything we would like to do. It doesn't make the Tax Code a lot
less complicated. In fact, it maybe goes the other way. But it's a step
in the right direction. It provides help where it is needed and there
will be another day for us to have a fairer Tax Code. So, it is the
kind of legislation that we need. We have come together to pass it. It
will provide extensive tax relief. Tax reform will be something we will
do another day.
But we have done a good job here, and I urge my colleagues to rally
round the banner of lower taxes and economic growth and join me in
sending
[[Page S8480]]
America's tax cut to the President for his signature.
Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Bennett). Is there a sufficient second?
There is a sufficient second.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
Mr. LOTT. I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the conference
report accompanying H.R. 2014, the Revenue Reconciliation Act of 1997.
The yeas and nays have been ordered. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
The result was announced--yeas 92, nays 8, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 211 Leg.]
YEAS--92
Abraham
Akaka
Allard
Ashcroft
Baucus
Bennett
Biden
Bingaman
Bond
Boxer
Breaux
Brownback
Bryan
Burns
Campbell
Chafee
Cleland
Coats
Cochran
Collins
Conrad
Coverdell
Craig
D'Amato
Daschle
DeWine
Dodd
Domenici
Dorgan
Durbin
Enzi
Faircloth
Feinstein
Ford
Frist
Gorton
Graham
Gramm
Grams
Grassley
Gregg
Hagel
Harkin
Hatch
Helms
Hutchinson
Hutchison
Inhofe
Inouye
Jeffords
Johnson
Kempthorne
Kennedy
Kerrey
Kerry
Kohl
Kyl
Landrieu
Lautenberg
Leahy
Levin
Lieberman
Lott
Lugar
Mack
McCain
McConnell
Mikulski
Moseley-Braun
Moynihan
Murkowski
Murray
Nickles
Reed
Reid
Roberts
Rockefeller
Roth
Santorum
Sessions
Shelby
Smith (NH)
Smith (OR)
Snowe
Specter
Stevens
Thomas
Thompson
Thurmond
Torricelli
Warner
Wyden
NAYS--8
Bumpers
Byrd
Feingold
Glenn
Hollings
Robb
Sarbanes
Wellstone
The conference report was agreed to.
Mr. MOYNIHAN. I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. LOTT. I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
[Applause.]
____________________